LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

D001373bTflM 




Class 



CDFKRIGlrr DEPOSIT. 



The 



Discovery and Conquest 



ot the 



New World 

Containing the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus 

By WASHINGTON IRVING, creator o* American Classics 



A SEPARATE ACCOUNT 

OF THE 

Conquest of Mexico and Peru 

By W. W. ROBERTSON. D. D., F. R. S., 

The Eminent English Historian of the University oi Edinburg. 



A Perfect History of tlie United States 

From the works of BANCROFT, FISKE, BLAINE, GRANT, SHERMAN, JOHNSTON 

and others 

By BENJAHIN RUSH DAVENPORT, 

Master of the Art of Critical Condensation 



Introduction by 

The HON. MURAT HALSTEAD, 

Most Renowned Journalist and Columbian Student of both Americas 



Nearly Six Hundred 

Illustrations from the Greatest Artists, Portraying Every Scene of the World's Grandest Dnima 

W, H. FERGUSON COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, 

230, 232 EAST FIFTH STREET, 
CINCINNATI, O. 



. ^' 




Cf HE publishers, having invested $25,000 alone in the procuHny of drawings and engravings contained 
'J- within this book, hereby give due notice to everybody whom it mxy concern that, having complied 
with all the re<i,iirements of Congress in copyrighting the engravings as such, individually and singly, the 
right whereof, though made for them in France, Engl.ind. Belgium and the United States, they claim as 
proprietors, they will prosecute any infringement thereon, with all the rigor of the law. 



THE LIBRARV O? 

CONGRESS, 
Ttto Cot"^ Rfcsiv?!! 

HFC, ::3 ISO? 

Rl 4itll fl- XXp Ho. 






.1 






PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. 




HEN the idea of preparing an Introduction for this vol- 
ume was first presented to me, the undertaking appeared 
so stup' ndous as to be absolute!}^ appalling. With diflE- 
dence would even the most presumptuous approach sub- 
jects of such magnificent magnitude, as the Discovery 
and Conquest of the New World, the Life and Advent- 
ures of Christopher Columbus, the Conquest of Mexico 
and Peru, the History of the United States. To properly 
introduce to the multitudinous readers of this book the 
Subjects, Authors, and Illustrations, seemed a task of such gigantic pro- 
portions as to create a feeling of awe in the breast of the most intrepid. 
No narration save one only — the story of the Saviour — can appeal so pow- 
erfully to the patriotic people of our laud as the Life and Adventures of 
Christopher Columbus — no narrator so illustrious and competent as Wash- 
ington Irving, the creator of the classics of this continent — no account of 
conquest in the annals of time as that of Mexico and Peru ! A concatena- 
tion of tragedies producing uncounted treasures, resulting in the creation 
of Spain's overshadowing power in Europe, whose blood-cemented castles 
and fortresses from the Danube to Gibraltar in the powerful grasp of 
Charles V. awed the nations of the Old World. The groans and sighs of 
Montezuma and the Incas, breathed in Mexico and Peru, became, when 
echoed across the waterj^ waste of the Atlantic, victorious shouts of Span- 
ish triumph in the Netherlands. The tyranny and oppression of Alva in 
the Low Countries, was only made possible, and resulted from the power 
purehased with the gold wrung by brutal cruelt}^ from the natives of Amer- 
ica, by Spanish captains, who, like Cortes and Pizarro, built of the mangled 
bodies of the gentle natives of Mexico and Peru, a foundation and support, 
for the throne of his most Christian Majesty of Spain. 

The Historj^ of the United States, replete with matter of never-fail- 
ing interest to all men, an invariable source of pride and gratification to 
the citizens of this glorious country, a record of that Nation that for more 
than one hundred years has held aloft the torch of Liberty illuminating 
the World with the light of independence — whose starry banner, by the 



(ix) 



X PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. 

champions of Freedom unfurled, has proven a beacon of hope for the 
oppressed — whose example and glorj^ so potently arouse a spirit of emu- 
lation and the demand for government, for the people, by the people, that 
to-day no throne exists upon the American continent. 

Entering upon what would naturally be supposed a most arduous 
undertaking, the preparation of this Introduction, I became aware of the 
fact that the magnitude of the subjects, the exalted, unquestioned posi- 
tion of Washington Irving, which had seemed to present insurmountable 
difficulties, actually facilitated the accomplishment of the object of my 
efforts. A very pigmy may introduce a giant — the faintest streak of light 
in the east is sufficient to herald the coming of the orb of day. The 
untutored wandering Arab of the Desert, the unlettered mariner of the 
deep, can with unfailing accuracy point out the grand constellations of 
the heavens. The existence of vast superiority in any of the creations 
of God, obviates the necessity of introduction ; the natural appreciation 
in mankind of that towering above or surpassing all surrounding objects 
of like kind makes introduction supererogatory. 

Blazing planets of the dome above, by dazzling brilliancy command 
the wondering admiration of the inhabitants of Earth ; no astronomical 
knowledge or erudite inti-oduction is needed to attract attention. Wash- 
ington Irving is truly the North Star in the Literary firmament, whose 
position and prominence is so well known, certain and pronounced, that 
the veriest tyro in the field of letters could without hesitation expatiate 
upon the man}- beauties and excellencies of the works of one, who has been 
the guiding star of many compassless wanderers seeking that which is 
purest and best in the English language — who has shed undying lustre 
upon the literature of America. It is a joy forever that the pen of Wash- 
ington Irving threw the magic of its light and color upon a theme of such 
superlative interest as the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. 
There was no writer so competent as he for the incomparable narrative. 
His genial fancy has exquisitely decorated the symmetrical fabric of facts. 
There is abundant authenticity for the architecture that his genius illu- 
minates ; he has drawn aside the veil of obscurity, uncertainty and doubt, 
revealing the harmonious proportions of that Temple of Fame constructed 
by the might of his wonderful talent to perpetuate the memory of the dis- 
coverer of his native land. 

Irving states the object of the work : " To relate the deeds and fort- 
unes of the Mariner who first had the judgment to divine and the intre- 
pidity to brave the mysteries of the perilous deep ; and who by his hardy 
genius, his inflexible constancy, and his heroic courage, brought the ends 
of the earth into communication with each other, the narrative of his 



PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. XI 

troubled life is a link whicli connects the history of the Old World with 
that of the New." While there was a fabulous time before the era of his- 
tory in the Old World — Asia, Africa and Europe — its dawning was opaque, 
shrouded in mystery, mythical traditions, of tard}- and precarious growth ; 
the history of the New World springs fully developed, mature, perfect, 
into existence from the gradual, intellectual development of the Old 
World, as Minerva sprang from the brain of Jupiter, armed against doubt, 
darkness and uncertainty. The Story of the American Continent opens 
with a romance ; it is Irving's connecting link between the history of the 
Old World and the New — the Life and Voyages of Christopher Colum- 
bus, his marvelous adventures and achievements. Beginning with a young 
man's beautiful ambitious dream; the alluring atmosphere of hope, the 
firm support of faith, the sturdy assurance of science, the courage that 
spanned the abyss of the unknown with the splendid arch of unfailing 
promise, dazzling fortune and honor, power and glory, ending with dis- 
appointment, sorrow, chains, poverty, and Immortality. The opening 
scenes are in the loveliest lands of the Old World, Italv and Spain, sunny 
climes where the olive and orange luxuriate, and ever-blooming roses per- 
fume the air with enduring and delicious odors. On the beautiful shores 
of the Alediterranean, where, as at Genoa, the superb marble mountains 
stand their feet in the silken sea — that sea whereon the navies of Tyre, 
Carthage, Rome, Bj-zantium, Genoa and Venice, strove for mastery of the 
waters — that were the theater of imperial warfare and pageantry, until 
Columbus, seeking the Eastern, found the Western Indies, mistaking in 
the vast sweep of his imagination, and scope of his calculation, Cuba for 
Japan, expanded the area of the dominion of man over gigantic oceans, 
chat embrace all the nations of the earth. We see in the pages of Irving, 
Columbus, the Italian adventurer, in the Spanish camp. The conquest of 
Granada had occurred. Castile and Arragon were united by the marriage 
of Ferdinand and Isabella. There is the Alhambra ; the snowy mountains 
that look afar upon the Mediterranean. We hear the recitation of the 
deeds of chivalry, the last sigh of the Moor defeated and driven from the 
land he had adorned. AVe note the pride of the victorious Spaniards, the 
womanly charm and generosit}' of Isabella, undertaking the voyage of dis- 
covery in behalf of her own crown, and offering her jewels therefor; the 
hero of the age, rich in religious fervor, brave in his devotion, certain of 
the promised land beyond the sea. At last the little fleet set sail ; the 
trade winds waft them on until the seamen remonstrate, are ready to mu- 
tiny ; authority exhausted, persuasion is employed. There are signs of 
land ; a carved stick, a bush with berries, birds ; the signal gun that told 
of the success of the voyage ; the green islands, strange people, the cere- 



xii PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. 

monious landing and thanksgiving, the planting of the Cross and the royal 
banner of Spain. The stormy voyage home with captives and fruits from 
the unknown New World ; the triumphant return, congratulations, proces- 
sions, royal favor, popular acclamation ; other voyages ; the jealousies of 
the envious and haughty, the malice of the mean ; the splendid dreamer, 
still undaunted, seeking new lands, dealing in lofty spirit with ingrati- 
tude. His royal patroness gone in sorrow to her rest, he is deprived of 
his rights and liberty, sent home from that New World which he liad 
revealed in chains, made free by public opinion. He goes at last to his 
grave, cast down, but glorious ; impoverished, but illustrious. His monu- 
ment is the crowning continent of a hemisphere, though named for an- 
other. His is true glory, which, Cicero says, "takes root, and even spreads. 
All false pretenses, like flowers, fall to the ground ; nor can any counter- 
feit last long." As Columbia, our nation lives in song and story. He has 
secure and splendid immortality, with assurance of everlasting remem- 
brance beyond all conquerors, one of the far shining figures that the 
centuries disclose to the light rather than shadow. The nation to which 
he gave continents and the richest islands of the seas, has lost her power, 
but not her pride. 

The wealth she gathered from the mines of Mexico and Peru has 
flown away on the wings of vanity and profligacy. The great nation of 
the land he found, which is about to celebrate the anniversary of his Dis- 
covery, is not of the Spanish blood. Such magnificent possibilities for the 
brush of the painter, the pencil of the artist, have not been neglected ; 
with eager eyes and inspired souls has the genius of the Old and New 
World embraced the subject, portraying with wonderful exactness and 
fidelity each scene in the career of Columbus which has been so pregnant 
with momentous results to the Anglo-Saxon race. It is a matter of con- 
gratulation that a collection of the copies of those masterpieces of art has 
been made with the care, judgment, and unparalleled patience evinced by 
the gathering together of the Illustrations in this volume. The discrimi- 
nation, intelligence, and research which is evident in the careful adjust- 
ment of each illustration, to add vividness to the matchless text of Irving, 
increases the province of this book in a wonderful manner, augmenting 
its field of operations for good, by creating an instantaneous impression 
on the minds of the youth of our country, leading them to read and realize 
events and scenes recorded and described in the marvelous Story of Colum- 
bus, engendering an interest and afi"ection for the book, which, with the 
Holy Bible, should be the most valued treasures of the future electors of 
the Union ; inculcating and enlivening the spirit of patriotism in the 
hearts of the young, by presenting in a realistic manner the sufferings, 



PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. XUi 

sacrifices, and sorrows of those who bequeath this land of freedom to them. 
Our future honor and glory rest in the keeping of those v/e are educating. 
It is the safeguard of our national existence to inspire feelings of national 
pride and patriotism. Say with Shakspeare, " Had I a dozen sons, each 
in my love alike, I had rather eleven die nobly for their country, than one 
voluptuously surfeit out of action." 

Mexico and Peru, the centers of the most advanced civilization in the 
Western hemisphere, afford such a mass of material, and offer such fas- 
cinating fields for conjecture, that the proverbial Scotch stubborness dis- 
played by Dr. Robertson, of the University of Edinburgh, in resisting the 
temptation to stray into the realm of speculation in his Conquest of Mex- 
ico and Peru, adds greatly to the value of his contribution to the History 
of the New World. The origin alone of the Aztec and Peruvian people 
affords such opportunities for disquisition and learned research, that com- 
mendation is spontaneous upon finding that Dr. Robertson, like the true 
historian and Scotchman, has abstained therefrom. An origin so variously 
ascribed, as that of the inhabitants of the American continent, to such va- 
rious sources, can not fail to escape the speculative philosopher. Accord- 
ing to Arius Montanus, Mexico was the true Ophir of the Jews, the early 
settlers of the country. Lopez de Gomara insinuates that the Canaanites 
driven from the Land of Promise by the Jews, first peopled this hemisphere. 
Learned Grotius supposed North America colonized by the Norwegians, 
and Peru founded by the Chinese. Irving writes : " I pause with reveren- 
tial awe when I contemplate the ponderous tomes in different languages, 
with which they have endeavored to solve this question so involved in 
clouds of impenetrable obscurity." 

Reluctantly the stubborn spirit of the Scotchman is forced to record 
in the blood-besprinkled pages of the Conquest of Mexico and Peru scenes 
and events which fidelity to facts demands. The most reluctant delineator 
of scenes as dramatic and picturesque as Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, 
destroying his ships, the last tie between him and the Old World, is forced 
into the fields of fancy. The hardihood and confidence of a handful of 
Spanish adventurers, trusting their safety to their swords alone, contend- 
ing against unknown numbers, supported by faith in the superiority of 
their Spanish blood and spirit. The insignificant band decimated by 
unknown and dreadful diseases. Conflicts with overwhelming numbers, 
desperation born of despair. Captured cities, arduous marches through 
pestilential marshes. Majestic Montezuma. Magnificent monuments, 
strange sacrifices and ceremonies of an almost recognized religion. Beau- 
tiful women garlanded with new and odoriferous flowers. At last pause, 
O ! pen of the narrator, ere recording that stain upon Christianity and 



XIV PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. 

Civilization — butchery, brutality, barbarous cruelty. Ruthless invaders 
carrying the banner of that Cross which had come to the Old World 
when oppressed by the power of Rome, as a beacon light of promise : the 
Standard of the meek and lowly Jesus, to the Aztec and Peruvian, is an 
awful oriflamme of war, carrying horror, destruction, and disaster. Pal- 
aces of gorgeous grandeur, temples of marvelous architecture, melt before 
that all-consuming sign. Empires cease to exist. Christian men, with 
the cry of Gold, carrj' destruction to a civilization as old as that of Egypt. 
Cortes and Pizarro destroy Montezuma and the Incas, and garner gold in 
untold millions for the glory of Spain ; but their crimes, in the retribution 
of the ages, arise to Heaven in malodorous incense, supplicating that jus- 
tice which fate has accorded to Spain. Vistas of such grandeur and prom- 
ise never before were presented to artistic eyes ; the most famous, brush 
aud pencil in hand, hasten to perpetuate the events and incidents of every 
phase of the conquests of Cortes and Pizarro with unfailing fidelity to the 
facts, registering each act of cruelty inflicted by the invaders upon the 
inhabitants of the New World. The reproduction of the pictures of mas- 
ter hands accentuate every line of Robertson's text. 

It behooves the youthful American, in considering the History of the 
United States, to "tread lightly; 'tis holy ground here." In the sanctu- 
ary of your soul embalm the deeds of those who bequeathed to you Liberty 
and Self-government. The thunder of the guns at Bunker Hill, resound- 
ing at the Cowpens in the Carolinas, echoing at Yorktowu, should awaken 
a re-echo and reverberation in ^-our bosoms. Remembering the grand 
heritage of Freedom, let lis pause to place a wreath of immortelles upon 
the tomb of the Past. Impoverished pilgrims of New England, banished 
cavaliers of Virginia, persecuted Huguenots of the Carolinas, paupers of 
Georgia, outcasts of the civilation of the Old World, conquer an Empire 
for us, their progeny ; contending with savage hordes, struggling against 
strange conditions of climate and soil ; victorious at last in the contest 
against natives and nature. Called by inherent love of liberty to try the 
arbitrament of war with the most powerful nation of earth — England — 
George Washington of Virginia, descendant of the Cavaliers ; Putnam of 
New England, representative of the Puritans ; Marion of South Carolina, 
son of the suffering Huguenots, appear ; Bunker Hill, Valley Forge, Sara- 
toga, Yorktown, scenes of such suffering and sacrifice as Sparta alone could 
equal. Creation of the Constitution, to the young American as holy as 
the Word of God given to Moses on Mount Sinai, for upon that Rock we 
and our descendants shall build everlasting prosperity and glory. Peace 
proclaimed, National existence recognized, the United States takes her 
place in the galaxy of nations. The " Young Eagle of the West " unfurled 



PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION. XV 

her starry standard to the air. Again by injustice and exaction England 
forces war upon us. Yankee courage and seamanship cause the Mistress 
of the Seas to acknowledge our rights, and to again cry Peace. Ere the 
olive branch can be grasped, Southern and Western valor have wrested 
from the veterans of the Peninsula, victory at New Orleans. 

Years of prosperity, war with Mexico, added territory', new stars to 
our Flag, and then, alas ! rebellion, civil war. The acme of courage is 
reached in this sorrowful decade. Grant and Lee, Jackson and Sherman, 
Sheridan and Johnson — the American meets the American. Grand, glori- 
ous, but sorrowful pictures. The grand old Flag floats once again over 
our land, and may its sway be undisputed, " now and forever." 

To the History of the Colonies of North America and the United 
States have been added memoirs and narratives of those whose names 
shall illuminate the pages of our history forever — Grant, Sherman, John- 
son, Blaine and others. 

Mr. Davenport has with acumen unusual recognized the relative value 
of each work, and his condensation is most complete. He has had a mass 
of material to deal with, but with discrimination most remarkable has he 
utilized only the fittest to create a vacle mecum of American History. The 
Publishers of this work deserve the gratitude of countless millions of 
unborn citizens of this great Republic for placing it within their grasp. 
May we and our children ever feel reverence for the great and good 
George Washington, first ever in the hearts of his countrymen; Thomas 
Jefferson, prudent pilot of our Ship of State; Andrew Jackson, just, gen- 
erous, and rigorous ; Abraham Lincoln, to whom the Recording Angels of 
Freedom have given immortality; Grant, "that grand old silent soldier," 
gone in glory to the grave, around whom gather, like stars about some 
gigantic planet, Sherman, Sheridan, Butler, Hancock, Howard, and a host 
of other gallant sons of the Union, who, in the dark days of our trouble, 
warded off the vengeful stroke from the old Flag, which to-day floats 
serenely over the reunited States of the L^nion. Lee, Jackson, Johnson, 
Stewart, types of valor and chivalry, whose names and deeds call forth 
encomiums from all nations. The veriest amateur of America would 
become inspired by thoughts of national glory when reading such a rec- 
ord, creating gems that would do credit to an Angelo or Raphael. Then 
small wonder is it that the Publishers have found such a bounteous field 
of illustration from which to collect pictures for this condensed History. 
Some subjects beggar the power of the pen: I have made no Introduction, 
for these subjects mightily introduce themselves. 



CONTENTS. 

Book I. 



Preface DC 

• INTRODUCTION. 

The Sagas (Legends) of Leif Eric, son of Eric Rauda (The Red) and Thorfinn Karlsefni, fail to establish the 

fact that the Vinland visited by them was on the continent of America 53 

CHAPTER I. 

BIRTH, PARENTAGE, EDUCATION, AND EARLY LIFE OF COLUMBUS. 

Christopher Columbus born in the city of Genoa about 1435-6 — Is the son of a woolcomber — Has been 
claimed by many noble houses to be of their own illustrious descent. — The fact not material to his fame 
— His son Fernando's views express the true feeling on the subject — Columbus the oldest of four children 
— Evinces a strong passion during his earliest boyhood for geographical knowledge — Attributes his suc- 
cess in after life to his early inclinations — Supposed to have been sent to the University of Pavia, where 
he remains but a short time — Character of Columbus — Enters nautical life at the age of 14 — Obscurity 
rests upon this part of his early life — Supposed to have made his first sea voyages under a hardy captain 
of his own name — A seafaring hfe at that time peculiarly full of hazard and enterprise — Commercial ex- * 
peditions resemble warlike cruises — Armadas are continually fitted out by petty sovereigns to prey upon 
each other's domains and commerce — Mahometan pirates scour the narrow seas — Columbus engages in 
a naval expedition to make a descent upon Naples when 24 years old. Supposed to distinguish him- 
self with a separate command by cutting out a galley in the port of Tunis. An interval of a few years 
occurs during which only shadowy traces of himself are found — Sails with Colombo the younger, a 
famous corsair, and waylays four Venetian galleys^ — Narrowly escapes drowning 57 

CHAPTER 11. 

PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY UNDER PRINCE HENRY OF PORTUGAL — RESIDENCE OF COLUMBUS IN 
LISBON IDEAS CONCERNING ISLANDS IN THE OCEAN. 

The age of discovery ushered in by Prince Henry ("The Navigator") of Portugal — He makes himself 
master of the astronomical science of the ancients and the Arabians of Spain — Struggle against the 
ignorance and prejudices of mankind — Establishes a naval college and observatory — Obtains a papal 
bull investing Portugal with authority over all lands in the Atlantic Ocean— Arrival of Columbus in 
Lisbon, 1470 — Pen picture of his character and person — Becomes acquainted with DoSa Felipa and 
marries her — Removes to Porto Santo — Ideas concerning islands in the ocean — The fable of St. Bran- 
dan, a Scotch-Irish priest who was accredited with first having discovered America in the sixth century. 64 

CHAPTER III. 

GROUNDS ON WHICH COLUMBUS FOUNDS HIS BELIEF OF UNDISCOVERED LANDS IN THE WEST. 

Correspondence of Columbus with Paulo Toscanel'li — Is encouraged by Toscanelli to seek India by a 
western route, and thus reach Marco Polo's Cathay, since ascertained to be the northern coast of China 
— Sends him a new Map, projected partly according to Ptolemy and partly according to the description 

(xvii) 



XVlll CONTENTS. 

of Marco Polo — Columbus gathers information bearing upon his theory from veteran manners, among 
whom is his brother-in-law — It becomes fixed in his mind with singular firmness — He reads, as he 
supposes, his contemplated discovery foretold in " Holy Writ," and shadowed forth darkly in the Proph- 
ecies—Envy and pusillanimity give countenance to idle tales of his having received previous information 
of the Western World, by a tempest-tossed mariner yi 

CHAPTER IV. 

EVENTS IN PORTUGAL RELATIVE TO DISCOVERY PROPOSITIONS OF COLUMBUS TO THE 

PORTUGUESE COURT. 

Makes a voyage to the Island of Thule (Iceland) — John II. ascends the throne of Portugal — Calls upon 
his men of science to devise some means of giving greater scope and certainty to navigation — His 
two physicians, Roderigo and Joseph, the latter a Hebrew, together with the German, Martin Behem, 
apply the astrolabe to navigation — Propositions of Columbus to the Portuguese court — Obtains an 
audience of King John — Is referred to a learned junto (council) — This scientific body treats the project 
as extravagant and visionary — A second council, over which the Bishop of Ceuta presides, is equally 
unfavorable to the propositions of Columbus — King John is dissatisfied with their decisions — The wily 
Bishop suggests a stratagem by which all the advantages of discovery might be secured without com- 
mitting the dignity of the crown by entering informal negotiations with Columbus — They privately 
dispatch a caraval (small boat) to pursue the designated route of Columbus — The pilots lose all cour- 
age when beset by tempestuous weather and put back to Lisbon — They ridicule the project — Columbus' 
wife dying, he leaves Portugal — Uncertainty of his next movements — Supposed to have gone to Genoa 
— Thence to Venice — Engages his brother Bartholomew to lay his propositions before Henry VII. of 
England — Himself goes to Spain about 1485 . . yj 

CHAPTER V. 

FIRST ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS IN SPAIN CHARACTER OF THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS. 

Columbus arrives in Spain — The Prior Juan Perez de Marchena of the convent of La Rabida, near Palos, 
struck with the appearance of a stranger (Columbus), accompanied by a young boy, the latter of whom 
is receiving bread and water from his porter, enters into conversation with him — Becomes interested 
and detains him as his guest— Calls in his learned friends, amongst whom is Martin Alonzo Pinzon, 
who give the project of Columbus their decided approbation — The friar advises Columbus to go to 
court — Gives him a letter of recommendation to F. de Talevera, confessor of the queen, and himself 
takes charge of young Diego — Pinzon offers money for the journey — Columbus sets out for Cordova i486 
— Character of the Spanish sovereigns 85 

CHAPTER VL 

PROPOSITIONS OF COLUMBUS TO THE COURT OF CASTILE. 

Arrival of Columbus in Cordova — Finds everybody engrossed with the opening campaign against the Moors 
— Talevera hstens coldly to him, and looks upon his plans as extravagant — Doubtful if the friar per- 
mitted his application to reach the ears of the sovereigns — Columbus becomes indigent — Is ridiculed 
even by children, who scoff at him as a dreamer — Becomes attached to Doria Beatrix Enriquez, the 
mother of his second son Fernando — -The theory of Columbus begins to obtain proselytes — .-Vlonzo de 
Quintanilla, Geraldine, the Pope's nuncio (ambassador) Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, appreciate the 
importance of his project and at last obtain for him the royal audience — Propositions of Columbus to 
the court of Castile — Ferdinand perceives that his scheme has scientific and practical foundations — 
Orders the moet learned astronomers and cosmographers to hold a conference with Columbus . . 90 

CHAPTER VIL 

COLUMBUS BEFORE THE COUNCIL AT SALAMANCA. 

The Council assembles in Salamanca — The learned junto come prepossessed against him — He is as- 
sailed with citations from the Bible — Doctrinal points are mixed up with philosophical discussions — The 
existence of the antipodes disputed on the authority of St. Augustinus and Lactantius — His simple 



CONTENTS. XIX 

proposition, the spherical form of the earth, opposed by figurative texts of Scripture — Many of the ob- 
jections, absurd at the present day, due to the imperfect state of knowledge of the times — He boldly 
meets all objections — Not daunted by the scriptural difficulties opposed to him, for here he was pecul- 
iarly at home — He pours forth magnificent texts of Scripture and those mysterious p edictions of their 
Prophets, which he considers as types and annunciations of the sublime discovery which he proposes — 
Some few of his hearers are convinced — But the preponderating mass of inert bigotry and learned pride 
refuses to yield to his demonstrations — Talevera leaves Cordova with the court, and puts an end to the 
consultations — Columbus follows the movements of the court — Is present at the sieges and surrenders of 
iMalag.i and Baza — His pious indignation aroused by the threat of the Grand Soldan addressed to the 
Catholic majesties — \'ows to devote the profits which he anticipates from his discoveries to a crusade — 
He presses TalevL-ra in the winter of 1491 for a decisive reply — Talevera informs Ferdinand that the ma- 
jority of the junto condemns the scheme — Ferdinand holds out prospects after the war is concluded, m 
which he is at present engaged — Columbus, disappointed, leaves Seville 9^ 

CHAPTER VIII. 

COLUMBUS SEEKS PATRONAGE AMONG THE SPANISH GRANDEES — RETURNS TO THE CONVENT OF 
LA RABIDA — RESUMES HIS NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE SOVEREIGNS. [l491-] 

Columbus in receipt of favoraljle letters from the kings of France, F.ngland and Portugal — Seeks patronage 
among the Spanish Grandees, but is unsuccessful — He prepares to leave for Paris, but first calls at La 
Rabida — Father Marchena is surprised at his ill success, and his patriotism takes alarm — The prior 
writes a letter to the queen, conjuring her not to turn a deaf ear to a matter of such vast importance — 
The queen invites the friar to court — Sends for Columbus — He arrives in time to witness the memorable 
surrender of the last king of Granada — Persons in the confidence of the queen appointed to negotiate 
with him — His terms pronounced inadmissible, and he. indignant, determines to abandon Spain forever — 
Is recalled at the solicitations of Louis de St. .Angel, who enkindles the generous spirit of Isabella — She 
offers to pledge her jewels to defray the expense of the enterprise ........ 106 

CHAPTER IX. 

ARRANGKMiCN;' WITH THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS PREPARATION FOR THE EXPEDITKIN AT THE 

PORT (IF PA LOS. [1492.] 

Articles of agreement are drawn up by the royal secretary — The port of Palos de Moguer fixed upon where 
the expedition is to be fitted out — Royal order issued to that eftect — Isabella appnints Diego Columbus 
page to Prince Juan — Repeated mandates necessary to press Spanish vessels and 1 rews mto service — 
Tumults and altercations take place — Martin Alonzo Pinzon volunteers to. engage m the expedition — 
Other dift'iculties occur, but all are at length overcome by the beginning of .August — Description of the 
vessels — Columbus, officers and crew confess themselves to Friar Juan Perez, and partake of the com- 
munion — With tears, lamentations and dismal forebodings, the parting takes place . , . . . I I 6 

CHAPTER X. 

EVENTS OF THE FIRST VOYAGE — DISCOVERY OF LAND. [1492.] 

Departure of Columbus on his first voyage, guided by a conjectural map sent him by Paulo Toscanelli — On 
the third day after setting sail the Pinta breaks her rudder — Attempt to replace the Pinta by searching 
for another vessel among the Canary Islands — Compelled to furnish the Pinta with a new rudder — 
Dreading some hostile stratagem from some Portuguese caravals, Columbus puts to sea — Becalmed for 
three days — After leaving sight of land, seamen shed tears and break out into lamentations — Columbus 
reassures them — Gives orders to the Nina and Pinta to continue due west — Keeps two reckonings, one 
private, and one public, so as to keep the crews in ignorance of the real distance — First notice of the 
variation of the needle — -Continuation of the voyage within the influence of the trade wind — Entry into 
the SaragossaSea — Signs of approaching land begin to animate the crew, though for but a short time — 
The crews become uneasy, and Columbus with admirable patience reasons with them, but in vain — His 
situation becomes daily more and more critical — A mutiny breaks out, and some propose to throw him 
into the sea — On the 25th of September Pinzon, mistaking an evening cloud for the much wished for land, 



XX CONTENTS. 

shouts, "Seiior, I claim the reward" — The crews chant the Gloria in excehis—On the 7th of October, 
yielding to the solicitations of Pinzon, Columbus alters his course — The crew again break out in loud 
clamors, and insist upon abandoning the voyage— He refuses, and is now at open defiance with his 
crew — He maintains an intense and unremitting watch on the i ith day of October— At ten o'clock he 
thinks he beholds a light ; calls Pedro Gutierrez to his side, who affirms his impression — At two in the 
morning a gun from the Pinta gave the joyful signal of land . . i 2& 

CHAPTER XI. ' 

FIRST LANDING OF COLUMBUS IN THE NEW WORLD — CRUISE AMONG THE BAHAMA ISLANDS 

DISCOVERY OF CUBA AND HISPANIOLA. [1492.] 

Landfall of Columbus at GuanahanJ — Present uncertainty which of the Lucayos he named San Salvador — 
Takes possession of the island in the names of the Castilian sovereigns — Behavior of the crew — The 
natives of the island, after recovering from their fears, approach the Spaniards, each being objects of 
curiosity to the other — They are entirely naked, simple and artless ; destitute of wealth, excepting balls 
of cotton, and parrots — Columbus interprets their imperfect communications, when asked where their 
scanty gold ornaments come from, according to his previous ideas and cherished wishes — Concludes to 
be in the neighborhood of Cipango, and sets sail in quest of that opulent country — Sails amongst the 
Lucayos, the inhabitants of which gave the same proof as those of San Salvador, of being totally un- 
accustomed to the sight of civilized man — Columbus, disappointed in his hopes of finding gold, con- 
tinues a southerly course, towards Cuba, concluding this to be the desired Cipango — Coasts along its 
shores tp the Cape of Palms — Mistaking the Cubanacan of the natives for Marco Polo's Cublay Khan, 
he determines to send a present to him — The ambassadors penetrate twelve leagues into the interior, and 
come upon a village of 1000 inhabitants, but no traces of the city and court they had anticipated finding 
— Notice the natives smoking dried herbs, which they call tobacco — Columbus resolves not to proceed 
further north, but turns eastward in quest of Babeque, which he trusts might prove some rich and civil- 
ized land — The Pinta parts company with him, and Columbus fears that Pinzon departed to make an 
independent cruise, or to hasten back to Spain and claim the merit of the discovery — Descries the 
magical charm of Haytian scenery I40 

CHAPTER Xn. 

COASTING OF HISPANIOLA SHIPWRECK, AND OTHER OCCURRENCES AT THE ISLAND. [1492.]! 

Enters the harbor of St. Nicholas — Succeeds in overtaking a young snd handsome female who flies before 
them — Releases her, loaded with presents — She returns in company of 2000 natives — Frank hospitality 
of the islantiers — \^isit of a young cacique (chief), who persists in the idea that the Spaniards were more 
than mortal — Columbus anchors in the harbor of St. Thomas, and is visited by the messengers from the 
grand cacique Guacanagari, who bring golden presents — He determines to visit him — Shipwrec'k of the 
Santa Maria — Generous assistance from Guacanagari — The natives entertain the shipwrecked crew, and 
perform several of their national games and dances — Consternation of the natives when hearing the dis- 
charge of a cannon — Columbus is told of Cibao and its golden treasures, and fancies the name to be 
a corruption of Cipango — Manners and customs of the Indians — The mariners entreat permission to 
remain in the island, and Columbus forms the idea to plant a colony — He builds a fort from the wreck 
of the caraval, and is aided by the subjects of the cacique — Names it La Navidad, and puts it in charge 
of Diego de Arana — Sorrowful parting with Guacanagari and the comrades who remain behind . . I 54 

CHAPTER Xin. 

RETURN VOYAGE — VIOLENT STORMS — ARRIVAL AT PORTUGAL. [1493.] 

Return voyage — The Pinta is signaled standing towards them — Pinzon endeavors to excuse his actions — Is 
compelled to set his Indian prisoners ashore — Columbus coasts along the north shore of the island, and 
has a skirmish with the fierce-looking natives under the cacique Mayonabex — Takes four Indians with 
him to guide him to the Caribbean islands, and Mantinino, said to be inhabited by Amazons — A favor- 
able breeze springing up, changes his intention, and he makes all sail for Spain — A tempest bursts upon 
them with frightful violence, and threatens to overwhelm them — The Pinta is separated from him by the 



CONTENTS. XXI 

fury of the storm — Columbus endeavors to propitiate Heaven by solemn vows — Columbus, alarmed 
lest the glory of his achievements might perish, writes a brief account of his discovery on parchment, 
seals it up in a cake of wax, inclosing the whole in a cask, and throws it into the sea — The storm sub- 
sides, and they behold land on the 15th of February — Th^y land at St. Mary's, one of the Azores, and 
meet with an ungenerous reception — After a few days' detention they again set sail, but meet a renewal 
of tempestuous weather — During the turbulence of the following night they sight land, and Columbus, 
though distrustful of the good will of Portugal, has no alternative but to anchor in the mouth of the 
Tagus 166 

CHAPTER XIV. 

VISIT OF COLUMBUS TO THE COURT OF PORTUG.\L ARRIVAL AT PALOS. [1493.] 

He dispatches the tidings of his discovery to the^ Spanish Sovereign, and asks permission of the king of 
Portugal to proceed with his vessel to Lisbon — The whole world is filled with astonishment ; every thing 
he brings is viewed with insatiable curiosity — The enthusiasm of some, and avarice of others, are ex- 
cited — Receives message of congratulations from King John, and is invited to court — Welcome and 
honors granted bv the king^The king, though, secretly grieved that he refused to undertake the enter- 
prise when presented to him — Propositition by the courtiers to assassinate Columbus, but the king too 
magnanimous to adopt such counsel — Escorted back to his ships, he visits the queen on his way, and 
sets sail for Palos — His arrival in that port a prodigious event — Receives such homage as is paid to 
sovereigns only — The reply from their Catholic majesties, addressed to him by his titles of "Admiral 
and Viceroy," invites him at once to court — Fate of the Pinta and Martin Alonzo Pinzon — Driven into 
the Bay of Biscay, and doubting the survival of Columbus, he dispatches messengers to the king, then 
sails for Palos — On arrival there, sees the vessel of Columbus safely riding at anchor — An order from 
court forbids him to repair thither — Dies of a broken heart — Character of Pinzon 1 73 

CHAPTER XV. 

RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS RV THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS AT BARCELONA. [1492.] 

Journey of Columbus to Barcelona — Towns, streets, balconies filled with spectators — As he approaches the 
city a vast concourse of people come to meet him — His entry like the triumphs of the old Roman con- 
suls — His six painted savages, decorated with gold ornaments, lead the van — Columbus, surrounded by 
a brilliant cavalcade, follows, and is led up to the throne, erected for the occasion on the outside of the 
cathedral — The sovereigns rise on his approach, and he gives an account of the most striking events of 
the voyage — When he finishes, the king and queen sink on their knees, the populace follow their exam- 
ple, and the anthem of Te Deum laudamus (Praise God. from whom ail blessings flow) is chanted by 
the royal chapel — Columbus repeats his vow to furnish the means for a new crusade out of his own purse 
when in possession of same — He continues to receive the highest marks of personal consideration from 
the sovereigns — -To perpetuate the glory of his achievements he is ennobled — Belitded at a banquet by 
a shallow courtier, the well known circumstance of the egg occurs — Misled by the opinion of Columbus, 
the whole civilized world adopts it as a fact that Cuba is the end of the Asiatic continent, and name the 
islands visited by him the " West Indies " l82 

CHAPTER XVI. 

PAPAL BULL OF PARTITION- — PREPARATIONS FOR A SECOND VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY. [1493.] 

Pope Alexander VI. (a Borgia), as vicar of Christ on earth and supreme authority over all temporal things, 
is asked, and grants a bull investing the Spanish monarchs with all rights, privileges and indulgences 
over the newly discovered regions — The famous line of demarkation is established — The utmost exer- 
tions are made to fit out a second expedition, , the superintendence of which is placed in the hands of the 
future bishop of Burgos — Arbitrary royal orders are issued empowering Columbus and Fonseca to freight 
and purchase ships — The conversion of the heathen being the professed object of these discoveries, twelve 
ecclesiastics, under the guidance of Father Boyle, a subtle and intriguing spirit, are chosen to accompany 
the expedition — The Indians brought by the Admiral to Barcelona are baptized. Prince Juan officiating 
as sponsor — A keen diplomatic game ensues between the rulers of Spain and Portugal, wherein the par- 
ties were playing for a newly discovered world — A fleet of seventeen sail is soon got ready in the harbor 



XX CONTENTS. 

shouts, "Senor, I claim the reward" — The crews chant the Gloria in excelsis — On the 7th of October, 
yielding to the solicitations of Pinzon, Columbus alters his course — The crew again break out in loud 
clamors, and insist upon abandoning the voyage — He refuses, and is now at open defiance with his 
crew — He maintains an intense and unremitting watch on the nth day of October — At ten o'clock he 
thinks he beholds a light ; calls Pedro Gutierrez to his side, who affirms his impression — At two in the 
morning a gun from the Pinta gave the joyful signal of land j 26 

CHAPTER XI. '. 

FIRST LANDING OF COLUMBUS IN THE NEW WORLD — CRUISE AMONG THE BAHAMA ISLANDS 

DISCOVERY OF CUBA AND HISPANIOLA. [1492.] 

Landfall of Columbus at Guanahane — Present uncertainty which of the Lucayos he named San Salvador — 
Takes possession of the island in the names of the Castilian sovereigns — Behavior of the crew — The 
natives of the island, after recovering from their fears, approach the Spaniards, each being objects of 
curiosity to the other — They are entirely naked, simple and artless; destitute of wealth, excepting balls 
of cotton, and parrots — Columbus interprets their imperfect communications, when asked where their 
scanty gold ornaments come from, according to his previous ideas and cherished wishes — Concludes to 
be in the neighborhood of Cipango, and sets sail in quest of that opulent country — Sails amongst the 
Lucayos, the inhabitants of which gave the same proof as those of San Salvador, of being totally un- 
accustomed to the sight of civilized man — Columbus, disappointed in his hopes of finding gold, con- 
tinues a southerly course, towards Cuba, concluding this to be the desired Cipango — Coasts along its 
shores tp the Cape of Palms — Mistaking the Cubanacan of the natives for Marco Polo's Cublay Khan, 
he determines to send a present to him — The ambassadors penetrate twelve leagues into the interior, and 
come upon a village of \ooo inhabitants, but no traces of the city and court they had anticipated finding 
— Notice the natives smoking dried herbs, which they call tobacco — Columbus resolves not to proceed 
further north, but turns eastward in quest of Babeque, which he trusts might prove some rich and civil- 
ized land — The Pinta parts company with him, and Columbus fears that Pinzon departed to make an 
independent cruise, or to hasten back to Spain and 'claim the merit of the discovery — Descries the 
magical charm of Haytian scenery 140 

CHAPTER Xn. 

COASTING OF HISPANIOLA — SHIPWRECK, AND OTHER OCCURRENCES AT THE ISLAND. [1492.]! 

Enters the harbor of St Nicholas — Succeeds in overtaking a young snd handsome female who flies before 
them — Releases her, loaded with presents — She returns in company of 2000 natives — Frank hospitality 
of the islanders — \'isit of a young cacique (chief), who persists in the idea that the Spaniards were more 
than mortal — Columbus anchors in the harbor of St. Thomas, and is visited by the messengers from the 
grand cacique Guacanagari, who bring golden presents — He determines to visit him — ShipwrecTc of the 
Santa Maria — Generous assistance from Guacanagari — The natives entertain the shipwrecked crew, and 
perform several of their national games and dances — Consternation of the natives when hearing the dis- 
charge of a cannon — Columbus is told of Cibao and its golden treasures, and fancies the name to be 
a corruption of Cipango — Manners and customs of the Indians — The mariners entreat permission to 
remain in the island, and Columbus forms the idea to plant a colony — He builds a fort from the wreck 
of the caraval, and is aided by the subjects of the cacique — Names it La Navidad, and puts it in charge 
of Diego de Arana — Sorrowful parting with Guacanagari and the comrades who remain behind . . I 54 

CHAPTER Xin. 

RETURN VOYAGE VIOLENT STORMS — ARRIVAL AT PORTUGAL. [1493.] 

Return voyage — The Pinta is signaled standing towards them — Pinzon endeavors to e.xcuse his actions — Is 
compelled to set his Indian prisoners asrhore — Columbus coasts along the north shore of the island, and 
has a skirmish with the fierce-looking natives under the cacique Mayonabex — Takes four Indians with 
him to guide him to the Caribbean islands, and Mantinino, said to be inhabited by Amazons — A favor- 
able breeze springing up, changes his intention, and he makes all sail for Spain — A tempest bursts upon 
them with frightful violence, and threatens to overwhelm them — The Pinta is separated from him by the 



CONTENTS. XXI 

fury of the storm — Columbus endeavors to propitiate Heaven by solemn vows — Columbus, alarmed 
lest the glory of his achievements might perish, writes a brief account of his discovery on parchment, 
seals it up in a cake of wax, inclosing the whole in a cask, and throws it into the sea — The storm sub- 
sides, and they behold land on the 15th of February — They land at St. Mary's, one of the Azores, and 
meet with an ungenerous reception — After a few days' detention they again set sail, but meet a renewal 
of tempestuous weather — During the turbulence of the followmg night they sight land, and Columbus, 
thouo-h distrustful of the good will of Portugal, has no alternative but to anchor in the mouth of the 
Tagus 166 

CHAPTER XIV. 

VISIT OF COLUMBUS TO THE COURT OF PORTUG.AL — ARRIVAL AT PALOS. [l493-] 

He dispatches the tidings of his discovery to the: Spanish Sovereign, and asks permission of the king of 
Portugal to proceed with his vessel to Lisbon — The whole world is filled with astonishment ; every thing 
he brings is viewed with insatiable curiosity — The enthusiasm of some, and avarice of others, are ex- 
cited — Receives message of congratulations from King John, and is invited to court — Welcome and 
honors granted by the king — The king, though, secretly grieved that he refused to undertake the enter- 
prise when presented to him — Propositition by the courtiers to assassinate Columbus, but the king too 
magnanimous to adopt such counsel — Escorted back to his ships, he visits the queen on his way, and 
sets sail for Palos — His arrival in that port a prodigious event — Receives such homage as is paid to 
sovereigns only — The reply from their Catholic majesties, addressed to him by his titles of " Admiral 
and Viceroy," invites him at once to court — Fate of the Pinta and Martin Alonzo Pinzon — Driven into 
the Bay of Biscay, and doubting the survival of Columbus, he dispatches messengers to the king, then 
sails for Palos — On arrival there, sees the vessel of Columbus safely riding at anchor — An order from 
court forbids him to repair thither — Dies of a broken heart — Character of Pinzon 1 73 

CHAPTER XV. 

RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS AT BARCELONA. [1492.] 

Journey of Columbus to Barcelona — Towns, streets, balconies filled with spectators — As he approaches the 
city a vast concourse of people come to meet him — His entry like the triumphs of the old Roman con- 
suls — His six painted savages, decorated with gold ornaments, lead the van — Columbus, surrounded by 
a brilhant cavalcade, follows, and is led up to the throne, erected for the occasion on the outside of the 
cathedral — The sovereigns rise on his approach, and he gives an account of the most striking events of 
the voyage — When he finishes, the king and queen sink on their knees, the populace follow their exam- 
ple, and the anthem of Tc Dc-um laudamits (Praise God, from whom all blessings flow) is chanted by 
the royal chapel — Columbus repeats his vow to furnish the means for a new crusade out of his own purse 
when in possession of same — He continues to receive the highest marks of personal consideration from 
the sovereigns — To perpetuate the glorj' of his achievements he is ennobled — Belittled at a banquet by 
a shallow courtier, the well known circumstance of the egg occurs — Misled by the opinion of Columbus, 
the whole civilized world adopts it as a fact that Cuba is the end of the .Asiatic continent, and name the 
islands visited by him the " West Indies " 182 

CHAPTER XVI. 

PAPAL BULL OF PARTITION — PREPARATIONS FOR A SECOND VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY. [l493-] 

Pope Alexander VI. (a Borgia), as vicar of Christ on earth and supreme authority over all temporal things, 
is asked, and grants a bull investing the Spanish monarchs with all rights, privileges and indulgences 
over the newly discovered regions — The famous line of demarkation is established — The utmost exer- 
tions are made to fit out a second expedition, , the superintendence of which is placed in the hands of the 
future bishop of Burgos — Arbitrary royal orders are issued empowering Columbus and Fonseca to freight 
and purchase ships — The conversion of the heathen being the professed object of these discoveries, twelve 
ecclesiastics, under the guidance of Father Boyle, a subtle and intriguing spirit, are chosen to accompany 
the expedition — The Indians brought by the Admiral to Barcelona are baptized. Prince Juan officiating 
as sponsor — A keen diplomatic game ensues between the rulers of Spain and Portugal, wherein the par- 
ties were playing for a newly discovered world — A fleet of seventeen sail is soon got ready in the harbor 



XXll CONTENTS. 

of Cadiz — Many hidalgos (noblemen), officers of the royal household, Andalusian cavaliers, press into 
the expedition, amongst whom is Don Alonzo de Ojeda — Character of this knight-errant — The rise of an 
implacable hostility between Columbus and Fonseca dates from some trifling requisitions made at this 
time by the Admiral, and refused by the future bishop . .IQI 

CHAPTER XVII. 

DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS, ON HIS SECOND VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY ARRIVAL AT . 

HISPANIOLA. [1493.] 

The Bay of Cadiz white with the sails of the expedition, and witnesses its departure on the 25th of Septem- 
ber, 1493 — The Admiral touches at the Canary Islands, and comes in sight of one of the Antilles the 
2nd of November— At one of these islands the sight of human limbs hanging in houses, as if curing 
for provisions, fills everybody with horror — A party of explorers failing to return to the ships creates 
uneasiness, and though parties are sent in quest of them, can not be found — Ojeda, in company of 
40 men, sets off into the interior of the island to search for them — He gives the most enthusiastic ac- 
count of the country — The stragglers, almost reduced to despair, return — At the island of Santa Cruz 
a serious encounter takes place with the natives, men and women attacking a Spanish boat with des- 
peration — Continuation of the voyage — Arrival off Hispaniola — The Admiral liberates five Indians he took 
with him to Spain, in the Gulf of Arrows, but retains the sixth, who had been baptized Diego Colon — 
While ranging the shore his sailors come across the dead bodies of 4 Europeans— Gloomy forebodings 
of the fate of his first settlement I97 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

FATE OF THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVIDAD — TRANSACTIONS AT THE HARBOR. [1493.] 

He anchors opposite La Navidad on the 27th of November, but his signal guns are not answered by 
friendly shouts — Is visited at midnight by natives, who bring presents — Melancholy tidings greet his 
ears — The garrison is no more ! — A boat sent on shore to reconnoitre finds everything demolished, 
Indians invisible, and an air of desolation hovering over the place — Columbus himself lands, makes 
diligent search for hidden treasure, and the dead bodies of Arana's companions — Finds Guacanagari's 
village a heap of ruins — Effects communication with the natives — Is informed of the brawls which oc- 
curred between the Spaniards, about ill-gotten spoils, or the favours of the Indian women— Caonabo, 
the Cacique of Cibao, jealous of their sojourn on the island, assembles his subjects, arrives in the vi- 
cinity of La Navidad without being discovered, and in the dead of night, sets fire to the fortress and 
massacres everybody — Guacanagari, though faithfully fighting in defense of his guests, is wounded and 
his village destroyed — The Indians, astonished at the sight of the horse, and the captive Caribs — 
Guacanagari falls in love with one of the prisoners, is aided in a plan to liberate her and companions, 
by his brother — Success of the plot . 205 

CHAPTER XIX. 

FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF ISABELLA — DISCONTENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 

Search for a favorable place to plant a new colony — The harbor of Monte Christi selected — Disembarka- 
tion of the troops, stores, arms, ammunition, cattle, and live stock — Great zeal manifested by everybody 
in laying out streets, erecting buildings, storehouses, churches — The city named " Isabella," in honor 
of the Spanish queen — The unusual exertions in a hot and moist climate very trying on the constitu- 
tions of the men. many of whom succumb to fevers — Scarcity of gold — Maladies of the body and mind 
disappoint many a flagging spirit, and a gloom of despondency settles over the inhabitants — Not wish- 
ing the fleet to return without treasure, Columbus plans an expedition to the territory of Caonabo, and 
places Ojeda in command — Crosses the mountain range and descends into a vast plain — Gold in large 
quantities is found in the beds of the rivers — An expedition under the command of Antonio de Torres 
also returns with similar reports — Columbus retains five ships, sends the balance back to Spain with san- 
guine accounts of the riches he expects to forward in the near future — Suggests the enslaving of the 
fierce Carib cannibals — Unabated enthusiasm in Europe, while murmurings and seditions prevail among 
the colonists — Bernal Diaz de Pisa heads a conspiracy — Columbus, duly warned, arrests the ringlead- 
ers and confines them on board of one of the ships 211 



CONTENTS. XXlll 

CHAPTER XX. 

EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS INTO THE INTERIOR OF HISPANIOLA. [1494.] 

To quiet the murmurs and rouse the spirit of his people, Columbus undertakes an expedition to the moun- 
tains of Cibao — Difficult ascent of the mountains — Hidalgos aid in constructing a road — From the top 
of the mountain the glorious prospect of the Vega Real (Royal Plain) bursts upon their view — Indians 
bewildered at the sight of the army, particularly the cavalry — They imagine rider and steed to be one 
animal — At the end of two or three days they reach the foot of the mountains, amidst which lay the 
golden regions of Cibao — The regions are rocky and sterile, scantily clothed with pines — Columbus 
chooses a suitable situation and builds a fort, which he names St. Thomas — Juan de Luxan explores 
the province and brings very favorable accounts — Bartering with the natives, who bring virgin 
gold 218 

CHAPTER XXI. 

CUSTOMS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIVES. 

Columbus leaves Pedro Margarite in charge of Fort St. Thomas — Establishes routes between it and Isabella 
across the Vega — Character of the natives not as docile as he imagined — Acquainted with the use of 
arms, yet generally speaking mild and gentle — Believe in a Supreme Being, who dwells in the skies, 
immortal, omnipotent, and invisible, having had a mother, but no father — .Address their worship to in- 
ferior deities called zemes — Curious notions entertained about them — Indians well acquainted with the 
medicinal properties of trees and vegetables — Their butios (priests) act as physicians, exorcising mala- 
dies — Hold festivals in honor of their zemi once a year, at which the young females, entirely naked, 
dance to the beating of a drum — Curious legends of the creation and the flood — Their funeral ceremo- 
nies — Confused notions on the immortaHty of the soul — Greatly addicted to dancing and singing of 
ballads, called areytos — They appear to the Spaniards an idle and improvident race, but very hospi- 
table 222 

CHAPTER XXn. 

SICKNESS AND DISCONTENT AT THE SETTLEMENT OF ISABELLA PREPARATIONS OF COLUMBUS 

FOR A VOYAGE TO CUBA. 

Columbus receives news, upon his return to Isabella, that Caonabo has broken up all intercourse with Fort 
St. Thomas and is preparing to assault it — Sends reinforcements — Intermittent fevers and other violent 
maladies rage in Isabella — Scarcity of European provisions compels him to put the people upon an al- 
lowance, which irritates Father Boyle, he not being excepted — Columbus uses compulsory measures, 
which cause deep and lasting hostilities to spring up against him — He determines to send and quarter 
all the men he can spare among the Indians of the \'ega, and prepares for a voyage of discovery to 
explore the coast of Cuba — Ojeda is placed in charge of Ft. Thomas — Margarite makes a military tour 
of inspection — Ojeda severely punishes some Indians who were guilty of robbing three Spaniards of 
their effects 229 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

CRUISE OF COLUMBUS ALONG THE SOUTHERN COAST OF CUP,A. [1494.] 

Under the impression that Cuba was the extreme end of Asia, he trusts to arrive at Mangi and Cathay by 
following its shore — Hospitable reception by the natives, who come in canoes alongside of his ships, 
offering various refreshments — Inquiry for gold, elicits the uniform answer "Further South" — He at 
last abandons his course, and steers for Jamaica — Natives more ingenious as well as more warlike than 
those of Cuba and Hayti — Immense size of their canoes formed of the hollow trunks of single mahog- 
any trees — Disappointed in his search for gold, is about to return to Cuba — Cruises through the labyrinth 
of small islands and keys near the southern shore of Cuba, often compelling him to warp his vessels 
through narrow and shallow passages — He learns of the existence of a powerful king, whose people are 
clothed, and who lived amongst the mountains in the west, and concludes it must be Marco Polo's 
Mangi — This fancied king probably conjured up in his mind by what he had read about Prester 



XXIV CONTENTS. 

John — His crew partakes of the same illusions, and fancy they have already arrived within his domin- 
ions — Fruitless expeditions sent into the interior. ... .... • • • 2%% 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

RETURN VOYAGE. [1494.] 

The Admiral is persuaded to abandon further search for the Aura Chersonesus, by the crazy condition of 
his ships — Before turning back, gets the signatures of his officers and crew to a document which declares 
Cuba to be the extreme end of India — While attending mass at the mouth of a fine river, is addressed 
by an old Indian cacique, who admonishes him to lead a blameless life, never to harm those who have 
done no harm to him, and as the soul is our immortal self to merit heaven for it, preserving it from the 
torments of hell — The cacique hears about the grandeur of the Spanish monarchs, is seized with a desire 
to accompany Columbus, and is only with difficulty dissuaded from it — He sails for Jamaica and circum- 
navigates the island — He sails over to Hispaniola, is separated from his other vessels by a storm and 
suffers greatly in mind and body — He maintains his painful vigil until he sinks into a deep lethargy, 
exhausted by almost superhuman exertions — Arrival at Isabella 2 'lO 

CHAPTER XXV. 

EVENTS IN THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA INSURRECTION OF THE NATIVES — EXPEDITION OF 

OJEDA AGAINST CAONABO. [1494.] 

A joyful surprise awaits Columbus on his arrival — His brother Bartholomew, whom he had commissioned 
to go to England in 149I, is at his bedside — Is supposed to have doubled the cape with Diaz before 
reaching England — Captured by corsairs — At last reaches England, and his propositions favorably en- 
tertained by Henry VII — Hears of the discoveries of his brother in Paris — Reaches Spain, and is given 
command of three ships freighted with supplies for Columbus — Character of Don Bartholomew — 
Columbus invests him with the title of Adelantado — During the absence of Columbus Margarite commits 
outrages among the Indians — Is reprimanded by Diego Columbus — Defies his authority and finds a 
powerful ally in the Apostolic Vicar, Father Boyle — They take possession of certain ships, and embark 
for Spain — The army, now left without a head, commit many outrages upon the indulgent natives, till 
they rouse their spirit of resentment — Spaniards butchered wherever surprised — Caonabo the most for- 
midable enemy — Singular trait of character of Ojeda — Considers himself under the special protection of 
the Virgin ; carries a small Dutch painting of her continually with him — He swears by the Virgin, he 
invokes her in battle or in brawl, and is ready for any enterprise under her protection — Caonabo invests 
the fortress of Ft. Thomas, but at length relinquishes the attempt to storm it — Description of the prov- 
inces into which Hayti is divided — The caciques of the provinces enter into a league with Caonabo, 
excepting Guacanagari — The latter reveals the plan the Indians have concocted to Columbus, who 
succeeds in baffling all their machinations — Ojeda commissioned to take the Carib chief captive — He 
invokes the protection of the Virgin, and by a most daring piece of strategy brings him to Isabella — 
Admiration of Caonabo for the valor of Ojeda 246 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

BATTLE OF THE VEGA IMPOSITION OF TRIBUTE. [1494.] 

The arrival of a physician, apothecary, and a supply of provisions creates joy in the settlement— Colum- 
bus hears that the dispute with Portugal has been amicably settled — Sends Don Diego to Spain to 
counteract the misrepresentations of the subtle friar and Margarite — Remits a large quantity of gold, 
and Indians destined for the Spanish slave market — Is informed that the hostile caciques have assem- 
bled all their forces in the Vega — With 200 infantry, 20 horse, and 20 bloodhounds he attacks the 
Indian forces, and completely routs them — Columbus imposes a tribute on the vanquished provinces — 
Erects fortresses in the most important places — The pleasant life of the natives is at an end — The 
perpetual task imposed on them introduces sorrow, slavery, and weary labor — They resort to a forlorn 
and desperate alternative and endeavor to produce a famine — Are hunted down by the Spaniards, 
driven into their dreary mountain fastness and perish in dens and caverns by the thousand — Gua- 
canagari, unable to bear the murmurs of his subjects, the sight of the various miseries which he felt he 



CONTENTS. XXV 

had invoked upon his race by remaining the ally of the Spaniards, retires to the mountains, and dies in 
obscurity and misery 159 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

ARRIVAL OF COMMISSIONER AGUADO — DISCOVERY OF THE GOLD MINES OF HAVNA. [1495.] 

The cabal of the politic friar Boyle, supported by many factions, and discontented idlers who had returned 
from the colony, have a baneful effect upon the popularity of Columbus in Spain — Determination to 
send a commissioner to inquire into the alleged distresses of the colony — Juan Aguado appointed — 
Pious theologians ordered to consult together and determine whether Indians, having been taken cap- 
tive in warfare, can be sold as slaves, and if justifiable in the sight of God — Aguado and Diego Columbus 
arrive in Hispaniola — The former has his letter of credence proclaimed by sound of trumpet, ignoring 
Don Bartholomew, who is in temporary command — Listens to grievances and complaints with ready 
credulity — Columbus hastens to Isabella and receives Aguado with grave and punctilious courtesy — His 
moderation is regarded by everybody as proof of his loss of moral courage — Aguado prepares to return 
to Spain, and Columbus resolves to do the same — A hurricane delays the departure of the shattered ves- 
sels — Miguel Diaz, having fled from the settlement, wanders about, and at length comes to an Indian 
village on the river Ozemo — The female cacique conceives a strong affection for him — To detain him 
she informs him of certain rich mines in the neighborhood — He hastens to the settlement, and the Adel- 
antado is conducted by Diaz to the banks of the Hayna — -Columbus imagines he has found the ancient 
Ophir, from whence King Solomon had procured his great supplies. ....... a6g 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN — PREPARATIONS FOR A THIRD VOYAGE. [1496.] 

Return of Columbus to Spain with Aguado, and a host of malcontents — Lands at the island of Guadaloupe, 
and has a skirmish with the fierce native Amazons — Captures many, amongst them the wife of their 
cacique — Dismisses his prisoners, but the female cacique having conceived a passion for the naked and 
dejected Caonabo, who is being taken to Spain, refuses to leave him — The haughtv nature of the latter 
succumbs to the morbid melancholy of a proud and broken spirit — He expires during the voyage, 
bewailed only by one of his own wild native heroines — Adverse winds prolong the homeward passage, 
provisions become exhausted, and famine ensues — Proposition to devour the Indian captives prevented 
by the absolute authority of Columbus — Arrival in Cadiz — Clad in the habit of a Franciscan monk, he 
makes his way to Burgos — His reception by the sovereigns — He proposes a third voyage ; their Majesties 
readily promise to comply — Disappointments and delays ensue — Columbus is allowed to establish a mayo- 
razgo (entailed estate), and immediately avails himself of it — Decrees that his successors should use no 
other title than simply " The Admiral " — Various measures adopted for the good of the colony — Decline 
of the popularity of Columbus in Spain — Criminals condemned to the galleys, pressed into the expedition 
to supply the want of voluntary recruits — Not until the spring of 1498 are the ships fitted out for the expe- 
dition ready to sail — Harassed by the insolence of worthless men up to the time of his embarkation — For- 
getting his usual self-command, he strikes a despicable minion of Fonseca's to the ground at the moment 
of embarkation ................. 



J7I 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

DISCOVERY OF TRINIDAD AND THE COAST OF PARIA — ARRIVAL AT SAN DOMINGO. [1498.] 

From various considerations he is induced to take a more southerly route — Expects to fall in with black races — 
Touches at Madeira ; dispatches three ships of his squadron from thence direct to Hispaniola ; with the 
balance he prosecutes his voyage towards the Cape de \'erde Islands — As he advances within the tropics 
the air becomes like furnace heat, the salt meat becomes putrid, and the mariners lose all strength and 
spirit — He alters his course to the north-west, and on the 3d of July, when there was not above a cask of 
water remaining on each ship, he descries the Island of Trinidad — Coasts along its southern shore, and 
explores the Gulf of Paria— Nearly swept from his anchors by a sudden rush and swell of the sea — Aston- 
ished at the vast body of fresh water flowing into the gulf, the difference of climate, vegetation, and peo- 
ple — Makes one of his simple and great conclusions: " Such a mighty stream of fresh water must be the 
outpouring of a continent" — Attributes the wildness of climate to an ingenious, though fallacious hypoth- 
(2) 



xxvi CONTENTS. 

esis — The scarcity of sea stores compels him to abandon the following up of his discovery, though allured 
thereto by the great quantity of pearls, which the natives exchange for European baubles — Proceeds to 
Hispaniola through the Boca del Drago (mouth of the dragon) — Reconnoiters the coast as far as the isl- 
ands of Cubaga and Margarita, and is convinced of its being a continent — Haggard, emaciated, and 
almost blind, he is received with open arms by the Adelantado upon his landing in the river Ozema, 
where he ordered a new settlement to be formed . . 2 79 

CHAPTER XXX. 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE ADELANTADO. [1496.] 

A new scene of trouble and anxiety opens upon him — The Adelantado during his absence sets out to visit the 
dominion of Behechio to reduce it to obedience — The inhabitants of his province finely formed, and of 
noble air — Anacaona, wife of the late formidable Caonabo, one of the most beautiful females in the isl- 
and, of great natural grace and dignity, his sister — She meets Don Bartholomew, surrounded by thirty 
young females, beautifully formed, waving palm branches and singing their areytos (ballads) — He 
arranges for a periodical tribute of cotton, hemp, and cassava bread, and sets out for Isabella — Finds 
the settlement in a sickly state — Insurrection breaks out in the Vega— Combination formed to massacre 
the Spaniards and destroy Fort Conception — The garrison sends for succor to San Domingo — The Ade- 
lantado promptly takes such measures as to insure the tranquillity of the Vega— Marches to Xaragua to 
receive tribute ; his companions regard the fertility of the country, the kindness of the inhabitants, and 
the beauty of the women a perfect paradise — The quantity of cotton accumulated compels him to send 
for a caravel to freight it with — Anacaona's astonishment at the sight of same — Conspiracy of Roldan — 
His seditious insinuations — Don Diego, to divert Roldan from his schemes, gives him distant and active 
employment — Roldan gathers seventy well armed and resolute men around him, and makes friends 
among the discontented caciques— Openly sets the Adelantado and his brother at defiance— Attempts to 
surprise the wary commander of Fort Conception — The Adelantado comes to his assistance, and parleys 
with Roldan — The Indians cease to send their tribute— Arrival of succor from Spain under Pedro Her- 
nandez Coronal — The latter sent by the Adelantado to offer Roldan and his band amnesty— Is prevented 
from having communication with the rebels — Roldan proclaimed a traitor — Marches away to Xaragua — 
Fresh insurrections in the Vega under Guarionex — The cacique flies to the mountains of Ciguay — Is 
hunted down by the Adelantado — Mayonabex defies his power — Driven to dens and caves in the mount- 
ains, is at length discovered and captured— Don Bartholomew's magnanimity 285 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

REBELLION OF ROLDAN. [1498.] 

Columbus issues a proclamation — Approves of all the Adelantado did, and denounces Roldan — Alonzo San- 
chez de Carvajal, with the three caravels detached by Columbus from the Canary Islands, carried far 
west of his reckonings, lands at Xaragua — Roldan recruits many followers from the deserters of the pro- 
vision ships — Carvajal, giving his vessel in charge of his officers, lands and remains with the rebels, hop- 
ing to persuade them to return to their allegiance — Roldan promises immediate submission upon the 
arrival of Columbus, gives Carvajal a letter to the Admiral, and escorts him within six leagues of San 
Domingo — Columbus warns Miguel Ballester, commander of Fort Conception, to be on his guard against 
attacks from the rebels— Empowers him to treat with the rebels— Offers free passage to all who desire to 
return to Spain — Ballester's proffered pardon to the rebels is treated with contempt— They refuse to treat 
with any other mediator but Carvajal— Columbus, indignant at the insolence of their reply, musters a small 
and unrehable army— Letter to the sovereigns— Acquaints them with his discovery of the Pearl coast, 
and the rebellion of Roldan— Roldan and his friends likewise send letters to Spain— Resumes negotia- 
tions with Roldan— Has an interview with him— Urged by Ballester, and compelled by circumstances, 
makes an arrangement with the rebels, agreeing that Roldan and his followers should embark for Spain — 
Unavoidable delays in fitting out the ships— When ready to start, Roldan refuses to embark— Bishop 
Fonseca thwarts investigation asked for by Columbus — Roldan conducts himself as a conqueror, exacting 
terms — Columbus signs a humiliating capitulation, and reinstates Roldan as alcalde mayor (justice of the 
peace)— Sends a request to Spain that a learned man be sent out as judge 899 



CONTENTS. XXVU 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

VISIT OF OJEDA TO THE WEST END OF THE ISLAND CONSPIRACY OF MOXICA. [1499.] 

Columbus hears of the clandestine landing of Ojeda, in whose squadron sails Amerigo Vespucci, on the 
western part of the island, and sends Roldan to intercept him — Brief account of Ojeda's voyage of dis- 
covery — Manoeuvres of Ojeda and Roldan — Ex-rebels make clamorous complaints to Ojeda, and he 
proposes to put himself at their head and march to San Domingo — Factions arise, and brawls ensue, in 
which several are killed and many wounded — Roldan appears on the scene, and Ojeda retires with his 
ships — Hernando de Guevara, banished for licentious conduct from San Domingo, is favorably received 
in the house of the female cacique Anacaona — She favors his attachment to her beautiful daughter Higue- 
namota — It awakens the jealousy of Roldan, who tries to separate the lovers — Banishes Guevara — He 
clandestinely returns, and is discovered by Roldan — Meditates revenge — Attempt to kill Roldan — The 
plot is discovered, he and accomplices captured, and sent in chains to San Domingo — Moxica, cousin of 
Cuevara, hears of his ill treatment, enlists the sympathies of Pedro Reguelme, and they conspire to kill 
the alcalde mayor and the Admiral — Columbus having been informed of the plot, suddenly comes upon 
the conspirators with a few esquires, seizes Moxica, and orders him hanged — Execution of Moxica — 
Columbus now tranquilly looks forward to the prosecution of his grand enterprise, the exploration of the 
Gulf of Paria, and the establishing of pearl fisheries on its coasts 307 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

INTRIGUES AGAINST COLUMBUS IN THE SPANISH COURT — APPOINTMENT OF BOBADILLA AS 
COMMISSIONER — HIS ARRIVAL AT SAN DOMINGO. [150O.] 

Representations at court by the enemies of Columbus undermine his reputation — A gang of disorderly ruf- 
fians who had been returned to Spain, create a scene in the Alhambra — The candid mind of Isabella 
begins to entertain doubts respecting the conduct of Columbus, but the jealous Ferdinand is convinced — 
Resolve to send some person to investigate the condition of the colony— The arrival of the late followers 
of Roldan brings on the crisis — Amongst them are many slaves, several of whom were daughters of 
caciques seduced from their homes by these profligates — Some with children at their breasts — The sensi- 
bility of Isabella as a woman, and her dignity as queen, are aroused — "What right has the Admiral to 
give away my vassals?" — She orders their immediate return — -Character of Bobadilla — -His arrival in San 
Domingo — Many who sought to secure his favor hasten on board — Makes proclamation of his letters 
patent — The culpability of the Admiral decided on beforehand — Don Diego refuses to obey his demands — 
Bobadilla causes another proclamation to be read appointing him governor — His demands for the pris- 
oners Guevara and Reguelme again being refused, he assembles a mob, breaks open the door of the 
prison, and carries them oft' — Takes up his residence in the house of Columbus, seizes upon his papers 
and private effects 318 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

COLUMBUS ARRESTED AND SENT TO SPAIN. [150O.] 

Columbus receives tidings of Bobadilla's high-handed proceedings — Imagines them to be the mere assump- 
tions of an adventurer — Sends him conciliatory letters — Is undeceived by the royal letters of credence, 
and summons to appear before Bobadilla — Makes no further hesitation to obey, and departs alone, almost 
unattended, to San Domingo — Bobadilla arrests and confines Don Diego on board of a caravel, and upon 
the arrival of the Admiral orders him put in irons and confined in the fortress — This outrage seems to 
shock even his enemies — His own ungrateful servant volunteers to put on the fetters — Reflections of 
Columbus — Writes a letter to the Adelantado advising him to submit — Upon the latter's arrival he is also 
put in irons, confined and separated from his brothers — All three kept in total ignorance of the crimes 
with which they are charged — Accusations against Columbus furnished by the late rebels — Guevara and 
Reguelme acquitted and discharged without trial — Bobadilla makes preparations to send his prisoners to 
Spain — Alonzo de Villejo commissioned to deliver them, upon arrival at Cadiz, to the Bishop Fonseca — ■ 
Pathetic incident at the time of removal from prison — Amidst the scoffs and shouts of the rabble he is 
led aboard the caravel, shackled like the vilest criminal — The worthy Villejo, as well as Andreas Martin, 
deeply grieved at the sight of the Admiral in chains, beg him to permit them to remove them — " No," he 



XXVlll CONTENTS. 

says proudly, " I will wear them until their Majesties shall order them to be taken off; all Spain shall see 
the indignity heaped upon me" tag 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS IN SPAIN — HIS INTERVIEW WITH THE SOVEREIGNS APPOINTMENT OF 

OVANDO TO THE GOVERNMENT OF HISPANIOLA. [1500.] 

His arrival in Cadiz loaded with chains produces an enormous sensation — He sends a letter to the nurse of 
Prince Juan containing an ample vindication of his conduct — The noble-minded Isabella sees how grossly 
he has been wronged, and though Ferdinand secretly feels disposed against him, public sentiment com- 
pels them to order his liberation — Is requested, and means furnished him, to appear at court — The queen, 
upon beholding the venerable man, is moved to tears — Agitation of Columbus — He throws himself upon 
his knees before their Majesties, but they raise him from the ground — They express their indignation at 
the proceedings of Bobadilla, and promise to reinstate Columbus in all his dignities — But in this he is 
doomed ; the selfish Ferdinand, no longer dependent upon his genius, determines in his heart not to 
restore them to him — Shallow excuses oflered for the delay — Bobadilla superseded by Don Nicholas de 
Ovando — His character — News of the disastrous state of the island under Bobadilla brought by every 
new arrival — Disorder and licentiousness reign supreme — Cruelties and barbarities perpetrated upon the 
natives — Instructions to Ovando — First trace of negro slavery in the New World — Departure of the fleet 
with 2500 colonists aboard 314 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

PROPOSITION OF COLUMBUS FOR A CRUSADE — HIS PREPARATIONS FOR A FOURTH VOYAGE. 

[1500— 150I.] 

Columbus recalls his vow to liberate the Holy Land from the rule of the Mahometans — Attempts to incite 
the sovereigns to the enterprise — Prepares, with the assistance of a Carthusian monk, a long letter ad- 
dressed to them — The composition lays open the singular visionary and mystic part of his character — 
Uncertainty whether it was ever delivered — The discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by \'asco de 
Gama, and the arrival of Pedro Alvarez Cabral with the precious merchandise of the East, rouse Co- 
lumbus to emulation — He unfolds his plans to the sovereigns, and is empowered to fit out a new expe- 
dition — The artifices of the wily bishop cause a great many delays — Before embarking he takes precau- 
tionary measures, by causing copies to be made and authenticated of all the royal letters of patent — Seefi 
them safely deposited — Informs Pope Alexander VI. of his inability to comply with his vow, but prom- 
ises to do so upon his return .............. 341 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

COLUMBUS SAILS ON HIS FOURTH VOYAGE EVENTS AT THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA HIS 

SEARCH AFTER AN IMAGINARY STRAIT. [1502.] 

Accompanied by his brother Don Bartholomew, and his son Diego, he sails from Cadiz on the 9th of May, 
1502, in four caravels — Arrives at Mantinino, one of the Antilles, on the 15th of June— Though forbidden 
to touch at Hispaniola, the condition of one of the caravels compelled him to repair thither — He arrives 
at a very unpropitious moment — Bobadilla. Roldan, and many of his late adversaries ready to put to sea 
with their ill-gotten gains — Columbus requests permission to shelter his squadron in the river from an 
approaching storm — The request refused — He generously warns and entreats them not to permit the 
fleet to put to sea — His warning ridiculed — Himself seeks shelter in some wild bay — The fleet overtaken 
by the fury of a tropical hurricane, is mostly destroyed — Bobadilla and Roldan find a watery grave — 
Superstitions of the seamen — Stands for the continent but is swept by the currents to the coast of Cuba — 
A more propitious wind enables him to make the island of Guanaga, near the coast of Honduras — A 
large canoe visits him — He notices a superior degree of art and civilization among the natives, over 
those hitherto met — Though informed of an opulent kingdom lying to the west, his mind is bent on dis- 
covering the strait that was to lead him to the Indian ocean — Incessantly beset by adverse winds along 
the Mosquito coast — After 40 days of hard struggling doubles the cape of Gracias a Dios, and meets 
with fair weather — Natives, to counteract some magic spells, which they imagine are being worked 
against them, likewise produce their sorcerers — Arrives at Costa Rica and Veragua, where he is assured 



CONTENTS. XXIX 

to find rich gold mines — Often hears of the great kingdom in the West, is told about the civilization of 
the inhabitants, and understands that the sea continues around to it ; ten days from whence flows the 
Ganges — Though these rumors evidently described Mexico, he concludes that he is already in a prov- 
ince of the Grand Khan — He presses forward, contending with adverse winds and hostile natives — He 
at length arrives at a small narrow harbor, which he names El Retrete, where he is persuaded by the 
seamen, who imagine themselves under the evil spells worked against them by the Indians, and the 
unseaworthiness of his ships, to return to the coast of Veragua — Abandons the search after the strait. 345 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

RETt_IRN TO THE COAST OF VERAGUA — CONTESTS WITH THE NATIVES. [1502.] 

Raging tempests, the heavens glowing like a furnace with incessant flashes of lightning, baffle all seaman- 
ship—Waterspouts approach the ships, spinning along the surface towards the tempest-tossed mariners, 
threatening dire destruction to everybody — For three weeks driven to and fro by changeable winds, he 
attempts to make a distance of 30 leagues, when to his great joy, he arrives on the 6th of January 
on the coast of Veragua — The fierce and warlike natives, soon conciliated, give direction where the gold 
mines are situated — The Adelantado explores the country, penetrates through thick forests of magnifi- 
cent trees over a gold impregnated soil — Another expedition by the Adelantado equally satisfactory, 
and Columbus fancies he has at last arrived at the Aurea Chersonesus, from whence the gold was 
brought for the building of the temple of Solomon — Decides to found a colony under charge of his 
brother, while he returns to Spain for supplies and reinforcements — They build houses near the mouth 
of the river Belen, and receive ammunition, artillery, stores, and one of the caravels — The Admiral 
prepares for departure, but is unable to cross the sand-bar — The cacique Ouibian, secretly indignant at 
the intrusion of the strangers into his dominions, orders all his fighting men to assemble — Diego Men- 
dez undertakes a service of life and death — He penetrates to the house of the cacique surrounded by 
stakes ornamented with 300 skulls — Is repulsed from entering, returns, satisfied that an attack is about 
to be made — The Adelantado conceives a counterplot — Violent struggle between Don Bartholomew and 
Ouibian — Battle with the Indians — The cacique is overpowered and conveyed to the boat of Juan 
Sanchez — The wily Indian succeeds in making his escape. ......... 353 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

DISASTERS TO THE SETTLEMENT. [1503.] 

Columbus successfully clears the bar, leaving his brother behind — Furious for revenge, Quibian gathers a 
great number of warriors together and assails the settlement — Is repulsed — Death of Diego Tristan and 
massacre of all of his companions — Attempt to abandon the place frustrated by the shallowness of the 
water on the bar — A safer place is chosen for the settlement, and buhvarks erected — Anxiety on board 
the Admiral's caravel caused by the non-return of Diego Tristan — The Indian prisoners at midnight 
break open the hatches and plunge boldly into the sea — Succeeds in establishing communication with 
his brother — The Spaniards on shore insist on the abandonment of the settlement for the present, and 
all embark — Constant perturbations, sleepless anguish, acute maladies of the body, produce a partial 
delirium — Has a vision — His solemn belief that he is an instrument in the hands of Providence — Every- 
thing of value is brought on board, and Diego Mendez made captain of the caravel, lately commanded 
by the unfortunate Diego Tristan 361 

CHAPTER XL. 

VOYAGE TO JAMAICA TRANSACTIONS AT THAT ISLAND. [1503.] 

Attempts to make his way to Hayti — In the harbor of Puerto Bello is compelled to abandon one of the car- 
avels — Is carried out of his course by the currents, among the islands on the south side of Cuba — A 
violent storm disables his ships severely, and he seeks a secure port on the island of Jamaica— He runs 
the caravels aground, fastens them together, and erects on their water-logged hulks temporary cabins — 
Friendly intercourse with the Indians — Diego Mendez sallies forth to procure canoes, and makes ar- 
rangements with the caciques at a distance to furnish food — The venerable Admiral unbosoms himself 
to Mendez, tells him of his fears and plans — " Senor, I have but one life to lose, yet I am willing to 
venture it in your service" — Preparations for crossing the open ocean in an Indian canoe — Letter to 



XXX CONTENTS. 

Governor Ovando imploring help — Diego Mendez with a Spanish comrade and six Indians, start on 
their perilous journey — Are captured by Indians, but Mendez effects his escape — Returns alone after 15 
days' absence — Nothing daunted, a second attempt is made, and accompanied by the Adelantado on 
shore, the two canoes, of which the expedition now consists, launch forth on the broad bosom of the 
sea . 366 

CHAPTER XLI. 

MUTINY OF PORRAS — ECLIPSE OF THE MOON — STRATAGEM OF COLUMBUS TO PROCURE 
SUPPLIES FROM THE INDIANS. [1503.] 

Months elapse and fears are entertained that the messengers have perished — By insidious suggestions, two 
vain and insolent officers, Porras by name, prepare the shipwrecked crew to revolt — They are opposed 
by the Adelantado — Departure of Porras with most of the crew in ten canoes — Their attempt to cross the 
open sea unsuccessful — Licentious conduct of the rebels on the island — The Indians become negligent 
in the supply of food for the crew of Columbus — The horrors of a famine threaten — Aware that within 
three days the moon will be totally eclipsed, Columbus informs the caciques "that their great Deity is 
incensed against them, and will hereafter hide his face from them " — When they behold the black 
shadow steal over the moon consternation seizes them — They bring provisions, and implore his inter- 
cession with the god . . . . . . . ... . . . . -373 

CHAPTER XLII. 

ARRIVAL OF DIEGO DE ESCOBAR AT THE HARBOR — BATTLE WITH THE REBELS. [1504.] 

Another conspiracy is about to break out when a caravel heaves in sight — Peculiar and mysterious conduct 
of its commander, Diego de Escobar — He disappears after receiving letters from the Admiral addressed 
to Ovando — The Admiral makes overtures to the rebels — Ihsolent demands of Porras — Marches his 
adherents toward the harbor to seize the stores and get the Admiral into his power — Is met by the Adel- 
antado and his hardy sailors — They vanquish and take him prisoner — His followers ne.xt day sue for 
pardon .................... 379 

CHAPTER XUn 

VOYAGE OF DIEGO MENDEZ TO HISPANIOLA DELIVERANCE OF COLUMBUS FROM THE ISLAND 

OF JAMAICA. [1504.] 

The burning rays of the sun sorely try the endurance of the Indian boatmen the first day out — Exces- 
sively fatigued, a lack of water adds to their distress — The torments of thirst increase their misery, and 
is only partially allayed by the few mouthfuls of water handed them by their Spanish companions — The 
night again closes upon them without any sight of land — One Indian dies, others are laying panting at 
the bottom of the boat — When the moon rises Mendez perceives it to emerge from behind a dark mass- 
It is the island of Navassa, and his expiring companions are aroused to new hfe — He remains all day 
on the barren rock ; sets off in the evening, and safely reaches Cape Tiburon, in Jamaica, on the following 
day — Mendez parts with his companions, and starts for San Domingo in a canoe^Hears of the absence 
of the governor from that city and prpceeds alone, and on foot, through forests and mountains to Xara- 
gua — The governor expresses great concern for the fate of Columbus, but delays succor — Mendez ob- 
tains permission to go to San Domingo and obtain a caravel — Sets out on his toilsome journey on foot, 
and after unheard of hardships reaches the place — Procures the caravel and Columbus, after a long year 
of dismal confinement to the wreck, embarks for Hayti with friends and foes — The further fortunes of 
Mendez — Jealousy and distrust make the sojourn of Columbus there galling and annoying . . . 383 

CHAPTER XLIV. 

AFFAIRS AT HISPANIOLA DURING THE ADMINISTRATION OF OVANDO RETURN OF COLUMBUS 

TO SPAIN. [1504.] 

Orando's crowds of adventurers swarm to the mines — Their labor gave them a keen appetite and quick di- 
gestion, but no gold — Some waste away, others die broken-hearted, or are hurried off by raging 



CONTENTS. XXXI 

fevers — Ovando changes his Indian poUcy — Under cover of hiring the labor of the natives, intolerable 
toil is exacted from them — Many kill themselves m despair ; mothers overcome the powerful instinct of 
nature, and destroy the infants at their breasts — Some sink down by the side of a brook or under the' 
shade of a tree, worn down by incessant toil and hardship — His troops ravage the country with fire and 
sword, and put many to death with the most wanton, ingenious, and horrible torture — ^Cruel butchery of 
80 caciques — Anacaona carried oft" to San Domingo and barbarously hanged — " The five great tribes 
which had peopled the island have perished," writes Columbus to the sovereigns — His own affairs in bad 
order — He embarks for Spain 3(50 

CHAPTER XLV. 

FRUITLESS APPLICATION OF COLU.MBUS TO BE REINSTATED IN HIS GOVERNMENT — HIS LAST 

ILLNESS AND DEATH. [1504.] 

His residence in -Seville — The world thinks him rich, while he is suffering pecuniary want — Lives by bor 
rowing — His infirmities prevent him from going to court — His letters unregarded — .Asks Diego Mendez 
to counteract the falsehoods of Porras, who has influential friends near the throne — The intrigues of 
his enemies prevail — Sickness of Isabella — Pines in state; an incurable melancholy settles upon her — 
Her death, dying command, and will — Tribute of Columbus to her memory — Her death a fatal blow to 
his fortunes — Employs the Adelantado and Amerigo \'espucci in his missions at court — Columbus ar- 
rives at Segovia — Cold reception by the calculating Ferdinand — Humiliating solicitation to obtain the 
restitution of his high offices — Is referred to a tribunal — Sickness of Columbus — Last appeal to the 
king — .Addresses the -Archbishop of Seville — Arrival of King Philip and Juana from Flanders — The 
sanguine and unconcjufiable spirit of Columbus speaks from his dying bed with all the confidence of 
youth — He arranges his earthly aft'airs. makes his last will and testament, and with " Into thv hands, O 
Lord. I commend my spirit," breathes his last on th; 2cth of -May, 1506, in the city of \'alladolid . 397 

CHAPTER XLVI. 

OBSEQUIES OF COLUMBUS. 

The body of Columbus deposited in the convent of S. Francisco in \'alladolid — His remains transj orted, in 
1513, to the Carthusian convent of Las Cuevas, at Seville — Removal of same to San Domingo in 1536 
and interment aside the grand alt.ir of the cathedral, thence to Havana in 1795 — Supposed to be still 
lying in San Domingo. 408 

CHAPTER XLVH. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF COLUMBUS. . . . . 4I2 



Book II. — The Conquest of Mexico. 

CHAPTER XLVHI. 

THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF THE ISLAND OF CUBA. [151I.] 

The rigorous treatment of the Spaniards having nearly extirpated the Indian race from Hayti, Diego Co- 
lumbus proposes to conquer the island of Cuba, and gives the command of the invading army to Don 
Diego Velasquez — Unwarlike character of the natives — The only obstruction the Spaniards meet with, 
is from the cacique Hatuey — His feeble troops soon dispersed and himself taken prisoner — The Span- 
iards condemn him to the stake — A Franciscan friar labors to convert him, and promises him immedi- 
ate admittance to the joys of heaven — " -Are there any Spaniards there ?" inquires the burning cacique, 
"if so, I will not go to a place where I may meet with one of the accursed race" — This dreadful exam- 
ple of vengeance strikes terror into the people of Cuba, and they tamely submit to the yoke — Cuba 
becomes one of the most flourishing settlements — The spirit of adventure and discovery breaks out 
anew — An expedition is fitted out under the command of Francisco Hernandez Cordova, and sails from 
the harbor of St. Jago de Cuba, on the 8th of February, 15 17 — Twenty-one days out, they see land, which 



XXXll CONTENTS. 

proves to be Cape Catoche on the peninsula of Yucatan— They land, and are astonished to see the high 
state of civilization of the people— Houses of stone greet the eyes of the discoverers for the first time in 
the New World— The natives more artful and warlike than the inhabitants elsewhere— The cacique, pre- 
tending to act friendly, draws them into an ambush, but the Indians, struck with terror by the sudden 
explosion of fire-arms, fly precipitately — Cordova continues his course in a westerly direction, surprised 
not to observe any river — On the sixteenth day out they come to the mouth of the river at Potonchan, 

and land to refill their water-casks — The Spaniards are suddenly attacked, 47 of them being killed 

They retreat to their ships, unable to procure water, and many of them die on the passage to Cuba, 
suffering exquisite distress for want of water; among them Cordova ^21 

CHAPTER XLIX. 

VOYAGE OF JUAN DE GRIJALVA DISCOVERY OF NEW SPAIN THE MODERN MEXICO. [1518.] 

Velasquez, solicitous to distinguish himself, fits out four ships for a second expedition, notwithstanding the 
disastrous conclusion of the first — Gives the command over same to Juan de Grijalva, with instructions to 
barter for gold, and if circumstances are inviting to settle a colony — Sails from St. Jago de Cuba on the 
8th of April, 1518, but is carried by the violence of the currents to the south, and lands on the island of 
Cozumel, east of Yucatan — Makes but a short stay there, and prompted by the desire to avenge his 
slain countrymen, repairs to Potonchan — Disembarks all the troops, and some field-pieces, but the Indians 
fight with such courage, that the Spaniards gain the victory only with difficulty — He leaves the neighbor- 
hood and coasts along the shore towards the west — Beholds, with a mixture of surprise and wonder, 
houses which appear white and lofty — In the warmth of his admiration he calls the country New Spain — 
Lands in a river called by the natives Tabasco, and is amicably received by the cacique of Guaxaca — 
The latter bestows valuable presents, and thus confirms the ideas the Spaniards formed of the wealth of 
the country — They obtain 15,000 pesos worth of gold in barter for their baubles — Two prisoners from 
Yucatan, which they have on board, and who acted as interpreters until now, fail to make themselves 
understood— Hear of Montezuma — They proceed further west and land at the " Isle of Sacrifices," 
where they behold, for the first time, the horrid spectacle of human victims— Grijalva touches at the 
island of St. Juan de Ulloa, and dispatches Pedro de Alvarado to Velasquez with a full account of his 
important discoveries — He continues his voyage of discovery, and though importuned to plant a colony, 
the scheme appears to him too perilous— He returns to St. Jago de Cuba — Velasquez sends the news to 
Spain, jealous and distrustful of Grijalva, prepares a powerful armament before his arrival . . . 427 

CHAPTER L. 

APPOINTMENT OF CORTES AS COMMANDER OF THE EXPEDITION VELASQUEZ BECOMES JEALOUS 

OF HIM AND ENDEAVORS TO DEPRIVE HIM OF THE COMMAND. [1518.] 

Grijalva returns to Cuba, and finds the new armament almost complete — \'elasquez himself unfitted to lead 
the expedition, is soUcitous to choose a commander of intrepid resolution, and of superior abihties — Diffi- 
culties encountered — The royal treasurer, and his own secretary recommend with assiduity and address, 
Fernando Cortes — Character and biography of the man — Originally destined for the law — Is sent to the 
University of Salamanca — Is disgusted with an academic life, gives himself to active sports and martial 
exercises — His father sends him abroad as an adventurer in arms — Lands in San Domingo and is em- 
ployed by Governor Ovando in several lucrative and honorable stations — Accompanies Velasquez 
to Cuba — Distinguishes himself in his service, and receives an ample concession of land as recom- 
pense — He settles into a habit of regular indefatigable activity — Receives his appointment with warm- 
est expressions of respect and gratitude to the governor^ — -Mortgages his lands to raise additional means, 
and exerts his influence in persuading his friends to engage in the service — His disappointed competitors 
represent him as already aiming at establishing an independent authority over his troops — The insinu- 
ations make such an impression upon the suspicious mind of Velasquez, that Cortes is advised by his 
friends to hasten his embarkation — Velasquez takes leave of him with an appearance of perfect friend- 
ship, though secretly he gives the expedition in charge of some of Cortes' officers — Arrives at Trinidad 
on the same side of the island to receive additional military stores and provisions, and is there overtaken 
by orders depriving him of his command — He soothes or intimidates the officer who is charged with 
their execution, and proceeds to Havana — Velasquez sends peremptory injunctions to his lieutenant 



CONTENTS. XXXlll 

there, to arrest him, and prevent the fleet from departing — Before his messenger arrives, Cortes, 
warned by a Franciscan monk, disposes of Diego de Ordaz, and informs his troops of the intentions of 
Velasquez — They entreat him not to abandon his important station, and he hastens the departure of his 
fleet of II vesrels, with 617 men aboard, besides 16 horses, 10 small field pieces, and 4 falconets . . 4^^ 

CHAPTER LI. 

DEPARTURE FROM CUBA AND LANDING AT TABASCO — FIRST INTERVIEW WITH THE MEXICANS 
AND NEGOTIATIONS WITH MONTEZUMA. [1519.] 

Religious enthusiasm always mingles with the spirit of adventure in the New World — Cortes displays a 
large cross on his standards inscribed " Let us follow the cross, for under this sign we shall con- 
quer " — On landing at the island of Cozumel has the good fortune to redeem Jerome de Aguilar, 
a prisoner to the natives for eight years, and who perfectly understands their language — Finds the 
disposition of inhabitants of Tabasco entirely changed and hostile to him — Is obliged to have recourse 
to force — The Indians being entirely routed in a pitched battle sue for peace, ottering cotton garments, 
gold, twenty female slaves, and acknowledge the king of Castile as their sovereign — Continues his 
course westward, and is addressed in the harbor of St. Juan de Ulloa by two persons of distinction, 
who come aboard his ship — Aguilar unable to understand their language — His perplexity — One of the 
female slaves received at Tabasco perceives his distress, and able to speak the Mexican as well as the 
Yucatan language, becomes of extraordinary service to Cortes — She is known afterwards as Dofia Ma- 
rina — Learns that the dignitaries are deputies of Teutile and Pilpatoe, governors of this province of 
Montezuma's, and instructed by the Emperor to offer him what assistance he might need in order to con- 
tinue his voyage — He informs them that he comes to propose matters of great importance to the prince 
and his kingdom — Lands all his troops, horses, and artillery next morning, and erects a fortified camp, 
assisted in that operation by the willing hands of the natives — Receives Teutile and Pilpatoe next day 
with much formal ceremony — Informs them that the king of Castile, the greatest monarch of the East, 
has intrusted him with propositions of such moment to their emperor, to whom he is ordered to impart 
them in person, that should require them to conduct him without loss of time into his presence — • 
They attempt to dissuade him from insisting on his demand, and endeavor to conciliate his good will ? 

with rich presents — The display of these riches increases the avidity of the Spaniards — Mexican paint- 
ers are diligently employed during this interview in delineating upon cotton fabrics the Spanish camp — 
He learns the object of these representations, and orders the trumpets to sound an alarm — Gives such 
an exhibition of the extraordinary prowess of his followers, that the Mexicans are awe-struck — At the 
explosion of the cannon many fly, others fall to the ground, and Cortes finds it difficult to compose and 
reassure them — The picture-writings, with a present from Cortes, are immediately dispatched to Monte- 
zuma, and an answer brought back within a few days — To soothe and mollify Cortes, they accompany 
it with presents, carried by 100 natives — They inform him that their master would not grant his 
request, and desires him to quit his dominions — Cortes declares in a manner more resolute and 
peremptory than formerly, that he insists on his first demand, and the Mexicans prevail with him to 
allow them a few additional days, without moving from his camp, during which time they intend to get 
further instructions — State of the Mexican empire at that period . 440 

CHAPTER LH. 

MONTEZUMA'S PERPLEXITY AND TERROR UPON THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS CORTES 

ESTABLISHES A CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND IS CHOSEN CHIEF JUSTICE 
AND CAPTAIN GENERAL. 

Character of Montezuma — Haughty, violent, and impatient of control — Governs with unexampled rigor — His 
talents inadequate to a conjuncture so extraordinary as the invasion of Mexico by Cortes — From the 
moment of their landing shows symptoms of timidity and embarrassment — A general belief of some 
dreadful calamity which is about to come to pass augments his fears and forebodings — The calamity to 
come in the shape of formidable invaders from an eastern unknown race, and generally believed bv all 
his superstitious and credulous subjects — Montezuma's rage, natural to a fierce prince, when he finds the 
Spaniards disregarding his orders to leave the country — His counselors advise him to issue more positive 



XXXIV CONTENTS. 

and stringent orders to Cortes, and preposterously accompany it with a present of great value — Anxiety 
of the Spaniards pending these negotiations — The more timid amongst them contend that it would be an 
act of wildest frenzy to attack such a well regulated, powerful empire — Coites, by various acts of gener- 
osity, liberality, and intrigues, secures the esteem and affection of his army, and the approval of his plans 
of campaign against the Aztec empire — Teutile arrives, during the progress of these intrigues, with pres- 
ents and the ultimatum of Montezuma — Cortes maintains his former position, and Teutile quits the camp 
with looks and gestures which strongly express his surprise and resentment — Friendly intercourse ceases — 
The adherents of \'elasquez, emboldened by the sudden consternation which befalls everybody in the 
camp, not only murmur and cabal against Cortes, but commission Diego de Ordaz to hmi with the request 
to return to Cuba for reinforcements — He pretends to acquiesce, and issues his order for an immediate 
return — The disappointed part of his adventurers exclaim and threaten against it, considering it unworthy 
of Castihan courage, and, if persisted in, will choose another commander — Cortes, secretly pleased with 
their ardor, takes no oftense at the boldness of their utterances — His consummate skill in cairying out his 
designs — Addresses the army, promises to resume with fresh ardor his original plan of operation, and is 
greeted with enthusiastic shouts of applause — Establishes a form of civil goxernment, and claims before 
the court thus established that, his commission from \'elasquez having been revoked, the lawfulness of 
his jurisdiction might well he questioned — He resigns all authority to them as representative of the Span- 
ish monarch ; and though accustomed to command, had not forgotten to obey — His resignation is 
accepted — After a short deliberation the council, who were in reality his confidants, inform him that as 
his conduct afforded them the most satisfying evidence of his ability to command, they have elected him 
chief justice of the colony and captain-general of the army by their unanimous suffrage — The soldiers with 
eager applause ratify their choice, and the air resounds with the name of Cortes ..... 450 

CHAPTER LIII. 

CORTES ASCERTAINS THAT THE YOKE OF AZTEC CONFEDERACY IS BORNE UNWILLINGLY BY 

MANY TOWNS AND DISTRICTS HIS MARCH TO CEMPOALA AND TREATY WITH 

THE CACIQUE DESTRUCTION OF THE FLEET. 

Cortes assumes greater dignity, and exercises more extensive power, now that he acts as representative of the 
sovereign — The adherents of Velasquez exclaim openly against the proceedings as seditious, and he con- 
fines the ringleaders, loaded with chains, aboard the fleet — He courts their friendship, and they become 
perfectly reconciled to hirri, and ever after nothing swerves them from an inviolable attachment to his 
interest — Cortes receives the messengers from the cacique of Cempoala ; learns from them that he desires 
his friendship, and, impatient of the Mexican yoke, nothing could be more desirable to him than deliver- 
ance from the oppression under which he groans — Cortes concludes that the great empire of Montezuma 
is not perfectly united, nor its sovereign universally beloved — Reasons that the cause of dissatisfaction 
cannot be confined to one corner of the realm, and that the malcontents would follow the standard 
of any protector — He marches to Cempoala, and is received by everybody with gifts and caresses, and 
respect approaching almost adoration — The cacique paints the character of Montezuma — Cortes encour- 
ages him to look to him for redress, and continues his march to Ouiabislan — Assisted by the natives of 
Cempoala and Quiabislan, and pressing every man of his army into service, he erects a fort there in 
order to secure a place of retreat, and to preserve his communications with the sea — Concludes a formal 
alliance with several caciques, inspiring them with such a high opinion of the Spaniards, that they insult 
the messengers of Montezuma, who come to demand victims for their blood-reeking altars — The messen- 
gers are arrested, and only the powerful interposition of Cortes sa\es them from being themselves sacri- 
ficed — Cortes takes measures to procure a confirmation of his authority by the king — The magistrates of 
the colony write a letter to Charles \'. in which they belittle the motives of \'elasquez, and extol the mer- 
its of Cortes — He induces his soldiers to relinquish their part of the golden spoils thus far gathered, and 
sends them with the letters to Spain — A conspiracy is at that moment detected by him which involves 
the capture of one of his brigantines — He concludes to scuttle his ships, and persuades and labors with 
his army to adopt his ideas with respect to the propriety of this measure — Five hundred men voluntarily 
consent, from an effort of magnanimity, to shut themselves up in a hostile country, depending upon no 
other resources but their own valor and perseverance 4^ 



CONTENTS. XXXV 



CHAPTER LIV. 



ADVANCE INTO THE HEART OF MEXICO — SUCCESSFUL TERMINATION OF THE WAR WITH THE 
TLASCALANS CONCLUDES A TREATY OF PEACE WITH THEM. 

By an indiscreet sally of religious zeal, Cortes is precipitated into actions inconsistent with the prudence of 
his character — Orders the o\erturning of the altars and destruction of the idols of the Cempoalans — 
The native priests excite the populace to arms, but Cortes is enabled to appease the commotion with- 
out bloodshed — On the 1 6th of August he starts out with an army of 500 men, 15 horse, and 6 field 
pieces towards the repubhc of Tlascala — Is accompanied by 400 Cempoalan warriors and a host of 
" tamemes " (Indian porters), who relieve his men from the drudgery of hauling the guns and carrying 
the baggage — The port of Villa Rica left in charge of the trusty Escalante, with the disabled or in- 
firm — Character of the mountaineers of Tlascala — Less civilized than the subjects of Montezuma, fierce 
and revengeful, high spirited and independent — Formerly allies of the Cempoalans, but involved in 
perpetual hostilities with all their neighbors — The love of liberty makes them detest their servile neigh- 
bors, and wage successful contests against the superior power of the Mexicans— Four Cempoalans of 
eminence are sent by Cortes as ambassadors to ask permission to pass through their territories — They 
receive an unwelcome reception, and the Tlascalans prepare to obstruct the passage of the troops of 
Cortes — Probable motives prompting them thereto — Battle with the Tlascalans, in which the Spaniards 
sustain severe losses — During fourteen days almost uninterruptedly assaulted, he proceeds very cau- 
tiously — The Tlascalans, though addicted to' war, strangers to military order and discipline — Queer su- 
perstitions and habits of the Tlascalans — They keep continually sending poultry and maize (Indian 
corn) to the Spaniards, because they scorn to attack an enemy enfeebled by hunger, or affront their 
gods by offering them famished victims — They apply to their priests to reveal to them the unknown 
cause, why, in so many hard-fought battles, they have been unsuccessful in killing a single Span- 
iard? — Informed that the strangers are the children of the sun, and invulnerable in day time — In con- 
tradiction with their war maxims, they attack them at night, but are signally repulsed — Cruel measures 
adopted by Cortes with some 50 spies, whose hands he orders cut off — The Tlascalans disposed to 
peace — Peace concluded, and the republic taken under his protection ....... 474 

CHAPTER LV. 

CORTES SOLICITOUS TO GAIN THE CONFIDENCE OF HIS NEW C(5NFEDERATES, WHICH HE, BARELY 

GAINED, JEOPARDIZES BY HIS RELIGIOUS ZEAL ADVANCES TO CHOLULA, 

WHERE HE MASSACRES 6000 INHABITANTS, AND THENCE 
ON TO THE CITY OF MEXICO. [1519.] 

Cortes enters the city of Tlascala — His army in a wretched condition — Worn out by incessant toil, destitute 
during the weary campaign of the necessaries most requisite, and compelled to dress their wounds 
with the fat of their slain enemies for want of salve, many of them begin to murmur — It requires the 
utmost exertion of Cortes' authority and address to check the spirit of despondency and re-animate his 
followers — He makes a stay of twenty days in Tlascala to recuperate the health of his army from their 
fatigues — Makes diligent inquiry into the condition of the empire, and perceives what benefit he would 
derive from the aid of his new and powerful confederates— They anticipate his wishes and offer their 
services — Cortes, as well as his army, considering themselves as instruments employed by heaven to 
propagate the Christian faith, press with inconsiderate impetuosity their new allies to abandon their 
deities and kneel down to the true cross — Cortes threatens to overturn their altars and cast down their 
idols, when the politic though tolerant Bartholomew de Olmedo, chaplain to the expedition, demon- 
strates to him the fallacy of the measure — The Tlascalans are left in the undisturbed exercise of their 
rights, required only to desist from their horrid practice of offering human sacrifices — Accompanied by 
6,000 Tlascalans, he resumes his march toward the holy city of Cholula, whither Montezuma had in- 
vited him — Cortes is received into the town by the Cholulans with much seemir.g respect, but his allies 
are refused admittance — Dona Marina receives information from an Indian woman she has befriended, 
that the destruction of the Spaniards was concerted — Effectual measures already adopted and executed, 
and their ruin unavoidable — Cortes, alarmed, secretly arrests three of the chief priests, and extorts from 
them a confession confirming the intelligence which he had received — He perfects his plans to inflict 
such dreadful vengeance on the Cholulans as will strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror, which 



XXXVl CONTENTS. 

result in a horrible butchery and carnage — The massacre lasts two days, during which time 6,000 In- 
dians are killed — He upbraids the captive magistrates of the city with their intended treachery, but 
releases them with the instruction to establish order in the town and recall the fugitives — Cortes resumes 
his march — The caciques and governors of the provinces through which he passes communicate their 
grievances to him, and he concludes that the vital parts of the Mexican constitution are affected — In 
descending the mountain of Chalco, the vast plain of Mexico, one of the most striking and beautiful, 
opens to the view of the invaders, and they imagine they behold the enchanted palaces and gilded 
domes of some fanciful romance — Flatter themselves that they will obtain ample recompense for all 
their services and sufferings — The irresolution of Montezuma so great, that Cortes is before Mexico be- 
fore the monarch has determined whether to receive him as friend or enemy 483 

CHAPTER LVI. 

FIRST INTERVIEW WITH MONTEZUMA ENTRY INTO THE CITY THE DANGEROUS SITUATION OF 

HIS ARMY COMPELS HIM TO ADOPT EXTREME MEASURES MONTEZUMA SEIZED IN 

HIS PALACE AND CARRIED PRISONER TO THE SPANISH QUARTERS. 

Cortes is received by a deputation of 1,000 distinguished looking persons, who announce to him the approach 
of the emperor — His harbingers come in sight — Seated on a golden litter, and surrounded by an im- 
mense retinue of officers, favorites, and servants, he approaches — Cortes accosts him with profound 
reverence, and he returns the salutation according to the mode of his country — Montezuma conducts 
Cortes to the quarters prepared for him, and immediately takes his leave — The place, a large building 
surrounded by a stone wall, and its apartments so large as to accommodate both the Spaniards and their 
Indian allies — Cortes takes precautionary measures — Montezuma returns to visit his guests again in the 
evening, bringing presents of such value as proved his liberality to be equal to the opulence of the 
kingdom — Has a long conference and makes Cortes acquainted with the traditions and prophecies of his 
people, which have foretold his coming — Artful reply of Cortes — Audience with the emperor on the fol- 
lowing day — Description of the city of Mexico, or Tenochtitlan — Built in the middle of a lake, and con- 
nected by causeways with the opposite shores — Magnificent temples and houses- — The habitations of 
the common people mere huts — Large market places allotted for traffic to the 60,000 inhabitants — It is 
the pride of the New World, the noblest monument, of the industry and art of man — The dangerous 
situation in which Cortes finds himself placed causes him uneasiness and perplexity — Is warned by his 
allies not to place any confidence in the good will of iVIontezuma — Hears of the head of a Spaniard from 
the garrison of Villa Rica having been sent all over the empire, and at last to Mexico, to disprove the 
fallacious notion that the invaders were immortal beings — Becomes sensible that though the valor and 
discipline of his troops is superior to the natives, the success of his enterprise depends solely upon the 
high opinion they entertain of the irresistible power of his arms — Upon the first symptom of timidity on 
his part their veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone restrains, let loose the whole 
force of his empire — Resolves to seize Montezuma — Daring manner of the execution of his plans — 
Montezuma arrested in his own palace and carried to the Spanish quarters — When it becomes known 
to the populace, they break out in the wildest transports of grief and rage, threatening the Spaniards 
with destruction — Cortes compels Montezuma to declare to the populace that he came by his own choice, 
and desired to reside with his new friends for some time — Quiet is restored and the Mexicans disperse . 492 

CHAPTER LVn. 

INDIGNITIES HEAPED UPON MONTEZUMA — ACKNOWLEDGES HIMSELF A VASSAL OF SPAIN — 

MEXICAN SCHEMES FOR LIBERATION. 

Montezuma received into the Spanish quarters with apparent respect ; perfect liberty of action accorded to 
him and to his officers, who visit him daily, though watched with scrupulous vigilance — Qualpopoca, and 
six officers brought to the capital by Montezuma's orders, and formally tried by a Spanish court martial, 
which condemns them to be burnt alive — While preparations for the aufo da fe are being made, Monte- 
zuma, who as author of the crimes committed by his instrument Qualpopoca, has also been found guilty 
by the court, is informed by Cortes that it becomes necessary for him to make atonement for his guilt, 
and orders him put into fetters — The fetters are instantly adjusted, and the disconsolate monarch breaks 
out into loud lamentations and complaints — His attendants, speechless with horror, fall at his feet, bath- 



CONTENTS. XXXVU 

ing them with their tears — After Oualpopoca's execution Cortes orders Montezuma's fetters taken oft — 
Reasons of Cortes' conduct — -The rigor with which Cortes punished the unhappy persons, makes the 
impression he desires — Montezuma overawed and subdued — He is permitted to receive the attendance 
of his ministers, visit the temples, yea, even goes on hunting expeditions beyond the lake, in company 
with a guard of a few Spaniards— The dread, or veneration which he and his subjects have of any Span- 
iard, such, that no attempt is made to deliver him from confinement — Cortes avails himself to the utmost 
of the power he possesses, and acts in the name of Montezuma — Sends exploring parties to all parts of 
the empire — Builds two brigantines on the lake with the aid of Montezuma's subjects, which afford a 
frivolous amusement to the monarch — Montezuma prevailed upon to acknowledge himself a vassal of 
Spain — He calls together the chief men of his empire, who interrupt his discourse with tears and groans — 
Cortes foresees a violent irruption of rage to be near at hand, interposes, and declares that his master 
does not desire to deprive Montezuma of any dignities, nor the empire of its laws or constitution — Mon- 
tezuma, at the desire of Cortes, accompanies his profession of fealty with a magnificent present to the 
Spanish sovereign — Division of it, and the discontent it occasions — Reasons why gold was found in such 
small quantities — Montezuma's inflexibility with respect to his religion — Cortes enraged at his obstinacy, 
orders his soldiers to throw down the idols in the grand temple by force — Resisted by the priests and the 
natives — Schemes of the Mexicans to destroy the Spaniards — Montezuma informs Cortes, that now that 
his embassy has accomplished its purpose, he and his army had better retire, or the Gods and the Mex- 
ican people would destroy tliem — Cones pretends to comply 502 

CHAPTER LVIII. 

CORTES RECEIVES NEWS OF THE ARRIVAL OF NARVAEZ SENT AT THE HEAD OF A NEW ARMA- 
MENT FITTED OUT BY VELASQUEZ — ATTEMPTS NEGOTIATIONS WITH HIM, WHICH 
FAILING, HE MARCHES AGAINST, AND UTTERLY ROTTtS HIM. THE 
EFFECTS OF THIS VICTORY. 

Anxiety of Cortes about the success of his mission to Spain, and dangers surrounding him in Mexico — 
Hears of the arrival of some ships at the coast, and imagines his messengers have returned, but is at 
once undeceived by news from Sandoval, commander of Vera Cruz — Motives which prompt Velas- 
quez to take violent measures — Appointed by the crown governor for life over the newly discovered 
regions, with more extensive powers and privileges than had been granted to any adventurer since the 
time of Columbus — Determines to vindicate his own rights, and the honor of the sovereign, by force of 
arms — Gathers together an armada of eighteen ships, fourscore horsemen, 800 foot-soldiers, and 120 
crossbow-men, and places the expedition under the command of Pamphilo de Narvaez — Narvaez lands 
at St. Juan de Ulloa, and is joined by three deserters from the army of Cortes — Their low cunning repre- 
sents the situation of Cortes to be desperate, and the dissatisfaction of his soldiers general — Narvaez sends a 
priest to the commander of Vera Cruz, with summons to surrender ; Guevara makes the requisition with 
such insolence, that the high-spirited Sandoval seizes him, and sends him prisoner to Cortes — Guevara 
received by Cortes as a friend — Learns of the intrigues of Narvaez, set afloat among the natives, which 
latter had already begun to revolt in several provinces — Montezuma in secret intercourse with Narvaez — 
Deliberations of Cortes concerning his own conduct — After revolving every scheme with deep attention, 
fixes upon the most hazardous one, but best suited to desperate situations — Determines to make one bold 
effort for victory, rather than sacrifice his own conquests — Sends Father Olmedo to negotiate with Nar- 
vaez and his officers, who, though meeting with a favorable reception by some, finds the untractable arro- 
gance of Narvaez unyielding — Cortes leaves 150 men under Alvarado in the capital, and marches with 
the remainder against Narvaez — His strength, after being reinforced by the garrison of Vera Cruz, only 
250 men — Continues negotiations as he advances towards Cempoala, and by various bribes succeeds in 
gaining adherents to his cause — A little junto excepted, Narvaez and all the army lean towards an accom- 
modation — Narvaez insists on recognition of his title as Governor, which Cortes refusing, irritates his vio- 
lent temper almost to madness — He marches out to offer battle — Cortes takes advantage of a favorable 
circumstance, and attacks Narvaez in the night — Description of the battle ; defeat of Narvaez — The effects 
of this victory — Offers to send his adversaries back to Cuba, or to take them into his service as partners 
of his fortune, on equal terms — This latter proposition accepted by almost all 514 



xxxviu CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER LIX. 

IMPOLITIC MEASURES OF ALVARADO PRODUCE A CRISIS IN THE CITY OF MEXICO — RETURN OF 

CORTES, WHO FINDS HIMSELF BESIEGED IN HIS OWN QUARTERS SHORTLY AFTERWARDS 

— DEATH OF MONTEZUMA, AND HORRIBLE BUTCHERY OF THE SPANIARDS 

DURING THEIR RETREAT FROM THE CITY THE " NOCHE TRISTE." 

Cortes hears of the revolt of the Mexicans, and the destruction of the brigantines — Alvarado attacked in his 
own quarters, and though defending himself heroically, must soon succumb to fatigue and famine^Rea- 
sons for the sudden change of the attitude of the Mexicans — Alvarado employs neither address nor states- 
manship to disconcert the machinations of the Mexicans — Butchers their principal persons while unsus- 
piciously engaged in one of their religious dances — Cortes sets out with all his forces to the relief of the 
besieged — Is received with open arms by Alvarado — The united forces which he now commands, appear 
to him so irresistible, that he assumes a higher tone, and lays aside the mask of moderation — The Mexicans, 
convinced that his original purpose in visiting their country was the conquest of the same, renew their 
hostilities with violence and fury — The Spaniards attacked in the great market square, and many of them 
slain — With impetuous assault they renew their attacks next morning — Distress of the Spaniards — Cortes 
attacks them without success — Cortes satisfied, that he had been betrayed by his own contempt of the 
Mexicans into a fatal error, and that he cannot maintain his present situa'tion any longer — Tries what 
effect the interposition of Montezuma might have to soothe or overawe his subjects — The unfortunate 
prince wounded on the battlements by his own soldiers — He dies within a few days — His last acts and 
reflections — New conflicts engage the Spaniards — The Mexicans assail them from the top of a high tower 
in the great temple— Ineffectual attempt of Juan de Escobar to dislodge them— The wounded Cortes 
comes to his rescue, and they dislodge the Mexicans from their stronghold — Hairbreadth escape of Cor- 
tes — The Mexicans change their tactics, and attempt to starve an enemy, whom they can not subdue — 
Cortes decides to abandon the city — Decides to retire secretly in the night — Divides his army into three 
divisions, himself taking the central — A portable bridge of timber intended to be laid over the breaches 
in the causeway, their main reliance of success — At midnight, July i, i 520, they move out of their quarters 
in profound silence, and reach the first breach without molestation — The Mexicans, though unperceived, 
watch all their motions with attention, and make proper disposition for a formidable attack — The great 
drum on the top of the Teocalli sends forth its deep intonations, and the Spaniards find themselves 
hemmed in on all sides by a torrent of infuriated human beings — Details of the butchery in that most 
memorable night — Cortes with his shattered forces arrives at Tacuba — His losses 527 

CHAPTER LX. 

RETREAT AND BATTLE OF OTUMBA RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS IN TLASCALA — MUTINOUS 

SPIRIT OF THE TROOPS AND MEANS EMPLOYED BY CORTES TO REVIVE THEIR CONFI- 
DENCE — STRENGTHENED BY SEVERAL REINFORCEMENTS, HE AGAIN MARCHES 
AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO. [1520.] 

Cortes takes possession of a temple standing on high ground near Tacuba, where he not only finds shelter 
from the assaults of his enemies, but also some provisions for his famished men — Consults with his offi- 
cers as to the best route he should take to reach the friendly Tlascalans — Under the guidance of a Tlas- 
calan soldier, they set out, continually harassed by assaults on their flanks and reai;, and reduced to 
feed on berries in the barren country — On the sixth day they reach an eminence overlooking the plain 
of Otumba, and are awestruck to find an immense army of Mexicans drawn up in line of battle, ready to 
oppose and annihilate them — Cortes, without allowing leisure for their fears to acquire strength by reflec- 
tion, leads them instantly to the charge — The Spaniards, though successful in every attack they make, 
find continually new battalions arriving, and see no end to their toil, or any hope of victory — Cortes 
observing the great standard of the empire carried in front of the Mexican general by a host of nobles, 
and recollecting that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle, gathers a few officers about 
him, and pushes forward with an impetuosity which brings down everything before him — Captures the 
standard, and a universal panic strikes the Mexicans; every ensign is lowered, the soldiers throw away 
their weapons, and fly with precipitation to the mountains — The Tlascalans, far from taking any advan- 
tage of his distressing situation, receive him with cordiality, and all his suspicions are quickly dissipated — 
The news of the sad fate of other Spanish parties in Mexico reaches him here — New deliberations of Cor- 



CONTENTS. XXXIX 

tes — Depending upon the implacable hatred of the Tlascalans towards the Mexicans, and his first allies 
the Cempoalans, he courts their chiefs with such attention that he is assured of everything he may 
require — Orders timber to be cut in the mountains to build new brigantines with on Lake Tenochtitlan — 
Dispatches four ships to Jamaica to recruit volunteers, and buy contraband of war — An obstacle arises 
in a quarter from where he least expects it — Mutinous spirit of the troops — Means employed by him to 
revive their confidence — That the malcontents might have no leisure to brood over their disaffection, he 
calls forth his troops into action, and personally taking the lead, chastises the Tepeacans for outrages 
committed by them — During several months, while waiting for reinforcements, keeps his troops con- 
stantly employed — Strengthened by several new arrivals from Cuba, Jamaica and Spain, whom he 
seduces from the masters they were bound to serve, he dismisses such of Narvaez' soldiers as remain 
with reluctance, and advances at the head of 10,000 Tlascalans, 550 infantry, forty horsemen, and nine 
field-pieces, towards Mexico 542 

CHAPTER LXI. 

PREPARATIONS OF THE MEXICANS FOR THEIR DEFENCE CORTES' SLOW AND CAUTIOUS OPERA- 
TIONS IN INVESTING THE CITY LAUNCH OF THE BRIGANTINES — GUATEMOTZIN's 

HEROIC DEFENCE OF THE PALLADIUM OF THE EMPIRE. 

Quetlavaca, brother of Montezuma, elected emperor — He repairs what the Spaniards have ruined in the city, 
and strengthens it with new fortifications — Fills the magazines with provisions and weapons of war — 
Summons his subjects everywhere to take up arms against the Spaniards, offering in return exemption 
from all taxes — Endeavors to persuade the Tlascalans to renounce all connections with them — Sudden 
death of Quetlavaca, and ascension of young Guatemotzin, a true hero, to the throne of the Monte- 
zumas — Cortes forces his way through to the city of Tezcuco, 20 miles from the capital — Deposes the 
cacique, and substitutes in his place a person whom a faction of nobles pointed out as the real heir to 
that dignity — Begins the tedious work of constructing the brigantines, while a part of his army reduce 
the neighboring towns to submisssion to the crown of Spain — Having observed symptoms of disaffec- 
tion among many of the neighboring states with Mexican rule, he offers to deliver them from their 
odious dominion if they would unite with him — Gradually acquires new allies, and circumscribes the 
Mexican power in such manner, that his prospects for overturning it seem neither uncertain nor remote — 
A conspiracy to assassinate him is discovered, and the ringleader summarily hanged — His artful decla- 
ration of his ignorance who the conspirators are, restores tranquillity —Orders a body of Spaniards to 
conduct the material for the building of the brigantines, to repair to Tlascala — Sandoval's successful ac- 
complishment of this singular and important mission — Receives new reinforcements from Hispaniola — 
Digs a canal two miles long to facilitate the launching of the brigantines, and with extraordinary mili- 
tary pomp, and the celebration of the most sacred rites of religion, successfully launches them — Dis- 
positions of his army for the siege — Alvarado breaks down the aqueduct which conveys fresh water to 
the city of Mexico — Mexicans attack the brigantines, but are signally repulsed, leaving Cortes master 
of the lake — Singular plan of conducting the siege — On land, on water, by night and by day, one furi- 
ous conflict succeeds another, nearly all ready to sink under the toils of unintermitting service — Cortes 
endeavors to take the city by storm — The Spaniards push forward with irresistible impetuosity ; break 
through one barricade after another; force their way over ditches and canals, and enter the city — 
Guatemotzin, discernmg the consequence of an error Cortes commits, orders the great drum consecrated 
to the god of war to sound, and the Spaniards find themselves surrounded on all sides — Cortes manages 
to extricate himself with a loss of about 60 men, but what renders the disaster more afflicting, 40 of 
these fall alive into the hands of an enemy never known to show mercy to a captive — New schemes 
and efforts of the Mexicans — Cortes deserted by many of his Indian allies 550 

CHAPTER LXU. 

CORTES ADOPTS A NEW SYSTEM OF ATTACK — COURAGE AND CONSTANCY OF THE NOBLE 

GUATEMOTZIN THE SURRENDER OF THE CITY — NEW SCHEMES OF DISCOVERY 

FORMED BY CORTES — THE DISCOVERIES OF FERDINAND MAGELLAN. 

The oracles of the Mexican priests failing to turn out true, reassures the allies of Cortes, and he regains 
thtir support — He pushes his way forward over the causeway, which his Indian allies repair, and razes 



xl CONTENTS. 

every building within the territory occupied by him, to the ground — The Mexicans forced to retire as 
their enemies gain entry ; are hemmed in within narrow hmits — The brigantmes prevent any supplies of 
food or water to be conveyed to the besieged, and the courageous Guatemotzin's stores are exhausted — 
With obstinate resolution he defends every inch of ground, and though his people are suffering from 
infectious and mortal distempers, added to the horrors of a famine, his spirit remains firm and unsub- 
dued — Rejects every overture of peace with scorn, disdaining to submit to the oppressors of his coun- 
try — The Spaniards continue to advance, and at last all three divisions meet in the great square — The 
Mexican nobles prevail on Guatemotzin to retire from a place where resistance is in vain, and he per- 
mits himself to be taken into a canoe, accompanied by the empress, to be rowed across the lake — 
Sandoval succeeds in overtaking him and brings the emperor before Cortes — " I have done what became 
a monarch, nothing now remains but to die ; take this dagger," pointing to one which Cortes wears, 
" plant it in my breast and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use " — The fate of the daunt- 
less emperor becommg known, the city surrenders — The fall of the empire due to internal causes, and 
not to the merit and ability of Cortes alone — The victors find but little treasure, and suspect it to have 
been buried by order of Guatemotzin ; Cortes orders the unhappy monarch put to the torture, together 
with his chief favorite — The latter, overcome by the violence of the anguish, implores Guatemotzin's 
permission to reveal all he knows — " Am I now reposing on a bed of flowers ? " answers the emperor ; 
the favorite preserves a dutiful silence, and expires — Cortes ashamed, rescues the royal victim, pro- 
longing a life reserved for new indignities and sufferings — All the provinces of the empire submit — 
Cortes forms new schemes of discovery, which are anticipated and completed by Magellan . 

CHAPTER LXIII 

AN ORDER TO SUPERSEDE CORTES, WHICH HE ELUDES, ARRIVES FROM SPAIN HE DISPATCHES 

DEPUTIES, WHO SUCCEED IN HAVING HIM APPOINTED CAPTAIN-GENERAL AND GOV- 
ERNOR OF NEW SPAIN — INSURRECTION OF THE MEXICANS — POVERTY OF THE 
CONQUERORS — CORTES RETURNS TO SPAIN, FORMS NEW SCHEMES 
OF DISCOVERY HIS DEATH. 

bishop Fonseca declares Cortes an usurper, and appoints Christoval de Tapia to supersede him — He lands 
at Vera Cruz — Neither his talents nor his reputation suited for the high command to which he is ap- 
pointed — Cortes succeeds in defeating the effect of his commission, and Tapia abandons the province — 
Cortes sends a deputation with rich presents to the emperor — They succeed by representing his achieve- 
ments in the most glorious colors, and backed by public sentiment in having his actions approved, and 
Charles V., adopting the sentiments of his subjects with youthful ardor, appoints him Captain-General 
and Governor — Cortes rebuilds Mexico, employs skillful persons to hunt for mines, detaches his prin- 
cipal officers to remote provinces, inducing them to settle there, and granting them large tracts of land, 
and dominion over the Indians — They violate every right that is held sacred by hostile nations, and the 
Indians rebel — Ignominious and excruciating modes of execution, which the insolence or the cruelty of 
the conqueror can devise, soon reduce them to submission — On slight suspicion that Guatemotzin has 
formed a scheme to shake off their yoke, without the formality of a trial, he is ordered hanged in company 
with two persons of greatest eminence in the empire — The washing of earth which carries the precious 
golden grains the first object of industry among the conquerors — The commissioners appointed to re- 
ceive and administer the royal revenue, represent Cortes as an ambitious tyrant, aspiring to independ- 
ence, and likely to succeed by reason of his enormous wealth and influence — Unmindful of his services, 
Charles appoints the licentiate Ponce de Leon with the commission to seize his person, and send him 
prisoner to Spain — The commissioner dies a few days after his arrival, and though a new commission 
of inquiry is issued. Cortes decides not to await their arrival, and repairs to Spain — Cortes appears in his 
native country with the splendor suiting the conqueror of a mighty kingdom — Received by Charles 
with highest marks of distinction and respect — Charles, though, too sagacious to entrust the man whom 
he had once suspicioned with powers which might be impossible to control — Cortes returns to Mexico 
with diminished authority — The division of power engenders perpetual dissensions, and Cortes forms 
new schemes of discovery — Fits out various unsuccessful expeditions — Takes the command of a new 
armament in person, and after enduring incredible hardships, discovers the peninsula of California — 
Disgusted with ill-success, he once more seeks for redress in his native country — The emperor behaves 



CONTENTS. xli 

to him with cold civility, his grievances receive no redress, and after spending several years in irksome 
and fruitless applications, Cortes ends his days on the 2d of December, 1547, admired by succeeding 
ages 579 



Book III. — The Conquest of Peru. 

CHAPTER LXIV. 

VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA DISCOVERS THE SOUTH SEA RECEIVES INFORMATION CONCERNING A 

MORE OPULENT COUNTRY DISSENSIONS BETWEEN PEDRARIAS AND BALBOA END 

IN THE PUBLIC EXECUTION OF A MAN UNIVERSALLY BELOVED. 

Ferdinand erects two governments on the continent of America extending from Cape de Vela to Cape 
Gracios a Dios — Nicuessa given the latter, Ojeda the former — A feeble remnant of colonists at Santa 
Maria el Antigua placed under the command of Balboa, who raise him by their voluntary suffrage to 
the dignity of governor — Extremely desirous to obtain from the crown a confirmation of his election, 
aims at performing some signal service — A young cacique offers to take him to a country, where the 
meanest vessels are made of gold — Informed of the existence of another ocean, and concludes it to be 
the one Columbus had searched for in vain — Makes preparations to gather re-inforcements, and courts 
the friendship of neighboring caciques — Description of the Isthmus of Darien — Starts out at the head 
of igo hardy veterans, and is retarded by the nature of the territory, and the disposition of its inhabi- 
tants — Has innuinerable encounters with them, suffers from the scarcity of provisions, the ravages of 
dysentery, and other diseases frequent in that country — When nearly ready to sink under such uninter- 
rupted fatigues, beholds from the top of the mountain which they are ascending, the South Sea stretch- 
ing in endless prospect before him — Balboa, upon reaching its shores, advances up to the middle into 
the waves, and with buckler and sword takes possession of it in the name of his king and master — All 
the people on that coast concur in informing him that a mighty and opulent country lies to the south — 
His prudence restrains him from invading it with a handful of men — He returns to Santa Maria by an- 
other route, and with more treasure than the Spaniards had acquired in any expedition before in the 
New World — Sends information to Spain, and asks for an re-inforcement of 1,000 men, to attempt the 
conquest of Peru — The fatal antipathy of Fonseca to every man of merit becomes conspicuous — Pedra- 
rias Davila appointed governor — Reaches Darien at the head of 1,500 men, and though Balboa's vet- 
erans murmur loudly at the injustice of the king, Balboa submits with implicit obedience to his will — 
Pedrarias appomts a judicial inquiry to be made into Balboa's conduct, and imposes a fine upon him for 
alleged irregularities — Is jealous of his superior merit — -The situation of the village of Santa Maria en- 
vironed with marshes and woods, peculiarly unhealthy, and violent and destructive maladies carry off 
many of his followers — A great many return to Spain ; others, to divert them from brooding over their 
misfortunes, he sends into the interior to levy gold among the natives — Their tyranny, rapacity, and in- 
considerate demands desolate the country — Balboa, seeing his favorite scheme retarded by such ill- 
judged proceedings, sends remonstrances to Spain — Pedrarias accuses him of having deceived the king 
by false representations of the opulence of the country — Ferdinand, sensible of his imprudence in super- 
seding Balboa, appoints him Adelantado of the South Sea — Pedrarias continues to treat his rival with 
neglect, but a reconciliation is effected by the bishop of Darien, and in order to cement the union more 
firmly, Pedrarias gives his daughter in marriage to him — Balboa builds vessels to convey his troops to the 
provinces he intends to invade — Hatred, fear, and jealousy operate on the mind of Pedrarias, and under 
plausible but false pretexts, he requests Balboa to repair to Ada — Upon his anival there is tried for 
disloyalty to the king, and intention to revolt against the governor — Sentence of death is pronounced, 
and though the whole colony intercede for him, Pedrarias refuses to pardon him — Is executed 1517 — 
Pedrarias removes the colony to the opposite side of the isthmus .595 

(3) 



XlU CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER LXV. 

SCHEMES FOR THE DISCOVERY OF PERU UNSUCCESSFUL FOR SOME TIME THE ENTERPRISE AT 

LAST UNDERTAKEN BY PIZARRO, ALMAGRO, AND LUQUE. [1524.] 

Ever since the discovery of the great South Sea, the wishes and schemes of every enterprising person in 
Darien turns towards the wealth of the south-easterly regions — Several armaments are fitted out to 
explore the countries to the east of Panama, but uniform ill success accompanies all these excursions, 
and dampens the ardor of the most enthusiastic — The circumstances which deter others, make little, if 
any, impression on Pizarro, Almagro and Luque, three extraordinary men, residents of Panama — Char- 
acter of the men destined to overturn the most extensive empires on the face of the earth — Pizarro, the 
least wealthy of the three, engages to take the department of greatest fatigue and danger ; Almagro 
offers to conduct the, supplies of provisions, and reinforcement of troops, while Luque remains behind to 
superintend whatever was carrying on for the general welfare — The terms of their association confirmed 
by the most solemn act of religion, and in the name of the Prince of Peace they ratify a contract of which 
plunder and bloodshed are the objects — Their first attempt in a single vessel of small burden undertaken 
at a very unpropitious tirne — The vessel beats about for seventy days along the coast of a very uninviting 
country, and Pizarro is at last compelled hy fatigue, famine, and the frequent encounters with fierce and 
hostile natives, to return to Chuchama, opposite the Pearl Islands, for reinforcements — Expects to fall in 
there with Almagro, but that dauntless knight, in hopes of meeting him further south, proceeds as far as 
the province of Popayan — Almagro searches for his companions, undergoes the same hardships, and is 
at last led by chance to Pizarro's retreat — They determine to resume the undertaking, notwithstanding 
all that they had suffered — Almagro repairs to Panama, and meets with great difficulty in levying four- 
score men — Joms Pizarro, and after a long series of disasters and disappointments, they land at Tacamez, 
situated in a fertile and champaign country, the inhabitants of which are clad in garments of wool and 
cotton — -They conclude it to be unsafe to venture on the invasion of such a populous district with a hand- 
ful^ of men, and Almagro returns to Panama for reinforcements, Pizarro meanwhile retiring to the Island 
of Gallo — Almagro meets with an unfavorable reception at the hands of the new governor — Pedro de los 
Rios prohibits the raising of new levies, and dispatches a vessel to the Island of Gallo to bring back 
Pizarro and his companions — He peremptorily refuses to obey the summons, and employs all his address 
and eloquence in persuading his men not to abandon him — Pizarro draws a line with his sword in the 
sand, and calls upon all who wish to gain glory and immortal renown to step over it and abide with 
him — But thirteen daring veterans have the resolution to remain with their commander — This small but 
determined band, to whose persevering fortitude Spain was indebted for its most valuable possessions, fix 
their residence on the Island of Gorgona — Almagro's and Luque's incessant importunities, seconded by 
the general voice of the colony, prevail at last with the Governor, and he consents to send a small vessel 
to Pizarro's relief — Worn out with fruitless expectations, dispirited with hardships, of which he sees no 
end, he is on the point of committing himself to the ocean on a float, when the vessel from Panama 
arrives — Extreme dejection is succeeded by high confidence — He induces the crew of the vessel to resume 
his former scneme, and after sailing twenty days in a south-easterly direction, lands at Tumbez, a place 
distinguished for its stately temples, and a palace of the Incas — The country fully peopled, and cultivated 
with regular industry ; the natives decently clothed, possessed of great ingenuity, and having the use of 
tame domestic animals — The show of gold and silver everywhere such as leaves no doubts, that the pre- 
cious metals abound in profusion — Pizarro ranges for some time along the coast, maintaining everywhere 
peaceable intercourse with the people — Having explored the country sufficient to ascertain the impor- 
tance of his discovery, and inducing two natives to accompany him back to serve as interpreters in the 
future, he returns to Panama at the end of the third year from the time of his departure — New schemes 
of the associates — The Governor adheres to his resolution not to permit any recruitiilg in his feeble col- 
ony — Perceiving the necessity that their schemes should have the countenance of superior authority, they 
decide upon sending Pizarro to Spain to negotiate — He appears before the Emperor with unembarrassed 
dignity, conscious of the merit of his services — Describes his sufferings, gives a pompous account of the 
country he discovered, and makes such an impression on Charles and his ministers that they approve of 
:he intended expedition, and become interested in its success — Pizarro neglects his associates, and pro- 
cares the supreme command for himself — His funds and credit so low, the force he is able to raise so 
slender, that in order to elude the scrutiny of the officers charged to examine whether he has fulfilled the 
stipulations of his contract with the crown, he is compelled to steal out of the harbor of Seville — Before 



CONTENTS. xliii 

his departure he receives some supply of money from his old comrade in arms, Cortes — Lands at Nom- 
bre de Dios, and, accompanied by his three brothers, marches across the Isthmus of Panama — Ahnagro, 
exasperated by his perfidy in exchiding him, both from power and honor, labors to form a new associa- 
tion — Pizarro relinquishes the office of Adelantado, and mitigates the rage of the open-hearted soldier, 
and a reconciliation is effected 6o8 

CHAPTER LXVI. 

THE STATE OF THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE AT THAT TIME FAVORABLE TO THE INVADERS- 

PIZARRO AVAILS HIMSELF OF IT, AND ADVANCES INTO THE HEART OF 

THE COUNTRY — TAKES THE INCA PRISONER. 

The expedition sails in three small ships, leaving Ahnagro behind to follow with reinforcements — Pizarro 
lands in the ISay of St. Matthew with a force of iSo men, thirty-six of whom are horsemen ; abandons 
his vessels here, and makes his way along the shore, beset by all kinds of calamities, and under the 
most trying hardships, to the province of Coaque — Surprises the principal settlement of the natives, seiz- 
ing golden vessels and ornaments to the .imount of 30,000 pesos — Dispatches two of his vessels back to 
Panama and Nicaragua with considerable sums to persons of influence there, in hopes of alluring advent- 
urers — Continues his march along the coast, ravaging the country, and meeting with hardly any resist- 
ance from the frightened inhabitants, until he reaches the Island of Puna — The inhabitants, fiercer and 
less civilized than those on the continent, defend themselves with obstinate valor, and Pizarro spends 
six months in subduing them — The fame of his success at Coaque brings two detachments from Nicara- 
gua, under the command of Sebastian Benalcazar and Hernando de .Soto — Proceeds to the mouth of the 
river Piura and establishes the first colony, to which he gives the name of St. Michael — State of the 
empire at the time of the invasion — Extends 1500 miles along the Pacific Ocean, its breadth from east to 
west considerably less — Originally possessed by small tribes of a very low civilization, roaming about 
naked in the forests — Tradition tells of a man and woman appearing near Lake Titicaca, of majestic 
form, and decently clothed — They declare themselves children of the sun, sent by their beneficent parent 
to instruct and reclaim mankind — Obtaining proselytes, they repair to Cuzco and lay the foundation of a 
city — Manco Capac and Mama OcoUo instruct the men in agriculture, and the women in spinning and 
weaving — Introduce such laws and policy as will perpetuate their happiness — Found the empire of Incas— 
The Incas revered as divinities — Appear with ensigns of royalty reserved for the in alone — They extend 
their dominions, not prompted thereto by the rage of conquest, but to diffuse the blessings of civiliza- 
tion — The twelve monarchs succeeding Manco Capac all of this beneficent character^ — Huana Capac 
seated on the throne when the Spaniards first visit Peru — He subjects the kingdom of (Ouito, and marries 
the daughter of the vanquished monarch — She bears him a son, .Atahualpa, whom he appoints as his suc- 
cessor to the government of Quito, leaving the rest of his empire to Huascar, by a mother of the royal 
race of Peru — The destination concerning the succession, repugnant to the people of Cuzco — Huascar, 
encouraged by their sentiments, requires his brother to acknowledge him as his lawful superior — Atahu- 
alpa eludes his brother's demands — Marches in hostile array against him — Civil war breaks out ; Atahu- 
alpa victorious — Conscious of the defect of his title, exterminates the royal race, making Huascar pris- 
oner — The civil war raging in its greatest fury at the time of the landing of Pizarro — The two competitors 
too much engrossed in their own operations to heed him — Pizzaro receives rrtessengers from Huascar, 
who solicits his aid — He clearly foresees the advantages to be derived from this intestine discord, and 
decides to take part as circumstances should incline him — Makes cautious disposition of his men and 
stores, and starts towards Caxamalca, where Atahualpa is encamped with a considerable body of troops — 
Is met by messengers from the Inca, accompanied by valu.able presents, a proffer of alliance, and assured 
of a friendly reception — Pizarro pretends to be the ambassador of a powerful monarch, who sends him to 
aid Atahualpa against the enemies who dispute his title to the throne — Ideas of the Peruvians concerning 
Pizarro's designs — Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions removes the fears of the Inca — He allows 
the Spaniards to march in tranquillity — Pizarro dispatches an Indian ambassador to the camp of the Inca 
with instructions to note the condition of the road — Begins the ascent of the stupendous Andes, a natural 
rampart, containing a labyrinth of passes, easily capable of defence by a handful of men — Induces his 
men by a frank and manly eloquence to choose the narrow path of the Sierras, practicable only for the 
half-naked Indian, to Caxamalca — The cavalry obliged to dismount and scramble up the rugged and 
precipitous paths of the mountain, leading their horses by the bridles — Huge crags or eminences over- 



Xliv CONTENTS. 

hang the road — The narrow ledge of rock scarcely wide enough for a single steed — Tremendous fissures 
yawn open, as if the Andes had been split asunder by some wild convulsion — He passes two deserted 
forts, and after suffering for days from the exposure to the cold and chilly blasts, reaches the crest of the 
Cordillera — An Indian embassy arrives from the Inca with welcome presents of llamas — They inform 
Pizarro that the road is free from enemies — For two days in succession his troops threaci the airy defiles — 
Are visited by another embassy, who make plausible explanations for the discourteous treatment received 
by Pizarro's Indian emissary — Continues his descent attended with difficulties almost equal to those of 
the upward march — -Arrives on the seventh day in view of the valley of Caxamalca — Takes possession of 
a large court surrounded by a wall of earth — Posts his troops in advantageous positions, and sends his 
brother and Hernando de Soto to the camp of Atahualpa — Atahualpa invited to visit the Spanish quar- 
ters, and promises to do so — Pizarro forms a plan as daring as it is perfidious — Prepares for the execu- 
tion of the scheme with deliberate arrangement and little comfHinction — Next day the whole plain is cov- 
ered with troops, bands of singers and dancers — The procession headed by the Inca seated on a throne, 
adorned with plumes^ and almost covered with plates — When arrived in the plaza. Father Vincent Val- 
verde advances with crucifix in one hand, and breviary in the other, and addresses the Inca — He asks 
him to embrace the Christian faith, to acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope, and submit to the king 
of Castile — His strange harangue, lamely translated by the interpreter, incomprehensible to Atahualpa — 
His reply — Cannot conceive how a foreign priest can dispossess him of his territories, nor inclined to for- 
sake the religion of his ancestors — Desires to know the source where Valverde has learned things so 
extraordinary — The priest hands him the breviary ; he puts it to his ear, listens, and throws it down dis- 
dainfully : "This is silent; it tells me nothing" — The enraged monk calls upon the Spaniards to revenge 
the insult to the word of God — Pizarro suddenly sallies forth with his concealed troops — A general mas- 
sacre follows — By previous concert the Inca's life is spared- — Is taken prisoner 532 

CHAPTER LXVII. 

THE DEJECTED EMPEROR OFFERS A RANSOM COMMENSURATE TO THE OPULENCE OF HIS 

DOMINIONS — ARRIVAL OF ALMAGEO — DEATH OF HUASCAR AND EXECUTION OF 

THE INCA — DISSOLUTION OF GOVERNMENT AND ORDER IN PERU. 

The captive emperor begins to feel the misery of his fate, and sinks into dejection — Pizarro's attempts to con- 
sole him — Atahualpa discovers the ruling passion of his captors, and offers as ransom to fill the apart- 
ment he occupies with gold — Pizarro closes eagerly with this tempting proposal, and Atahualpa trans- 
ported with prospect of speedy liberation— The Inca instantly sends messengers to Cuzco, Quito, and 
other places, where gold adorns the temples of the gods, or the palaces of royalty^The Indians, afraid 
of endangering the life of the monarch by forming other schemes for his relief, execute his orders with 
the greatest alacrity — Almagro arrives at St. Matthew's with the long expected succor — Atahualpa learns 
that his brother has offered a larger ransom to the Spaniards to espouse his cause — Alarmed lest thirst 
for gold would tempt them to lend a favorable ear to it, orders Huascar executed — Like all his other 
commands, it is attended to with scrupulous punctuality — A great part of the stipulated ransom of Ata- 
hualpa having arrived, the Spaniards make a division of the spoil — Many of the soldiers receive a recom- 
pense far beyond their most sanguine hopes, and insist upon their dismissal from service — Pizarro, 
aware that the display of their riches would allure more adventurers, grants their suit — The Inca de- 
mands his liberty, but Pizarro has no regard for his plighted faith — Motives which induce Pizarro to con- 
sent — Almagro, his followers, and Philippilo the Indian interpreter, awaken by their machinations Pizarro's 
jealousy — Incite him to cut him off — Nobody attached to Atahualpa but de Soto and Ferdinand Pizarro — 
Atahualpa, finding Pizarro to be an uneducated person, considers and treats him as one of mean de- 
scent — The pride of Pizarro mortified at the barbarian's scorn^He orders the Inca tried with all the for- 
malities observed in Spanish criminal courts — Ludicrous and absurd accusations the foundation of a serious 
procedure — Charged with being an usurper, idolater, fratricide — Father Valverde prostitutes the author- 
ity of his sacred functions, and signs the death warrant the court pronounces — Pizarro orders his instant 
execution — The dread of a cruel death extorts from the trembling victim the desire of receiving baptism — 
Is strangled at the stake — Protest of several Spaniards against the measure as repugnant to every maxim 
of equity and a violation of public faith — The Peruvian Government dissolved — Ambitious men in dif- 
ferent parts of the empire aspiring to independent authority — The people of Cuzco acknowledge Manco 
Capac as Inca — Atahualpa's general in Quito, seizes the brothers and children of his late master, putting 



CONTENTS. xlv 

them to a cruel death — Pizarro advances to Cuzco— The arrival of Pizarro's soldiers in Panama creates 
such excitement, that the governors of Guatemala, Panama, and Nicaragua can hardly restrain the peo- 
ple under their jurisdiction from abandoning their possessions, and crowding into the New El Dorado — 
Pizarro forces his way to Cuzco and takes possession of the capital — The riches found there exceed 
the ransom of Atahualpa — The latter's son, whom Pizarro has treated as Inca, dying, Manco Capac is 
universally recognized . • 653 

CHAPTER LXVIII. 

THE CONQUEST OF QUITO — ALVARADO's EXPEDITION — ALMAGROS' INVASION OF CHILI. 

Benalcazar attempts the reduction of Quito — Surmounts every obstacle; marches through a mountainous 
country exposed to cold, famine, and fierce attacks, and enters Quito — Pedro de Alvarado, pretending 
to believe that Quito does not lie within the jurisdiction of Pizarro, resolves to invade it — Lands at Puerto 
Viejo, and marches by the most impracticable route towards Quito — His troops endure such fatigue, 
and suffer so much from excessive cold, that a fifth f)art die and half his horses perish — Finds himself 
opposed by a body of Spaniards, but boldly advances to the charge — An accommodation takes place, 
and Alvarado returns to his government — Landing of Ferdinand Pizarro in Spain — Honors conferred on 
Pizarro and Almagro — Pizarro's authority confirmed with new powers and privileges — Almagro obtains 
the title of Adelantado, with jurisdiction over 200 leagues of country beyond the southern limits of 
Pizarro's province — Almagro lays claim to the city of Cuzco — Jealousy and discord ensue, but both 
dread the consequences of open rupture — Reconciliation takes place — Almagro is to attempt the con- 
quest of Chili — Pizarro introduces a form of regular government — His natural sagacity supplies the want 
of both science and experience — Fixes the seat of government in the valley of Rimac, where he founds 
the city of Lima— Almagro, instead of advancing along the level country of the coast, marches across 
the mountains — Exposed to every calamity which men can suffer — The rigor of the climate hardly in- 
ferior to that within the polar circle — The Chilese hardy, independent, resembling the warlike tribes of 
North America — Defend themselves with obstinacy — Recalled to Peru — Pizarro encourages the most 
distinguished officers to invade different provinces — Manco Capac finds means to communicate his 
schemes for liberation to his trusty adherents — The Inca obtains permission to attend a great festival, 
and erects the standard of war — Many Spaniards massacred — Attacks Cuzco — Lima invested — At 
Cuzco, where the Inca commands in person, the Peruvians make their chief effort — The siege carried 
on with incessant ardor for nine months — The Indians do not display the undaunted ferocity of the 
Mexicans, but greater sagacity — Imitate the Spanish discipline; the bravest warriors armed with 
swords, the boldest, among whom is the Inca himself, mounted on horses — Their numbers annoy the 
Spaniards — Manco Capac recovers one-half of the capital — -Death of Juan Pizarro — The Spaniards im- 
patient to abandon Cuzco, when Almagro suddenly appears — Motives of his conduct — Receives the 
royal letters patent — Deems it manifest that Cuzco lies within the boundaries of his government — Re- 
turns by a new route, suffering calamities from heat and drought, hardly inferior to those in the icy 
regions of the Andes — His slow advance towards the capital, sets negotiations on foot with the Inca and 
the Spaniards — Manco Capac attacks him suddenly and is repulsed^Schemes of accommodation pro- 
posed by both Spanish parties — Almagro gains adherents of the Pizarros — His claim of jurisdiction over 
Cuzco universally acknowledged — Civil war and first success of Almagro — Alvarado sent with 500 men 
by Francis Pizarro to relieve Cuzco — His camp surprised, and himself taken prisoner — Almagro advised 
by Rodrigo Orgonez to put Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, as well as Alvarado, to death — Does not 
suffer himself to be influenced by sentiments unlike those of a soldier — Returns to Cuzco . . , 666 

CHAPTER LXIX. . 

FRANCISCO PIZARRO PREPARES FOR WAR — HIS MARCH TO CUZCO, DEFEAT AND EXECUTION 
OF ALMAGRO VACO DE CASTRO APPOINTED GOVERNOR — REMARKABLE EXPE- 
DITION OF GONZALO PIZARRO AND ORELLANA. 

) "Stress of Pizarro — Necessity for attending to his own safety, and desire for revenge preserve him from 
sinking under it — His artful conduct — Protracts negotiations with Almagro — Almagro relying on the sin- 
cerity of his professions, concludes an agreement with him — Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado effect their 



xlvi CONTENTS. 

escape — Pizarro hears of it, forgets the treaty, and marches towards Cuzco — Almagro fails to grasp the 
situation and awaits him on the plain of Cuzco — Both sides display the royal standard, and not a single 
overture towards accommodation is made — Fierce conflict ensues ; the well disciplined musketeers of 
Pizarro carry the day — The route is general — Orgofiez is massacred and Almagro taken prisoner — The 
pillage of Cuzco — Pizarro encourages his oflicers to attempt the discovery and reduction of various prov- 
inces — Almagro tried and condemned to be strangled in prison — Meets his death with the dignity and 
fortitude of a veteran — Deliberations of the court of Spain concerning the state of Peru — Ferdinand 
Pizarro represents Almagro as the aggressor — The crown decides to send a person to Peru, vested with 
extensive powers — Christoval Vaca de Castro selected — -He is to assume the title of judge, and if Pizarro 
is dead, is appointed his successor — Pizarro divides Peru among his followers — The followers of Almagro 
totally excluded; they murmur in secret, and meditate revenge — Progress of the Spanish arms — Pedro 
de Valdivria invades Chili, and founds the city of St. Jago — Remarkable expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro — • 
Attempts the conquest of the country east of the Andes — Hardships he endures — Incessant toil, scarcity 
of food, exhausts the dispirited troops — Reaches the banks of the Napo — Builds a bark and entrusts it 
to Francis Orellana — Deserted by Orellana — Orellana sails down the Maragnon, or Amazon River — 
Reaches the ocean, and gets safely to the Spanish settlement of Cubagua — His extravagant tales — The 
country named " El Dorado " — Distress of Gonzalo Pizarro when learning the extent of Orellana's crime — 
The expedition returns ; compelled to feed on roots, berries, loathsome reptiles, and gnaw the leather of 
their saddles and sword belts — Five thousand Indians and 200 Spaniards perish — Naked, like savages, 
emaciated by famine, he returns to Quito ............. 68l 



CHAPTER LXX. 

DEATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO — ARRIVAL OF VACA DE CASTRO — LAS CASAS MOVES THE 

EMPEROR CHARLES V. TO CONSIDER THE WELFARE OF HIS 

INDIAN SUBJECTS. 

Number of malcontents in Peru — Look upon young Almagro as their leader — Urged by distress, they con- 
spire against the life of Pizarro — He disregards the admonitions of his friends — Juan de Herrada, at the 
head of the conspirators, sallies forth towards the governor's palace — Gain entrance unobserved — Pizarro 
defends himself with buckler and sword, but receives a deadly thrust full in his throat — "Jesu," exclaims 
the dying man, and, tracing a cross with his finger on the bloody floor, bends down his head to kiss it, 
when a friendly stroke puts an end to his existence — Almagro acknowledged as his successor — New ap- 
pearances of discord — Arrival of Vaca de Castro, who assumes the title of Governor — His jurisdiction 
acknowledged by Benalcazar and Pedro de Puelles — Gains many adherents — Conduct of Almagro — 
Progress of Vaca de Castro — He discharges the functions of general — Defeat of Almagro, whose follow- 
ers chose to fall like soldiers, rather than wait on ignominious doom — Severity of Castro's proceedings — 
Almagro beheaded — Consultation of the emperor concerning his dominions in America — The conquered 
race pillaged, and parceled out among its new masters — The invaders have no object but to amass sud- 
den wealth — Necessity for substituting the institutions of a regular government into the newly acquired 
provinces — The natives perish so fast, that Spain becomes apprehensive of soon being proprietor of a 
vast uninhabited desert — Solicitude of the emperor to prevent the extinction of the Indians — The persons 
with whom he consults — Bartholomew de las Casas — His zeal, his ardor and eloquence — Makes a deep 
impression by his description of the irrepanable waste of the human species in the New World — Imputes 
it to the exactions, and cruelty of his countrymen — Declares that nothing can prevent the depopulation 
of America, but to declare the natives freemen, and subjects — Composes his famous treatise — The empe- 
ror's solicitude to introduce a general reformation of government — Frames new regulations for this 
purpose — His ministers remonstrate against them — Appoints Nunez Vela Viceroy for Peru — Effect of 
the regulations in New Spain and in Peru — An insurrection prevented by the moderation of Castro — The 
spirit of disaffection increased by the viceroy — Nufiez Vela declares the natives free — Arrest of Vaca de 
Castro, who is loaded with chains — The malcontents choose Gonzalo Pizarro to be their leader — Hailed 
with transports of joy as the deliverer of the colony — He takes possession of the royal treasure, a large 
train of artillery sets out for Lima — Dissensions of the viceroy, and court of audience — The riceroy 
arrested and carried to a desert island on the coast • . 693 



CONTENTS. xlvii 

CHAPTER LXXI. 

NUNEZ VELA MARCHES AGAINST PIZARRo AXIJ IS KILLED IN BATTLE — PIZARRO's NEGOTIATIONS 

WITH THE SPANISH CROWN APPOINIMENT OF PEDRO DE LA IIASCA, A PRIEST, 

lO IHE PREMDENCV OF PERU. 

Alvarez sets the viceroy at liberty at Tumbez — Gains adherents — Pizarro marches against him — The viceroy 
loses two battles and his own head — Carvajal advises Pizarro to resume the sovereignty of Peru, marry 
a coya, and gain the natives — Pizarro chooses to negotiate with the court of Spain — Consultation of the 
Spanish ministers— Pedro de la Gasca appointed as president — His moderate demands — The powers 
committed to him — His arrival in Panama — Hinojosa and Mexia gained over — \'iolent proceedings of 
Pizarro — Gasca gains his fleet and troops at Panama — Pizarro resolves on war — Preparations of Gasca — 
Collects troops in Nicaragua, Carthagena, and other settlements — Insurrection of Centeno. against whom 
Pizarro marches — His followers the boldest and most desperate — Offers him battle at Huarina — The in- 
trepid valor of Pizarro and the superiority of Carvajal triumph over numbers ...... 714 

CHAPTER LXXn. 

LANDING OF GASCA IN PERU EXECUTION OF PIZARRO — DIVISION OF THE COUNTRY AND 

RETURN OF GASCA TO SPaIn. 

The citizens of Lima revolt — Gasca lands at Tumbez — Cuzco possessed by Pizarro, the balance of Peru 
acknowledge the president — Gasca solicitous to reclaim, not to punisli — His preparations for war — Pizarro 
refuses to listen to terms — Advised by Carvajal and Cepeda to close with the president's ofl'er — Pizarro 
marches out to meet the enemy — Gasca, the bishop of Lima, Quito, and Cuzco, bless the men before the 
battle opens — Pizarro deserted by his troops, who throw down their arms — Pizarro surrenders himself — 
Gasca orders the beheading of Pizarro and Carvajal — "One can die but once," the latter replies when 
sentence is pronounced — Cepeda sent a prisoner to Spain — No mercenary soldiers in the ci\il wars of 
Peru — .'Vrmies immensely expensive — Cjonzalo Pi/arro advances 500,000 pesos to raise i.ooo men — Gasca 
expends 900,000 pesos in levying troops against Pizarro — Immense rewards to individuals — Their pro- 
fusion and luxury — Ferocity of the contests — Want of faith — Violated engagements — Betrayed associates 
— Veterans surrender without striking a blow — Gasca devises employment for his soldiers — Division of 
the country among his followers — Discontent it occasions— Re-establishes order and government — Sets 
out for Spain — His reception there — Remains in poverty — Obliged to petition for a small sum to dis- 
charge some petty debts — Appointed bishop of Palencia — The tranquillity of Peru not of long continu- 
ance — Successive insurrections — These commotions not of long duration — Several of the first invaders 
and many licentious adxenturers dead — Men less enterprising, but less desperate settle, and the royal 
authority is firmly established ... ....... 726 



Book IV.— A Complete History of the United States. 

Prehistoric inhabitants — The X'ikings — Christopher Columbus — Other explorers — Settlements in America — 
Virginia — New York — Massachusetts — Connecticut — Rhode Island — New Hampshire — Maryland — Dela- 
ware — The Carolinas — New Jersey — Pennsylvania — Georgia — Indian wars — French settlements — Wars 
with French colonies — Causes of the Revolution — The Stamp Act — The duty on tea — The Boston Tea 
Party — First Continental Congress — Battle of Lexington — Battle of Bunker Hill — The Declaration of 
Independence — Battle of Long Island — Capture of Philadelphia — Surrender of Burgoyne — Battle of 
Monmouth — Treaty with France — Exploits of Paul Jones — Treason of Benedict Arnold — Surrender of 
Cornwallis — -Treaty of Peace — Distress of the colonies — Framing of the Constitution — Organization of 
the Northwestern Territory — Inauguration of Washington — Washington's Cabinets-Washington's 
second term — Republicans and Federalists — Election of John Adams — The war with France — Death 
of Washington — Election of Jefferson — The Louisiana purchase — The war with Tripoli — The Death of 
Hamilton — Re-election of Jefterson — The right of search — Election of Madison — Battle of Tippe- 
canoe — The War of 181 2 — Surrender of Detroit — Battle of Queenstown — Successes at sea — Re-election 



xlviii CONTENTS. 

of Madison — Battle of Lake Erie — The Creek War — Sea fights of 1813 — Battle of Chippewa — Battle 
of Lundy's Lane — Battle of Plattsburg — Battle of Bladensburg — Burning of the Capitol — Battle of New 
Orleans — Treaty of Ghent — Hartford Convention — Decatur at Algiers — Election of Monroe — Capture of 
Pensacola — Purchase of Florida — The Missouri Compromise — The Tariff Question — The Monroe Doc- 
trine — Election of John Quincy Adams — Death of Jefferson and John Adams — Election of Jackson — 
The Bank of the United States — Nullification in South Carolina — The Black Hawk War — Re-election 
of Jackson — The Seminole War — Admission of Arkansas and Michigan^Election of Van Buren— The 
Rebellion in Canada — Capture of Osceola — Election and death of Wm. H. Harrison — Succession of 
Tyler — Resignation of Tyler's Cabinet — The Ashburton Treaty — Dorr's Rebellion — The Mormons — 
Texan Independence — Admission of Texas — Campaign of 1844— Election of Polk — Invention of the 
telegraph — The Oregon Question — Beginning of the Mexican War — Battle of Palo Alto — Capture of 
Monterey — Conquest of California — Battle of Bracito — Battle of Buena Vista — Capture of Vera Cruz — 
Battle of Cerro Gordo — Battle of Churubusco — Capture of Chapultepec — Capture of the City of Mexico 
— Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo — Discovery of Gold — Campaign of 1848 — Election of Taylor — The 
California Question — The Omnibus Bill — Death of President Taylor — The Fisheries Question — Cam- 
paign of 1852 — Election of Pierce — Death of Clay and Webster — Perry's Expedition to Japan — The 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill — Campaign of 1856 — Election of Buchanan — The Mormon Rebellion— Admis- 
sion of Minnesota and Oregon — John Brown's Raid — Campaign of i860 — Election of Lincoln — 
Secession of Southern States — Formation of the Confederacy — Admission of Kansas — Career of Lin- 
coln — Lincoln's Inauguration — Fall of Fort Sumter — Secession of Virginia — Riot in Baltimore — Battle 
of Bull Run, or Manassas — Battles in Western V'irginia — Kentucky and Missouri — Battles of Belmont 
and Ball's Bluff— Blockade of Confederate Ports — The Trent Affair — Capture of Fort Henry and Fort 
Donelson — Battle of Shiloh — Capture of Island No. 10 — Invasion of Kentucky — Battle of Perryville — 
Attack on Vicksburg — Battles of Chickasaw Bayou, Corinth, Stone River, and Pea River — Expedition 
against, and capture of New Orleans — Capture of Roanoke Island — The Monitor and Merrimac Duel — 
Capture of Fort Pulaski — The Peninsula Campaign — Battle of Seven Pines — The Seven Days' Battles 
— Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley — Battles of Cedar Mountain and Manassas — Lee's Invasion of 
Maryland — Battles of Antietam and Fredericksburg — Emancipation Proclamation — Battle of Chancel- 
lorsville — Lee's Invasion of Pennsylvania — Battle of Gettysburg— Capture of Arkansas Post — Grant at 
Vicksburg— Grierson's Raid — Battle of Jackson— Capture of Vicksburg — Retreat of Johnston— Battles 
of Chickamauga and Missionary Ridge — Capture of Galveston — Quantrell's Raid — Morgan's Raid — 
Expedition against Charleston — Admission of West Virginia — Draft Riots in New York — Siege of 
Knoxville — Sherman's Meridian Expedition — Forrest's Raid — Red River Expedition — Battle of Sabine 
Cross Roads— Grant as Commander-in-Chief— Battles of Resaca, Dallas, Lost Mountain, and Kenesaw — 
Siege of Atlanta— Battle of Nashville — Sherman's March to the Sea— Capture of Savannah— Battles of 
the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg— Early's Raid— Battle of Monocacy — 
Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley — Battles of Winchester, Cedar Creek, and Olustee — Expedition 
against Mobile and Fort Fisher — Destruction of the Albemarle — Confederate Privateers — The Alabama 
and her destruction — Re-election of Lincoln — Capture of Forts Fisher and Wilmington — Battle of 
Waynesboro — Capture of Columbia — Battles of Goldsboro and Five Forks — Capture of Petersburg and 
Richmond — Lee's Surrender at Appomattox — Capture of Raleigh — Assassination of Lincoln — John- 
ston's Surrender — Capture of Jefferson Davis — Succession of President Johnson — The Alabama Ques- 
tion—The Thirteenth Amendment— The National Debt— Reconstruction— The Archduke Maximilian in 
Mexico— The Atlantic Cable— Purchase of Alaska— Impeachment of President Johnson— Proclamation 
of Amnesty— Batde of the Wacheta— Election of Grant— The First Transcontinental Railroad— The 
Fifteenth Amendment — The Alabama Indemnity — The San Juan Arbitration — Re-election of Grant — 
Chicago and Boston Fires— The Financial Panic of 1873— The Modoc War— Battle of the Little Big 
Horn— The Centennial Exposition— Presidential Election of 1876— The Electoral Commission— The 
Strikes of 1877— Resumption of Specie Payments— Chinese Immigration — 'Vellow Fever on the Missis- 
sippi — The Fishery Commission — Election and Assassination of Garfield — Succession of Arthur— The 
Brooklyn Bridge— Revolutionary Centenaries— Election of Cleveland— The Mills' Bill— Deaths of Grant, 
Sheridan, and Hendricks— Campaign of 1888— Election of Harrison— Admission of six States— The 
McKinley Tariff Law— The Behring Sea Question— The New Orleans Affair— The Itata— Ultimatum to 
Chili— The War with Spain in 1898, from the beginning to the signing of the Peace Treaty in Paris, 
December 10, 1808 74' 



Book L 



(4»J 




•5- 



'^^jO's^^r^:^^ 



X ^ / 



[Xpo abbreviation for XpiffToc = main 
part of Columbus's surname. Kerens, 
the last part — carrier of Christ.] 



FAC-SIMILE OF THE LAST LINE OF A LETTER OF COLUMBUS, DATED GRANADA, FEB. 6, 1502. 

(*' A los Reyes Catdlicos exponiendo algunas observaciones sobre el arte de naveger") 

PORTRAIT OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS DISCOVERED IN COMO, ITALY. 

Besides the value it has as an authentic picture of the illustrious navii^ator. it possesses the further importance of 
being the work of the painter Del Piombo. It was considered as an heirloom of the family, extinct to-day. of the Glovios, 
and w3*i in the possession of Paul Glovio, who refers to it in his works, in one of which it is engraved. After the ex- 
tinction of the male line of the Glovio family, the picture passed two generations ago to the family of De Orchi, and is 
now in the possession of Dr. De Orchi of Como. 




COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY F. E. WRIGHT, 




f<.n 



Venient annis 
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus 
Vincula rerum laxet, et iugens 
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos 
Detegat Orbes, nee sit terris 
Ultima Thule. 

Seneca, Medea,. 





HETHER in old times, beyond 
the reach of history or tradition, 
and at some remote period, when, 
as some imagine, the arts may 
^ have flourished to a degree un- 
known to those whom we term the 
ancients, there existed an intercourse, 
between the opposite shores of the 
Atlantic; whether the Egyptian le- 
gend narrated b}- Plato, respecting the 
island of Atlantis, was indeed no fable, but 
the tradition of some countr}', engulfed by 
P one of those mighty convulsions of our 
globe, which have left the traces of the 
ocean on the summits of loft}- mountains ; 
must ever remain matters of vague and vision- 
ary speculation. As far as authenticated history 
extends, nothing was known of terra-firma, and 
the islands of the western hemisphere, until 
their discovery towards the close of the fifteenth 
centurJ^ A wandering bark may occasionally have lost sight of the landmarks 
of the old continents, and been driven by tempests across the wilderness of 

(i3) 



54 



INTRODUCTION. 



waters, long before the invention of the compass, but none ever re- 
turned to reveal the secrets of the ocean ; and though, from time 
to time, some document has floated to the old world, giving to its 
wondering inhabitants indications of land far beyond their watery 
horizon, yet no one ventured to spread a sail, and seek that land, 
enveloped in mystery and peril. Or, if the legends of the Scan- 
dinavian voyagers be correct, and their mysterious Vinland were 
the coast of Labrador or the shore of Newfoundland, they had ob- 
tained glimpses of the New World, leading to no permanent knowl- 
edge, and in a little time lost again to mankind. Certain it is, 
that at the beginning of the fifteenth century, when the most in- 
telligent minds were seeking in every direction for the scattered 
lights of geographical knowledge, a profound ignorance prevailed 
among the learned as to the western regions of the Atlantic ; its 
vast waters were regarded with awe and wonder, seeming to bound 
the world as with a chaos, into which conjecture could not pene- 
tra:te, and enterprise feared to adventure. We need no greater 
proof of this, than the description given of the Atlantic by Xerif 
al Edrisi, surnamed the Nubian, an eminent Arabian writer, whose 
countrymen possessed all that was known of geography in the 
middle ages. 

"The ocean," he observes, "encircles the ultimate bounds of 
the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknown. No one has 
been able to verify anything concerning it, on account of its diffi- 
cult and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its profound depth, 
and frequent tempests ; through fear of its mighty fishes, and its 
haughty winds; yet there are many islands in it, some of which 
are peopled, and others uninhabited. There is no mariner who 
dares to enter into its deep waters ; or if any have done so, they 
have merely kept along its coasts, fearful of departing from them. 
The waves of this ocean, although they roll as high as mountains, 
yet maintain themselves without breaking ; for if they broke, it 
would be impossible for a ship to plough them." 

It is the object of the following work, to relate the deeds and 
fortunes of the mariner, who first had the judgment to divine, and 
the intrepidity to brave, the mysteries of this perilous deep; and 
who, by his hard}^ genius, his inflexible constanc}', and his heroic 
courage, brought the ends of the earth into communication with 
each other. The narrative of his troubled life is the link which 



INTRODUCTION. 



55 



connects the history of the old world with that of the new. Noth- 
ing grew out of this discover}- of Vinland, nor does any idea 
appear to have been entertained of the extent or importance of the 
region thus casually brought to light. Two or three voyages were 
made to it, between the j^ears looo and 102 1, after which it ceased 
to be an object of further quest, and apparently faded from thought, 
as if it had never been. At the time when Columbus visited Thule, 
upwards of three centuries and a half had elapsed since the last 
voyage to Vinland of which we have any record ; and two centuries 
and a half since the sagas which mention the country had been 
written. We see no reason to believe that he heard any thing of 
these discoveries or saw the sagas in question. Had he done so, he 
would doubtless have cited them, among the various reports of 
lands seen by mariners in the west, with which he sought to fortify 
his theory and win patronage to his enterprise during years of 
weary and almost hopeless solicitation. It is more than probable 
that, at the time of his visiting Thule, the tradition concerning 
Vinland had long been forgotten, and the sagas had been consigned 
to the dust of libraries and archives ; thence to be drawn forth by 
antiquarian research in after ages, when his own discoveries should 
have cast back a light to illuminate their obscurity. 





(sW 




House in Cogoletto, i6 milei^ west of Genoa, on the Cornish Road, in which it is 
CLAIMED Columbus was born. Uion its front is a quaint inscription in which the 

DISCOVERER IS COMPARED TO THE DOVE (CoLOMBA) WHICH, WHEN SENT HV NoAH rkOM THE 
ARK, DISCOVERED DRV LAND AMID THE WATERS. 



CHAPTER I. 

BIRTH, PftRENTAGE. EDUCATION, AND EARLY LIFE OF COLUMBUS 



^=^g^^ 




HRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 
or Colombo, as the name 
is written in Italian, was born 
in the city of Genoa, about 
the year 1435-6*, of poor but 
reputable and meritorious pa- 
rentage. He was the son of 
Domenico Colombo, a 
wool-comber, and Susan- 
na Fontanarossa, his 
wife ; and his ancestors seem to have 
followed the same trade for several 
generations in Genoa. Attempts have 
been made to prove him of illustrious 
descent, and several noble houses have 
laid claim to him since his name has become so renowned as to 
confer rather than receive distinction. It is possible some of them 
may be in the right, for the feiids in Italy in those ages had broken 
down and scattered many of the noblest families, and while some 
branches remained in the lordly heritage of castles and domains, 
others were confounded with the humblest population of the cities. 

*The date accepted by Naverette, Humboldt, the curate of Los Palacios, etc. 



U7) 



s'^ 



THK LIFE AND VOYAGES 



The fact, however, is not material to his fame; and it is a higher 
proof of merit to be the object of contention among various noble 
families, than to be able to substantiate the most illustrious lineage. 
His son Fernando had a true feeling on the subject. "I am of 
opinion," says he, " that I should derive less dignity from any 
nobility of ancestr}-, than from being the son of such a father." 

Columbus was the oldest of four children ; having two broth- 
ers, Bartholomew and Giacomo, or, as his name is translated into 
Spanish, Diego, and one sister, of whom nothing is known, except- 
ing that she was married to a person in obscure life, called Gia- 
como Bavarello. 

While very young, Columbus was taught reading, writing, 
grammar, and arithmetic, and made some proficiency in draw- 
ing. He soon evinced a strong passion for geographical 
knowledge, and an irresistible inclination for the sea; and in 
after-life, when he looked back upon his career with a solemn 
and superstitious feeling, he regarded this early determina- 
tion of his mind as an impulse from the Deity, guiding him 
to the studies, and inspiring him with the inclinations, 
proper to fit him for the high decrees he was destined to 
accomplish. His father, seeing tlie bent of his mind, 
^ endeavored to give him an education suitable for 
maritime life. He sent him, therefore, to the 
university of Pavia*, where he was instructed in 
geometry, geography, astronomy, and naviga- 
tion ; he acquired also a familiar knowledge of 
the Latin tongue, which at that time was the 
MONOME-T or co.u«Bus ,N GENOA. niediuui of iustruction, and the language of 

the schools. He remained but a short time at Pavia, barely 
sufficient to give him the rudiments of the necessary sciences ; 
the thorough acquaintance with them which he displayed in 
after-life, must have been the result of diligent self-schooling, 
and of casual hours of stud}', amidst the cares and vicissitudes of 
a rugged and wandering life. He was one of those men of strong 
natural genius, who appear to form themselves ; who, from hav- 
ing to contend at their very outset with privations and impedi- 
ments, acquire an intrepidity in braving and a facility in van- 
quishing difficulties. Such men learn to effect great purposes 

* Some authorities express doubt about his having attended the university. 




v^'tr 





o 

5 



6o 



THK LIFE AND VOYAGES 



with small means, supplying the deficiency of the latter by the 
resources of their own energy and invention. This is one of the 
remarkable features in the history of Columbus. In every under- 
taking, the scantiness and apparent insufficiency of his means 
enhance the grandeur of his achievements. 

Shortly after leaving the university, he entered into nautical 
life, and, according to his own account, began to navigate at four- 
teen years of age. A complete obscurity rests upon this part of 
his history. It is supposed he made his first voyages with one 
Colombo, a hardy captain of the seas, who had risen to some dis- 
tinction by his bravery, and who was a distant connection of his 
family. This veteran is occasionally mentioned in 
'laNs, old chronicles; sometimes as commanding a squad- 
ron of his own, sometimes as being an admiral 
f > in the Genoese service. He appears to have 
>j^--'^-'^ \ been bold and adventurous, ready to fight in 
any cause, and to seek quarrel wherever it 
might lawfully be found. 

The seafaring life in those da3fs was 
peculiarly full of hazard and enterprise. 
Even a commercial expedition resembled a 
warlike cruise, and the maritime merchant 
had often to fight his way from port to port. 
Piracy was almost legalized. The frequent 
feuds between the Italian states ; the cruisings 
of the Catalonians ; the armadas fitted out by 
noblemen, who were petty sovereigns in 
their own domains ; the roving ships and 
squadrons of private adventurers ; and the 
holy wars waged with the Mohammedan powers, rendered the 
narrow seas, to which navigation was principally confined, 
scenes of the most hard}' encounters and trying reverses. Such 
was the rugged school in which Columbus was reared, and such the 
rugged teacher that first broke him to naval discipline. 

The first voyage in which we hear any account of his being 
engaged, was in a naval expedition fitted out at Genoa in 1459, 
by John of Anjou, Duke of Calabria, to make a descent upon Na- 
ples, in the hope of recovering that kingdom for his father, King 
Reinier or Renato, otherwise called Rene, Count de Provence. In 




Medal with Ihc likeness of Alphonse the Wise, king 
of Naples; copper, three-quarters original si?e, lierlln. 
Bust in coat of mail, between crown and helmet. 
Superscription, Divvs. alphonsvs. rex. above and be- 
low the date ; underneath, trivmi-hator. et. pacificvs. 



OF COLUMIU'S. 



6i 




Medai with the pnrtrait of King Ren^ and 
his wife. J.ihanna de Laval, Iir^cription, Con- 
cordes ANIMI. lA.M. LECO. CARI'IMVR, IGNI. ET. 
PIETATE, GRAVES EM. LVsTKES. LILil. FLORES. 

Original, royal luimismatical cabinet, Berlin. 



this enterprise the republic of Genoa aided with ships and money, 
and many private adventurers fitted out ships and galleys, and en- 
gaged under the banners of Anjou. Among the number 
was the hard}- veteran Colombo, who had command of 
a squadron, and with him sailed his youthful rela 
tion. 

The struggle of John of Anjou for the 
crown of Naples lasted about four years, with 
varied fortune, and much hard service. The 
naval part of the expedition distinguished itself 
by various acts of intrepidity, and when the uu- ^^ 
fortunate duke was at length reduced to take re- 
fuge in the island of Ischia, a handful of galleys 
loyally adhered to him, guarded the island, and 
scoured and controlled the whole bav of Naples. 
It is presumed that Columbus served on board of 
this squadron. That he must have distinguished 
himself in the course of the expedition, is evident, 
from his having been at one time appointed to 
a separate command, and sent 
on a daring enterprise to cut 
out a galley from the port of 
Tunis, in the course of which 
he exhibited great resolution 
and address. 

There is an interval of sev- 
eral 3'ears, during which we 
have but one or two shadowy 
traces of Columbus, who is sup- 
posed to have been principally 
engaged in the Mediterranean, 
and up the Levant, sometimes 
in voyages of commerce, some- 
times in warlike contests be- 
tween the Italian states, some- 
times in pious and predatory 
expeditions against the Infi- 
dels, during which time he was 



Contemporary picture uf a naval battle, in the background a seaport. Miniature in 
Croniques de f ranee, danglelerle, etc., par Sire Jehan Frrissart ; 
Library of Breslau, 




62 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

often under tlie perilous command of his old fighting relation, the 
veteran Colombo. 

The last anecdote we have of this obscure part of his life is 
given bv his son Fernando. He says that his father sailed for 
some time with Colombo the younger, a famous corsair, nephew 
to the old admiral just mentioned, and apparently heir of his war- 
like propensities and prowess, for Fernando affirms that he was so 
terrible for his deeds against the Infidels, that the Moorish moth- 
ers used to frighten their unruly children with his name. 

The bold rover waylaid four Venetian galleys, richly laden, 
on their return voyage from Flanders, and attacked them with 
his squadron on the Portuguese coast between Lisbon and Cape 
St. X'incent. The battle lasted from morning until evening, with 
great carnage on both sides. The vessels grappled each other, 
and the crews fought hand to hand, and from ship to ship. The 
vessel commanded bv Columbus was engaged with a huge \''ene- 
tian gallcv. They threw hand grenades and other fiery missiles, 
and the galley was wrapt in flames. The vessels being fastened 
together bv chains and iron grapplings, could not be separated, 
and both became a mere blazing mass, involved in one conflagra- 
tion. The crews threw themselves into the sea. Columbus seized 
an oar which was floating near him, and being an expert swimmer, 
attained the shore, though full two leagues distant. It pleased 
God, adds his son Fernando, to give him strength, that he might 
preserve him for greater things. After recovering from his ex- 
haustion, he repaired to Lisbon, where he fovmd many of his Geno- 
ese countrymen, and was induced to take up his residence. 

Such is the account given by Fernando of his father's first 
arrival in Portugal; and it has been currently adopted by modern 
historians ; but on examining various histories of the times, the 
battle here described appears to have happened several j-ears after 
the date of the arrival of Columbus in that countr3^ That he 
was engaged in the contest is not improbable; but he had previ- 
ously resided for some time in Portugal. In fact, on referring to 
the history of that kingdom, we shall find, in the great maritime 
enterprises in which it was at that time engaged, ample attractions 
for a person of his inclinations and pursuits ; and we shall be led 
to conclude, that his first visit to Lisbon was not the fortuitous re- 
sult of a desperate adventure, but was undertaken in a spirit of 
liberal curiosity, and the pursuit of honorable fortune. 




'\l '-M^: vv Sy^ ' . "v 




or ■ 

m.jiA-np 



^. ~^-,//#^-.i 





z 



(63) 




CHAPTER II. 




PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY UNDER PRINCE HENRY OF PORTUGAL. RESIDENCE OF COLUMBUS 
IN PORTUGAL. IDEAS CONCERNING ISLANDS IN THE OCEAN. 



ifH'E career of modern discovery had 
commenced shortly before the time of 
Columbus, and, at the period of which 
we are treating, was prosecuted with 
great activity by Portugal. The redis- 
covery of the Canary Islands, in the 
fourteenth century, and the occasional 
voyages made to them, and to the oppo- 
site shores of Africa, had first turned the 
attention of mankind in that direction. 
The grand impulse to discovery, how- 
ever, was given by Prince Henry of Por- 
tugal, son of John the First, surnamed 
the Avenger, and Phillippa of Lan- 
caster, sister of Henry the Fourth of En- 
gland. Having accompanied his father 
into Africa, in an expedition against 
the Moors, he received much information at Ceuta concerning the 
coast of Guinea, and other regions entirely unknown to Europeans ; 
and conceived an idea that important discoveries were to be made, 
by navigating along the western coast of Africa. On returning to 
Portugal, he pursued the vein of inquiry thus accidentally 
opened. Abandoning the court, he retired to a country retreat 
in the Algarves, near to Sagres, in the neighborhood of Cape 
St. Vincent, and in full view of the ocean. Here he drew round 
him men eminent in science, and gave himself up to those 
branches of study connected with the maritime arts. He made 




COAT OF *B«S OF PORTUGAL. 



(64) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



65 



himself master of all the geographical knowledge of the ancients, 
and of the astronomical science of the Arabians of Spain. The 
result of his studies was a firm conviction that Africa was circum- 
navigable, and that it was possible, b}^ keeping along its shores, to 
arrive at India. 

For a long time past, the opulent trade of Asia had been mo- 
nopolized by the Italians; who had their commercial establishments 
at Constantinople, and in the Black 
Sea. Thither all the precious com- 
modities of the East were conve3'ed 
by a circuitous and expensive internal 
route, to be thence distributed over 
Europe. The republics of Venice 
and Genoa had risen to power and 
opulence, in consequence of this mo- 
nopoly ; their merchants emulated 
the magnificence of princes, and held 
Europe, in a manner, tributary to 
their commerce. It was the grand 
idea of Prince Henry, by circum- 
navigating Africa, to open an easier 
and less expensive route to the 
source of this commerce, to turn it 
suddenly into a new and simple 
channel, and to pour it out in a 
golden tide upon his country. He 
was before the age in thought, and 
had to struggle hard against the 
ignorance and prejudices of mankind 
in the prosecution of his design. 
Navigation was yet in its infancy; 
mariners feared to venture far from the coast, or out of sight of its 
landmarks; and they looked with awe at the vast and unknown 
expanse of the Atlantic ; they cherished the old belief that the 
earth at the equator was girdled by a torrid zone, separating the 
hemispheres by a region of impassable heat ; and they had a super- 
stitious belief, that whoever doubled Cape Bojador would never 
return. 

"^rince Henry called in the aid of science to dispel these er- 




PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR. 



After a iiiiniature in the Chronica lio descobritnentfl e conquista de 
Guiniy in the National Library of Paris. 



6o 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




PRINCE MENflY THE NAVIGATOR. STATUE ON THE 
PORTAL OF THE CLOISTER OF BELEM. 



rors. He established a naval college and observatory at Sagres, 
and invited thither the most eminent professors of the nau- 
tical faculties. The effects of this establishment were soon 
apparent. A vast improvement took place in maps and charts; 
the compass was brought into more general use; the Portu- 
guese marine became signalized for its hardy enterprises; Cape 
Bojador was doubled; the region of the tropics penetrated 
and divested of its fancied terrors ; the greater part of the 
African coast, from Cape Blanco to Cape de \'erde, ex- 
plored, and the Cape de \'erde and Azore Islands dis- 
covered. To secure the full enjoyment of these ter- 
ritories, Henry obtained a papal bull, investing the 
crown of Portugal with sovereign authority over all the 
lands it might discover in the Atlantic, to India in- 
clusive. Henry died on the 13th of November, 1473, 
before he- had accomplished the great object of his 
ambition ; but he had lived long enough to behold, 
through his means, his native country in a grand career 
of prosperity. He has been well described, as " full of 
thoughts of lofty enterprise,- and acts of generous 
spirit." He bore for his device the magnanimous 
motto, "the talent to do good," the only talent worthy 
the ambition of princes. 

The fame of the Portuguese discoveries drew the at- 
tention of the world, and the learned, the curious, and the 
adventurous, resorted to Lisbon to engage in the enter- 
prises continually fitting out. Among the rest, Columbus 
arrived there about the year 1470. He was at that time 
in the full vigor of manhood, and of an engaging presence ; 
and here it may not be improper to draw his portrait, ac- 
cording to the minute descriptions given of him by his 
contemporaries. He was tall, well-formed, and muscular, 
and of an elevated and dignified demeanor. His visage was long, 
and neither full nor meager; his complexion fair and freckled, and 
inclined to rudd}- ; his nose aquiline, his cheek bones were rather 
high, his eves light gray, and apt to enkindle; his whole counte- 
nance had an air of authority. His hair, in his youthful days, 
was of a light color, but care and trouble soon turned it gray, and 
at thirtv vears of age it was quite white. He was moderate aud 



OF COLUMBUS. 



67 



simple in diet and apparel, eloquent in discourse, engag-ing and 
affable with strangers, and of an amiableness and suavity in do- 
mestic life, that strongly attached his household to his person. 
His temper was naturall}' irritable; but he subdued it by the 
magnanimity of his spirit, comporting himself with a courteous 
and gentle gravity-, and never indulging in any intemperance of 
language. Throughout his life, he was noted for a strict attention 
to the offices of religion ; nor did his piety consist in mere forms, 
but partook of that loft}' and solemn 
enthusiasm with which his whole 
character was strong!}' tinctured. 

While at Lisbon, he was accus- 
tomed to attend religious service at 
the chapel of the Convent of All 
Saints. Here he became acquainted 
with a lady of rank, named Doiia 
Felipa, who resided in the convent. 
She was the daughter of Bartolomeo 
Monis de Palestrello, an Italian cava- 
lier, lately deceased, who had been 
one of the most distinguished navi- 
gators under Prince Henry, and had 
colonized and governed the island of 
Porto Santo. The acquaintance soon 
ripened into attachment, and ended 
in marriage. It appears to have been 
a match of mere affection, as the lady 
had little or no fortune. 

The newly-married couple re- 
sided with the mother of the bride. 
The latter, perceiving the interest 
which her son-in-law took in nautical affairs, used to relate to him 
all she knew of the vo3-ages and expeditions of her late husband, 
and delivered to him all his charts, journals, and other manuscripts. 
By these means, Columbus became acquainted with the routes of the 
Portuguese, and their plans and ideas ; and, having b}' his marriage 
and residence become naturalized in Portugal, he sailed occasionally 
■in the expeditions to the coast of Guinea. When at home, he sup- 
ported his family by making maps and charts ; and though his means 




PORTRAIT OF COLUMDUS IN THE MARINE MUSEUM OF 
Copi'-d Jrov: the Bolrtin de la Soctedad giw^ra/ica de 



MADRID 

Madrid. — T.vi. 



68 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



were scant}', he appropriated a part to the education of his younger 
brothers, and the succor of his aged father at Genoa. From Lisbon 
he removed for a time to the recently discovered island of Porto 
Santo, where his wife had inherited some property, and during 
his residence there she bore him a son, whom he named Diego. 
His wife's sister was married to Pedro Correo, a navigator of note, 
who had at one time been governor of Porto Santo. In the fa- 
miliar intercourse of domestic life, their conversation frequently 
turned upon the discoveries of the Atlantic islands, and the Af- 
rican coasts, upon the long-sought-for route to India, and' upon 
the possibility of unknown lands existing in the west. It was a 
period of general excitement, with all who were connected witb 

maritime 
life, or who 
resided i n 
the vicini- 
^ ty of the 
*™»^^ ocean. The 
recent dis- 
co v e r i e s 
had inflam- 
ed their im- 
aginations, 
and had 
filled them 
with ideas 
of other isl- 
ands of greater wealth and beauty, yet to be discovered in the bound- 
less wastes of the Atlantic. The opinions and fancies of the ancients 
were again put into circulation ; the islands of Antilla, and Plato's 
imaginary Atlantis, once more found firm believers ; and a thousand 
rumors were spread of unknown islands casually seen in the ocean. 
Many of these were mere fables ; many of them had their origin in 
the self-deception of voyagers, whose heated fancies beheld islands in 
those summer clouds which lie along the horizon, and often beguile the 
sailor with the idea of distant land. The most singular instance of this 
kind of self-deception, or rather of optical delusion, is that recorded 
of the inhabitants of the Canaries. They imagined that from time 
to time they beheld a vast island to the westward, with lofty mount- 




I THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, SEEN FROM THE RIVEH TAGUS. REDRAWN FROM AN OLD ENGRAVING. 



OV COLUMBUS. 69 

ains and deep valleys. Nor was it seen in cloudy or dubious weather, 
but with all the distinctness with which distant objects may be dis- 
cerned in the transparent atmosphere of a tropical climate. It is 
true, it was only seen transiently, and at long intervals ; while at 
other times, and in the clearest weather, not a vestige of it was vis- 
ible ; but so persuaded were the people of the Canaries of its real- 
ity, that the}' obtained permission from the king of Portugal to fit 
out various expeditions in search of it. The island, however, was 
never to be found, though it still continued occasionally to cheat 
the eye ; many identified it with a legendary island, said to have 
been discovered in the sixth century, by a Scottish priest of the 
name of St. Brandan, and it was actually laid down in many maps 
of the times, by the name of St. Brandan, or St. Borondon. 

All these tales and rumors were noted down with curious care 
b}' Columbus, and may have had some influence over his imagi- 
nation ; but, though of a visionary spirit, his penetrating genius 
sought in deeper sources for the aliment of its meditations. The 
vo3-ages he had made to Guinea, and his frequent occupation in 
making maps and charts, had led him more and more to speculate 
on the great object of geographical enterprise ; but while others 
were slowl}- and painfully seeking a route to India, by following 
up the coast of Africa, his daring genius conceived the bold idea 
of turning his prow directly to the west, and seeking the desired 
land by a route across the Atlantic. Having once conceived this 
idea, it is interesting to notice from what a mass of acknowledged 
facts, rational hypotheses, fanciful narrations, and popular rumors, 
his grand project of discover}- was wrought out by the strong work- 
ings of his vigorous mind. 

Note. — The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, given to this imaginary 
island from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch-Irish abbot, 
who flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the fore- 
going appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St. Blandaiuis. In the Martyr- ^.a'-pr"^-, 
ology of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the patriarch of /<'''>'/'■ ',_ *> 
three thousand monks. About the middle of the sixth century, he accompanied 
his disciple, St. Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of certain islands possessing 
the delights of paradise, which they were told existed in the midst of the ocean, 
and were inhabited by infidels. These most adventurous saints-errant wandered 
for a long time upon the ocean, and at length landed upon an island called Ima. 
Here St. Malo found the body of a giant lying in a sepulchre. He resuscitated 
him, and had much interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him 
that the inhabitants of that island had some notions of the Trinitv, and, more- 




7° 



THK I.IKK AND VOYAGES 




over, giving him a gratifying account of the torments which Jews aud Pagans 
suffered in the infernal regions. Finding the giant so docile and reasonable, St. 
Malo expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian religion, converted him, 
and baptized him by the name of Mildum. The giant, however, either through 
weariness of life, or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his conversion, begged 
permission, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, which was granted him. 

According to another account, the giant told them that he knew of an 
island in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that 
they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At their request, 
he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of their ship, threw 
himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, however, when a tempest 
rose, and obliged them all to return, and shortly after the giant died. A third 
legend makes the saint pray to heaven on Easter day, that they may be per- 
mitted to find land where they may celebrate the offices of religion with becom- 
ing state. An island immediately appears, on which they land, perform a 
solemn mass, and the sacrament of the Eucharist ; after which re-embarking 
and making sail, they behold to their astonishment the supposed island suddenly 
plunge to the bottftm of the sea, being nothing else than a monstrous whale. 




M AN fcNCaAVING Of THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURT, 








CHAPTER III. 

GROUNDS ON WHrCH COLUMBUS FOUNDED HIS BELIEF OF UNDISCOVERED LANDS IN 

THE WEST. 

E have a record of the determination of 
Colurabns to seek a western route to 
India, as earh- as the year 1474, in a 
correspondence which he held with 
Paulo Toscanelli, a learned cosmogra- 
pher of Florence ; and he had doubtless 
meditated it for a long time previous. 
He was moved to this determination 
by a diligent study of all the geograph- 
ical theories of the ancients, aided 
b}' his own experience, b}- the dis- 
coveries of the moderns, and the ad- 
vancement of astronomical science. He 
set it down as a fundamental principle, 
that the earth was a terraqueous globe, 
which mi^ht be traveled round from 
east to west, and that men stood foot to 
foot when on opposite points. The circumference from east to west, 
at the equator, he divided, according to Ptolemy,* into twenty-four 

* Ptolemy (Claudius) lived in the first half of the 2d century in .Alexandria. He was a 
geographer and mathematician. 




(7») 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



hours, of fifteen degrees each, making three hundred and sixty de- 
grees. Of these he imagined, comparing the globe of Ptolemy with the 
earlier map of Marinus of Tyre, that fifteen hours had been known 
to the ancients, extending from the Canary or Fortunate Islands, to 
the city of Thins in Asia, the western and eastern extremities of the 
known world. The Portuguese had advanced the western frontier 
one hour more by the discover}- of the Azore and Cape de \'erde 
Islands ; still about eight hours, or one third of the circumference 
of the earth, remained to be explored. This space he imagined to 
be occupied in a great measure by the eastern regions of Asia, which 
might extend .so far as to approach the western shores of Europe 

and Africa. A navigator, therefore, by pur- 
suing a direct course from east to west, must 
arrive at the extremity of Asia, or discover 
any inter\'ening land. The great obstacle to 
be apprehended, was from the tract of ocean 
that might intervene, but this could not be 
verj' wide, if the opinion of Alfraganus the 
Arabian were admitted, who, b}^ diminishing 
the size of the degrees, gave to the earth a 
smaller circumference than was assigned to 
it by other cosmographers ; a theory to which 
Columbus seems, generally, to have given 
much faith. He was fortified, also, b}' the 
opinion of Aristotle, Seneca, Pliny, and 
Strabo, who considered the ocean as but of 
moderate breadth, so that one might pass 
from Cadiz westward to the Indies in a few 




MARCO POLO. AFTER A PAIhTlNG IN THE GALLERY 8ADIA Ih ROME. 



davs. 



Columbus derived great support to his theor}-, also, from a let- 
ter which he received in 1474 from Paulo Toscanelli, the learned 
Florentine already mentioned, who was considered one of the^ ablest 
cosmographers of the day. This letter was made up from the nar- 
rative of Marco Polo, a Venetian traveler, who, in the fourteenth 
century, had penetrated the remote parts of Asia, far beyond the 
regions laid down by Ptolemy. Toscanelli encouraged Columbus in 
an intention which he had communicated to him, of seeking India 
bj' a western course, assuring him that the distance could not be 
more than four thousand miles in a direct line from Lisbon to the 



OF COLUMBUS. 



73 



province of Mangi, near Cathay, since ascertained to be the north- 
ern coast of China. Of this country a magnificent description was 
given according to Marco Polo, who extols the power and grandeur 
of its sovereign, the Great Khan, the splendor and magnitude of his 
capitals of Cambalu, and Quinsai, or Kinsay, and the wonders of the 
island of Cipango, or Zipangi, supposed to be Japan. This island 
he places opposite Cathay, far in the ocean, and represents it as 
abounding in gold, precious stones, and spices, and that the palace 
of the king was covered with plates of gold, as edifices in other 
countries are covered with sheets of lead. 

The work of Marco Polo is deserving of this 
particular mention, from being a key to many 
of the ideas and speculations of Columbus 



.^^^^^^MhS&Js 



The territories of the Grand Khan, as ,cx«*<\ \ 
described by the Venetian, were the ^/ 
objects of his diligent search in all $f 
his voyages ; and in his cruisings ^i 
among the Antilles, he was con- ^\;^ 
tinually flattering himself with the |^i(,' 









% 



k 




■«'CA-N-CON'T\Nt' 



4\ 

hopes of arriving at the opulent ^y 

island of Cipango, and the shores ?i'i ^^ , 

of ]\Iangi and Cathay. The letter '^\4^<5; (^ 
of Paulo Toscanelli was accompanied A_"\/ 
by a map, projected partly according ^5^ C 



to Ptolemy, and partly according to the °' 
descriptions of Marco Polo. The eastern 
coast of Asia was depicted in front of the 
coasts of Africa and Europe, with a mod- 
erate space of ocean between them, in 
which were placed, at convenient dis- 
tances, Cipango, Antilla and the other 
islands. By this conjectural map Columbus governed himself in 
his first voyage. 

Besides these learned authorities, Columbus was attentive to 
every gleam of information bearing upon his theory, that might be 
derived from veteran mariners, and the inhabitants of the lately 
discovered islands, who were placed, in a manner, on the frontier 
posts of geographical knowledge. One Antonio Leone, an inhab- 
itant of Madeira, told him that in sailing westward one hundred 



It is presumed that Bchem (Behaim in German) used 
Toscanelli's map for the construction of the Asiatic part 
of his globus. The original Toscanelli map— the most 
memorable of maps, as the great American scholar Mr. 
John Fiske calls it— has been lost to the world. 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



leag-ues, he had seen three isLiiids at a distance. A mariner of Port 
St. Alary, also, asserted, that in the course of a voyage to Ireland, 
he had seen land to the west, which the ship's company took for 
some extreme part of Tartary. One JNlartin Vicenti, a pilot in the 
service of the king- of Portugal, assured Columbus that, after sail- 
ing four hundred and fifty leagues to the west of Cape St. Vincent, 
he had taken from the water a piece of carved wood, evidently not 
labored with an iron instrument. As the wind had drifted it from 
the west, it might have come from some unknown land in that 

direction. 

Pedro Correo, brother-in-law of 
Columbus, also informed him, that lie 
had seen a similar piece of wood, on 
the island of Porto Santo, which had 
drifted from the -ame cjuarter, and he 
had heard from t^.r king of Portugal 
that reeds of an immense size had 
floated to those islands from the west, 
which Columbus supposed to be the 
kind of reeds of enormous magnitude 
described by Ptolemy as growing in 
India. Trunks of huge pine trees, of 
a kind that did not grow upon any of 
the islands, had been wafted to the 
Azores by westerly winds. The in- 
habitants also informed him that the 
bodies of two dead men had been cast 
upon the ksland of Flores, whose feat- 
ures had caused great wonder and speculation, being different 
from those of any known race of people. 

Such are the principal grounds on which, according to Fer- 
nando Columbus, his father proceeded from one position to another 
of his theory. It is evident, however, that the grand argument 
which induced him to liis enterprise, was the one first cited; 
namely, that the most eastern part of Asia known to the ancients 
could not be separated from the Azores bv more than a third of 
the circumference of the globe ; that the intervening space must, 
in a great measure, be filled up by the unknown residue of Asia; 
and that, as tlie circumference of the world was less than was gen- 




MOUSE SAID TO HAVE BEEN OCCUPIED BY COLUMBUS ON TME ISLAND OF POfiTO SANTO, 
FBOM A PHOTOGRAPH. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



75 



ei-all}' supposed, the Asiatic shores could easily be attained by a 
moderate voyage to the west. It is singular how much the success 
of this great enterprise depended upon two happy errors, the im- 
aginary extent of Asia to the east, and the supposed smallness of 
the earth; both errors of the most learned and profound philoso- 
phers, but without which Columbus would hardly have ventured 
into the western regions of the Atlantic, in whose unknown and 
perhaps immeasurable waste of waters, he might perish before he 
could reach a shore. 

When Columbus had once formed his 
theory, it became tixed in his mind with 
singular firmness. He never spoke in 
doubt or hesitation, but with as much cer- 
tainty as if his eyes had beheld the Prom- 
ised Land. A deep religious sentiment 
mingled with his thoughts, and gave them 
at times a tinge of superstition, but of a 
snblime and lofty kind. He looked upon 
himself as standing in the hand of heaven, 
chosen from among men for the accomp- 
lishment of its high purpose; he read, as 
ue supposed, his contemplated discovery 
foretold in Holy Writ, and shadowed forth 
darkly in the prophecies. The ends of the 
earth were to be brought together, and all 
nations, and tongues, and languages, united 
under the banners of the Redeemer. 

The enthusiastic nature of his concep- 

■*■ THE SO-CALLED "YANEZ PORTRAIT " OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS IN T HE 

tions gave an elevation to his spirit, and a national librar/ of madrio. 

d*. 1ir._* j_1* 11 1 Copied/rom the BoUtin dc III Sociedad Geograftcadc Madrid — T.vl, 

ignity and loitmess to his whole demean- 
or. He conferred with sovereigns almost with a feeling of equality. 
His proposed discovery was of empires; his conditions were pro- 
portionately magnificent, nor would he ever, even after long delays, , 
repeated disappointments, and when under the pressure of actual , 
penur}', abate what appeared to others extravagant demands. Those 
who could not conceive how an ardent and comprehensive mind 
could arrive by presumptive evidence at so firm a conviction, sought 
for other modes of accounting for it ; and gave countenance to an 
idle tale of his having received previous information of the western 




76 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



world, from a tempest-tost pilot, who had died iu his house, be- 
queathing him written accounts of an unknown land in the west, 
upon which he had been driven b)^ adverse winds. This, and other 
attempts to cast a shade upon his fame, have been diligently exam- 
ined and refuted; and it appears evident that his great enterprise 
was the bold conception of his genius, quickened b}' the impulse of 
the age, and aided by those scattered gleams of knowledge, which 
fall ineffectually upon ordinary' minds. 





FRONT AND REAR VIEW OF AN ARABIAN ASTROLABE. PRESERVED IN THE NATIONAL LIBRARY OF PARIS. 



CHAPTER IV. 



EVENTS IN PORTUGAL RELATIVE TO DISCOVERY. PROPOSITIONS OF COLUMBUS TO THE 

PORTUGUESE COURT. 




HILE the design of attempting the dis- 
covery in the west was maturing in the 
mind of Columbus, he made a voyage 
to the northern seas, to the island of 
Thule, to which the English navigators, 
particularly those of Bristol, were ac- 
customed to resort on account of its 
fishery. He even advanced, he saj's, 
one hundred leagues beyond, penetrated 
the polar circle, and convinced himself 
of the fallacy of the popular belief, that 
the frozen zone was uninhabitable. The 
island thus mentioned by him as Thule 
is generally supposed to have been Ice- 
land, which is far to the west of the 
Ultima Thule of the ancients, as laid 
down on the map of Ptolemy. Nothing 
more is known of this voyage, in which we discern indications of 
that ardent and impatient desire to break away from the limits 
of the old world, and launch into the unknown regions of the 
ocean. 



(77) 



78 THK LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Several years elapsed without any decided effort on the part of 
Columbus to carry his design into execution. An enterprise of the 
kind required the patronage of some sovereign power, which could 
furnish the necessary means, could assume dominion over the lauds 
to be discovered, and could ensure suitable rewards and dignities to 
the discoverer. 

The cause of discovery had languished during the latter part 
of the reign of Alphonso of Portugal, who was too much engrossed 
witli his wars with Spain, to engage in peaceful enterprises of great 
cost and doubtful result. Navigation also was still too imperfect for 
so perilous an undertaking as that proposed by Columbus. Discov- 
ery advanced slowly along the coasts of Africa, and, though the 
compass liad been introduced into more general use, yet mariners 
rarel}- ventured far out of sight of land, the}- even feared to cruise 
far into the southern hemisphere, with the stars of which the}' were 
totally unacquainted. To such men, therefore, the project of a 
voyage directly westward, in quest of some imagined land in the 
boundless wastes of the ocean, appeared as extravagant, as it would 
at the present day to launch forth in a balloon into the regions of 
space, in quest of some distant star. 

Tlic time, however, was at hand, that was to extend the power 
of navigation. The era was propitious to the quick advancement 
of knowledge. The recent invention of printing, enabled men to 
communicate rapidly and extensively their ideas and discoveries. 
It multiplied and spread abroad, and placed in every hand, those 
volumes of information, which had hitherto existed only in costly 
manuscripts, treasured up in the libraries of colleges and convents. 
At this juncture, John the Second ascended the throne of Portugal. 
He had imbibed the passion for discovery from his grand-uncle, 
Prince Henry, and with his reign all its activity revived. The re- 
cent attempts to discover a route to India, had excited an eager cu- 
riosity concerning the remote parts of the East, and had revived 
all the accounts, true and fabulous, of travelers. Among these, 
were the tales told of the renowned Prester John, a Christian king, 
said to hold sway in a remote part of the East, but whose kingdom 
seemed to baffle research as effectually as the unsubstantial island 
of St. Brandan. All the fables and dreamy speculations, concerning 
this shadowy potentate, and his oriental realm, were again put in 
circulation. It was fancied that traces of his empire had been dis- 



OF COLUMBUS. 



cerued in the interior of Africa, to the east of Benin, where there 
was a powerful prince , who used a cross among the insignia of ro}-- 
alty; and John the Second, in the early part of his reign, actually 
sent missions in quest of the visionary Prester John. 

Impatient of the tardiness with which his discoveries advanced 
along the coast of Africa, and eager to realize the splendid project 
of Prince Henrj', and conduct the Portuguese flag into the Indian 
seas, John the Second called upon his men of science, to devise 
some means of giving greater scope and certainty to navigation. 
His two physicians, Roderigo 
and Joseph, the latter a Jew, 
who were the most able astrono- 
mers and cosmographers of his 
kingdom, together with the cele- 
brated Martin Behem, entered 
into a consultation on the sub- 
ject; and the result of their con- 
ferences was, the application of 
the astrolabe* to navigation. 
This instrument has since been 
improved and modified into the 
modern quadrant, of which, even 
at its first introduction, it pos- 
sessed all the essential advan- 
tages. This invention was one 
of those timely occurrences which 
seem to have something 
dential in them. 

thing wanting to facilitate an in- 
tercourse across the deep, and to 
cast navigation loose from its 
long bondage to the land. Science had thus prepared guides for 
discovery across the trackless ocean, and had divested the enterprise 
of Columbus of that extremelj' hazardous character, which had been 
so great an obstacle to its accomplishment. It was immediately 
after this event that he solicited an audience of the king of Portu- 
gal, to lay before him his great project of discovery. This is the 

*The Astrolabe is an instrument to measure the height of the sun or stars with, above 
the horizon. Since replaced by the Theodolite and Sextant. 



It was the one 




FAC-SIMILE OP 



AN OLD REPRESENTATION OF A JACK STAFF, OR CROSS STAFF, AND ITS APPLICATION 
IN MEASURING THE HEIGHT OF THE STARS. 

J'>\nn the Costnographiix Petri Apiani, Antiverp, 1384. 



8o 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



first proposition of which we have any clear and indisputable record, 
although it has been strongly asserted, and with probability, that 
he had made one at an earlier period, to his native country, Genoa. 
Columbus obtained a ready audience of King John, who was 
extremely liberal in encouraging and rewarding nautical enterprise. 
He explained to the monarch his theory, and proposed, in case the 
king would furnish him with ships and men, to conduct them by a 
shorter route to the richest countries of the East, to touch at the 
opulent island of Cipango, and to establish a communication with 

the territories 
of the Grand 
Khan, the 
most splendid, 
powerful, and 
wealthy of 
oriental poten- 
tates. 

King John 
listened atten- 
tively to the 
proposition of 
Columbus, and 
referred it to a 
learned junto, 
composed of 
Masters Rod- 
erigo and Jo- 
seph, and the 
king's confes- 
sor, Diego Or- 
tiz, bishop of 
Ceuta, a man 
greatly re- 
puted for his 
learning, a 
Castilian by 
birth, and gen- 
erally called 
Cazadilla, from 




VQU^ tJC PLAINS MIS THEORY TO KING JOHN H. OF PORTUGAL. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



8i 



the name of his birthplace. This scientific boJy treated the project 
as extravagant and visionary. Stiil tlie king was not satisfied, but 
convoked his council, composed of persons of the greatest learning 
in the kingdom, and asked their advice. In this assembly, Caza- 
dilla, the bishop of Ceuta, opposed the theory of Columbus, as desti- 
tute of reason, and indeed evinced a cold and narrow spirit, hostile to 
all discover^-. The decision of the council was equally unfavorable 
with that of the junto, and the proposition of Columbus was rejected. 
Certain of the counsellors, and particularly the bishop of Caz- 
adilla, see- 
ing that the 
king was 
dissatisfied 
with their 
dec i si on, 
and retain- 
ed alurking 
inclination 
for the en- 
t e r p ri se , 
suggested a 
stratagem 
by which all 
its advanta- 
ges might 
be secured, 
without 



committing 
the dignity 
of the crown 




SEPULCHRE OF KING 0. JUAN II. AND DONA ISABELLA OF PORTUGAL IN THE CARTHUSIAN CLOISTER OF MIBAFLORES IN BURGOS. 



by entering into formal negotiations about a scheme, which might 
prove a mere chimera. The king, in an evil hour, departed from 
his usual justice and generosity, and had the weakness to permit 
their stratagem. These crafty counsellors then procured from 
Columbus, as if to assist them in their deliberations, a detailed plan 
of his proposed voyage, with the charts by which he intended to 
shape his course. While they held him in suspense, awaiting their 
decision, they privately dispatched a caravel to pursue the desig- 
nated route. 



82 



THH LIFK AND VOYAGES 



, f. ,■ 




The caravel took its departure from the Cape de Verde Islands, 
and stood westward for several days. The weather grew^ stormy, 
and the pilots having no zeal to stimulate them, and seeing nothing 
but an immeasurable waste of wild tumbling waves, still extending 
before them, lost all courage, and put back to the Cape de Verde 
Islands, and thence to Lisbon, excusing their own want of resolu- 
tion, by ridiculing the project as extravagant and irrational. 

This unworthy attempt to defraud him of his enterprise roused 
the indignation of Columbus, and, though King John, it is said, 
showed a disposition to renew the negotiation, he resolutely de- 
clined. His wife had been for some time dead, the domestic tie 

,, ^ -,-„ . . . w h i c h h a d 



vi' 







$^-^??s 



!%^ 



-^ 






I IK 









bound him 
t o Portugal, 
therefore, 
being broken, 
he determined 
to abandon a 
countrv where 
he had been 
treated w i t h 
so little faith. 
Like most 
p roj ec tors, 
while engaged 
in schemes 
w h i c h held 
out promise 
of incalcu- 
lable wealth, he had suffered his affairs to run to ruin, and was 
in danger of being arrested for debt. This has been given as the 
reason for his leaving Portugal in a secret manner, which he did 
towards the end of 14S4, taking with him his son Diego, as yet a 
mere child. 

An interval now occurs of about a 3'ear, during w-hich the 
movements of Columbus are involved in uncertaint}-. It has been 
asserted by a modern Spanish historian of merit, that he departed 
immediately for Genoa, where he repeated in person the propositian 
which he had formerly made to the government by letter. The 




VIEW OF THE GRAND CAKAL IN VENICE. 



I THE CMonCH OF SANTA MARIA DELLA SALUTA IN THE DISTANCE. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



83 



republic of Genoa, however, was languishing under a long decline, 
and was embarrassed by ruinous wars. Her spirit was broken with 
her fortunes ; for with nations, as with individuals, enterprise is the 
child of prosperity, and is apt to languish in evil days, when thei^e 
is most need of its exertion. Thus, Genoa, it w-ould appear, dis- 
heartened b}' reverses, rejected a proposition which would have ele- 
vated the republic to tenfold splendor, and might for a long time 
have perpetuated the golden wand of commerce in the failing grasp 
of Italy. 

From Genoa, it has been said, but equally without positive 
proof, that Columbus carried his proposal to Venice, but that it was 
declined in consequence of the critical state of national affairs. Dif- 
ferent authors agree, that about this time he visited his aged father, 
and made such arrangements for his comfort as his own poor means 
afforded, and that having thus performed the duties of a pious son, 
he departed once more to try his fortunes in foreign courts. About 
this time, also, he engaged his brother Bartholomew to sail for 
England, to lay his propositions before Henr}' the Seventh, whom he 
had heard extolled for his wisdom and munificence. For himself, he 
sailed for Spain, where he appears to have arrived in great povertv, 
for this course of fruitless solicitation had exhausted all his means; 
nor is it one of the least extraordinar}- circumstances in his even.tiul 
life, that he had, in a manner, to beg his way from court to court, 
to offer to princes the discovery of a world. 




SEAL OF KING HENHY vtl. OF ENGLAND. AFTER AN IMPRESSION IN THE 
IMPERIAL STATE ARCHIVES IN BERLIN. 




THE VISION OF COLUMBUS WHILE BEGGING HIS WAY FROM COURT TO COURT. 

PAINTING BY D, MANUEL PlCOlO. 




THE CONVENT OF LA RABIDA. 



VIEW OF THE TOWN OF PAL05. 



CHAPTER V, 



FIRST ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS IN SPAI N.— CHARACTER OF THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS. 




HE first trace we have of Columbus in 
Spain, is gathered from the manuscript docu- 
ments of the celebrated lawsuit, which took 
place a few 3'ears after his death, between his 
son Don Diego and the crown. It is contained 
in the deposition of one Garcia Fernandez, a phy- 
dent in the little seaport of Palos 
2;uer, in Andalusia. About half a 
e from Palos, on a solitary height 
)\erlooking the seacoast, and sur- 
ounded by a forest of pine trees, 
there stopd, and stands at 
the present day, an ancient 
convent of Franciscan friars, 
dedicated to Santa Maria de 
Rabida. A stranger travel- 
ing on foot, accompanied by 
a young boy. stopped one day 
at the gate of the convent, and 
asked of the porter a little 
bread and water for his child. 
While receiving this humble 
refreshment, the guardian of 
the convent, Friar Juan Perez 
de Marchena, happening to pass 
by, was struck with the appear- 
ance of the stranger, and, ob- 
serving from his air and accent 



FROM A PAINTING I 



THE CONVENT OF LA RABIDA. 



{85) 



86 



TIIH LIFE AND VOYAGES 




PEREZ DE MARCHENA. 



that he was a foreigner, entered into con 
versation with him. That stranger wa 
Columbus, accompanied by his young soi 
Diego. He was on his way to the neigh 
boring town of Huelva, to seek a brother 
in-law, who had married a sister of hi 
deceased wife. 

The guardian was an intelligent man 
and acquainted with geographical anc 
nautical science. He was interested b] 
the conversation of Columbus, and strucl 
with the grandeur of his plans. He de 
tained him as his guest, and being difii 
deut of his own judgment, sent for a scieutitic friend to converse 
with him. That friend was Garcia Fernandez, the phj-sician o: 
Palos, the same who furnishes this interesting testimony, and whc 
became equally convinced with the friar of the correctness of the 
theory of Columbus. Several veteran pilots and mariners of Palos 
also, were consulted during the conferences at the convent, whc 
stated various facts observed in the course of their experience 
which seemed to corroborate the idea of western lands in the At- 
lantic. But the conviction of the friar was still more confirmed, hy 
the hearty concurrence of an important personage iu that maritime 

neighbor- 
hood, o u€ 
Martin 
Alonzo Pin- 
zou, resi- 
dent of the 
town of Pa- 
los, one oi 
the most in- 
telligentsea 
captains o i 
the day, and 
the head ol 
a famil}^ oi 
wealthy and 




THE CONSULTATION IN TMt CONVENT. ^ ".I //.'.'/ Wj.' f>y /'. MtliO. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



s? 




distinguished navigators. Pinzon not 
onh- gave the project of Columbus his 
decided approbation, but offered to en- 
gage in it with purse and person. 

Fray Juan Perez, being now fullv 
persuaded of the importance of the pro- 
posed enterprise, advised Columbus to 
repair to court, and make his proposi- 
tions to the Spanish sovereigns, oifer- 
ing to give him a letter of recommen- 
dation to his friend, F'ernando de Tal- 
avera, prior of the convent of Prado, the cell of the priob, juan pebez oe marchena, in the convent 
and confessor to the queen, and a man of great political influence, 
through whose means he would, no doubt, immediately obtain 
royal audience and favor. Martin Alonzo Pinzon, also, generously 
offered to furnish him with money for the iourney, and the friar 
took charge of his youthful son, Diego, to maintain and educate 
him in the convent. Thus aided and encouraged, and elated with 
fresh hopes, Columbus took leave of the little iunto at La Rabida, 
and set out, in the spring of 14S6, for the Castilian court, which 
had just assembled at Cordova, where the sovereigns were fully 
occupied with their chivalrous enterprise for the 
conquest of Granada. And here it is proper to - ^ " v 

give a brief description of these princes, who per- 
tornied such an important part in the events of .y 
this history. 



OF LA RABIDA. 




/lEW OF THE TOWN OF CORDOVA. WITH THE OLD ROMAN EHlD&E IN THE FOREGROUND. 



88 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



: tmE catholic 



It has been well observed of Ferdinand and Isabella, that they 
lived together, not like man and wife, whose estates are in com 
mon, under the orders of the husband, but like two monarchs, 
strictly allied. They had separate claims to sovereignt}', in virtue 
of their separate kingdoms, and held separate councils. Yet they 
were so happily united b}' common views, common interests, and a 

great deference for each other, that this 
double administration never prevented 
a unit}- of purpose and action. All acts 
of sovereign t}- were executed in both 
their names ; all piiblic writings sub- 
scribed with both their signatures; their 
likenesses were stamped together on 
the public coin ; and the ro3-al seal dis- 
played the united arms of Castile and 
Arragon. 

Ferdinand possessed a clear and com- 
prehensive genius, and great penetra- 
tion. He was equable in temper, inde- 
fatigable in business, a great observer of 
men, and is extolled by Spanish wi iters 
as unparalleled in the science of the 
cabinet. It has been maintained by 
writers of other nations, however, and 
apparentl}- with reason, that he was 
bigoted in religion, and craving rather 
than magnanimous in his ambition ; 
that he made war less like a paladin 
glory than for mere dominion, and that 
He was called the wise 




' S»N TELmo. Sevi 



than a prince, less for 

his policy was cold, selfish, and artful. 

and prudent in Spain; in Italy, the pious; in France and England, 

the ambitious and perfidious. 

Contemporarv writers have been enthusiastic in their descrip- 
tions of Isabella, but time has sanctioned their eulogies. She was 
of the middle size, and well formed ; with a fair complexion, auburn 
hair, and clear blue e^-es. There was a mingled gravity and sweet- 
ness in her countenance, and a singular modesty, gracing, as it 
did, great firmness of purpose and earnestness of spirit. Though 
strongly attached to her husband, and studiotis of his fame, 3'et she 



OF COLUMBUS. 



89 



always maintained her distinct rights as an allied prince. She 

exceeded him in beauty, personal dignity, acuteness of genius, 

and grandeur of soul. Combining the 

active and resolute qualities of man, 

with the softer charities of woman, she 

mineled in the warlike councils of her 

husband, and, being inspired with a 

truer idea of glory, infused a more lofty 

and generous temper into his subtle 

and calculating policy. 

It is in the civil history of their 
reign, however, that the character of Isa- 
bella shines most illustrious. Her foster- 
ing and maternal care was continually 
directed to reform the laws, and heal 
the ills engendered b}^ a long course of 
civil wars. She assembled round her the 
ablest men in literature and science, and 
directed herself by their counsels in en- 
couraging literature and the arts. She 
promoted the distribution of honors and 
rewards for the promulgation of knowl- 
edge, fostered the recently invented art 
of printing, and through her patronage 
Salamanca rose to that eminence which it assumed among the 
learned institutions of the age. Such was the noble woman who 
was destined to acquire immortal renown by her spirited patron- 
age of the discovery of the new world. 




ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC. 



PAlMTlNti BY BEOUl 





%^. 



CHAPTER VI. 




PROPOSITIONS OF COLUMBUS TO THE COURT OF CASTILE. 

■HEN Columbus arrived at Cordova, he found it in 
all the bustle of military preparation. The two 
rival Moorish kings of Granada had formed a coali- 
tion, and the Castilian sovereigns had summoned 
all their chivalry to assemble for a grand campaign. 
Every day witnessed the arrival of some Spanish 
noble, with a splendid retinue, and a brilliant array 
of household troops. The court was like a military 
camp ; every avenue was crowded by warlike gran- 
dees and hardy cavaliers, who had distinguished themselves in this 
Moorish war. This was an unpropitious moment for an application 
^^ like that of Columbus. Everybody was engrossed by the 
opening campaign. Even Fernando de Talavera, who 
was to have been his great patron and protector, 
and his organ of communication with the sover- 
^ eigns, was completely taken up with 
military? concerns, being one of the 
clerical advisers, who surrounded the 
queen in this, as it was termed, holy 
war. The letter of recommendation 
from the worthy Fray Juan Perez, 
which was to have secured the powerful 
influence of Talavera, seems to have had 
but little effect upon the prior, Avho list- 
ened coldly to Coliimbus, and looked 
upon his plan as extravagant and im- 
possible. 

So far, therefore, from receiving 
immediate patronage from the sover- 
eigns, Columbus found it impossible 
to obtain even a hearing. It is a ques- 




(90) 



OF COHJMHUS. 



91 



tiou even, whether, for some time, his application reached their 
ears. If Fernando de Talavera did mention it to them, it must 
have been in disparaging terms, such as rather to destroy than 
excite interest in its favor. The campaign opened almost im- 
mediately ; the king took the field in person ; the queen was fully 
occupied by the hurrying concerns of the war, and was part of the 
time present in the camp; 
it would have been in vain, 
therefore, at such a mo- 
ment, to expect attention 
to a scheme of foreign dis- 
covery, founded on princi- 
ples which required calm 
and learned investigation. 
During the summer and 
autumn of 14S6, Columbus 
remained at Cordova, wait- 
ing for a more favorable 
opportunity to urge his 
suit, and trusting to time 
and assiduity to gain him 
converts among the intelli- 
gent and powerful. He 
was in indigent circum- 
stances, and earned a 
scanty support by making 
maps and charts. He had 
to contend also against the 
ridicule of the light and 
the supercilious, which is 
one of the greatest obsta- 
cles to modest merit in a 
court. Some scoffed at 
him as a mere dreamer, others stigmatized him as an adventurer; 
the ver\' children, it is said, pointed to their foreheads as he passed, 
being taught to consider him a kind of madman. Indeed, the 
slender interest on which he had founded his hopes of royal patron- 
age, and the humble garb in which his poverty obliged him to ap- 
pear, formed a preposterous contrast, in the eyes of the courtiers, 

[61 




COLUMBUS' SOJOURN IN CORDOVA. 1486. " SCOFFED AT, AS A MERE DREAMER AND ADVENTURER, 



92 THF. LIFE AND VOYAGES 

with the magnificence of his speculations. " Because he was a 
foreigner," said Oviedo, " and went but in simple apparel, nor 
otherwise credited than by the letter of a gra}- friar, they believed 
him not, neither gave ear to his words, whereby he was greatly 
tormented in his imagination." 

While thus lingering in Cordova, he became attached to Dona 
Beatrix Enriquez, a lady of that city, of a noble family. Like most 
of the circumstances of this part of his life, his connection with 
this ladv is wrapped in obscurity, but appears never to have been 
sanctioned by marriage. She was the mother of his second son 
Fernando, who became his historian, and whom he always treated 
on terms of perfect equality with his legitimate son Diego. 

By degrees the theory of Columbus began to obtain proselytes. 
The attention of men of reflection was drawn to this solitary indi- 
vidual, who, almost unsupported, was endeavoring to make his way, 
with so singular a proposition, to the foot of the throne. Whoever 
conversed with him, was struck by the dignity of his manners, the 
earnest sincerity of his discourse, and the force of his reasoning. 
Alonzo de Qnintanilla, comptroller of the finances of Castile, be- 
came a warm advocate of his theory, and received him as a guest 
into his house. He was countenanced also by Antonio Geraldini, 
the pope's nuncio, and his brother, Alexander Geraldini, preceptor 
to the younger children of Ferdinand and Isabella. B}- these 
friends he was introduced to the celebrated Pedro Gonzalez de 
Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo, and grand cardinal of Spain. 
This was the most important personage about the court, he was 
alwa3fs with the king and queen, who never took any measure of 
consequence without consulting him, and was facetiously called the 
third king of Spain. He was an elegant scholar, a man of sound 
understanding, and of great quickness and capacity in business. 
The clear-headed cardinal was pleased with the noble and earnest 
manner of Columbus ; he listened to him with profound attention, 
felt the importance of his project and the force of his arguments, 
and became at once a firm and serviceable friend. Through his in- 
tercession the royal audience was at length obtained. 

Columbus appeared in the presence of the king with modesty, 
yet self-possession, inspired by a consciousness of the dignity and 
importance of his errand ; for he felt himself, as he afterwards de- 
clared in his letters, animated as if by a sacred fire from above, and 



OF COLUMBUS. 



95 



considered himself an instrument in the hand of heaven to accom 
plish its grand designs. Ferdinand was too keen a judge of men 
not to appreciate the character of Columbus. He per- 
ceived, also, that his scheme had scientific and prac- « i S^^^, 
tical foundations ; and his ambition was excited by "'" ' 
the possibility of discoveries far exceeding in im- 
portance those which had shed such glory upon 
Portugal. Still, as usual, he was cool and 
wary. He ordered Fernando de Tala- 
vera, the prior of Prado, to assemble 
the most learned astronomers anc 
mographers of the kingdom, 
to hold a conference with 
Columbus. They were to ex- 
amine him upon the grounds 
of his theorj', and afterwards 
to consult together, and re- 
port their opinion as to its 
merits. Columbus now con- 
sidered the day of success at 
hand ; he had been deceived 
b}' courtiers, and scoffed at as 
a visionary by the vulgar and 
the ignorant ; but he was now 
to appear before a body of 
the most learned and en- 
lightened men, elevated, as 
he supposed, above all nar- 
row prejudice and selfish in- 
terest, and capable of comprehending the full scope of his reason- 
ings. From the dispassionate examination of such a body of sages, 
he could not but anticipate the most triumphant verdict. 




CHURCH OP ' 



ESTEBAN (SANTA DOMINGO) IN SALAMANCA, WHERE THE PROJECT OF COLUMBUS WAS 
EXAMINED BV THE JUNTA OF DOCTORS. APPOINTED bV THE QUEEN. 




CHAPTER VII. 



COLUMBUS BEFORE THE COUNCIL AT SALAMANCA. 




JHE interesting conference took place at Salamanca, the 
i^reat seat of learning in Spain. It was held in the Domin- 
ican convent of St. Stephen, the most scientific college 
in the university, in which Columbus was lodged and 
entertained with great hospitality during the course of the examina- 
tion. The board of conference was composed of professors of the 
university, together with various dignitaries of the church, and 
learned friars. No tribunal could bear a front of more imposing 
wisdom ; j-et Columbus soon discovered that ignorance and illiberal- 
ity may sometimes lurk under the very robes of science. 

The greater part of this learned junto, it would appear, came 
prepossessed against him, as men in place and dignity are apt to be 
against poor applicants. There is ahva3-s a proneness to consider a 
man under examination as a kind of delinquent, or impostor, upon 
trial, who is to be detected and exposed. Columbus, too, appeared 
in a most unfavorable light before a scholastic bod}- ; an obscure nav- 
ierator, member of no learned institution, destitute of all the trap- 
pings and circumstances which sometimes give oracular authority 
to dullness, and depending upon the mere force of natural genius. 
Some ot the assembly entertained the popular notion, that he was 
an adventurer, or, at best, a visionary; and others had that morbid 
impatience of any innovation upon established doctrine, which is 
apt to grow upon dull and pedantic men in cloistered life. The 
hall of the old convent presented a striking spectacle. A simple 
mariner standing forth in the midst of an imposing array of cler- 



(96) 



OK COL I'M BUS. 



91 



ical and collegiate sages ; maintaining his theory with natnral elo- 
quence, and, as it were, pleading the cause of the new world. We 
are told, that when he began to state the grounds of his theor}-, the 
friars of St. Stephen alone paid attention to him. The others 
appeared to have intrenched themselves behind one dogged posi- 
tion, namely, that, after so many profound philosophers had occu- 
pied themselves in geographical investigations, and so many able 
navigators had been voyaging about the world for ages, it was a 
great presumption in an 
ordinary man to suppose 
that there remained such 
a vast discovery for him 
to make. 

Several of the objec- 
tions opposed by this 
learned body have been 
handed down to us, and 
have provoked many a 
sneer at the expense of 
the university of Sala- 
manca ; but they are 
proofs rather of the imperfect state 
of science at the time, and of the 
manner in which knowledge, though 
rapidly advancing, was still impeded fes^*-" 
in its progress by monastic bigotry. 
Thus, at the very threshold of the 
discussion, Columbus was assailed 
with citations from the Bible, and 
the works of the earl}' fathers of the 
church, which were thought incom- 
patible with his theory ; doctrinal points were mixed 
up with philosophical discussions, and even a mathe- 
matical demonstration was allowed no truth, if it 
appeared to clash with a text of scripture, or a com- 
mentary of one of the fathers. Thus the possibility 
of the existence of antipodes in the southern hemi- 
sphere, though maintained by the wisest of the 
ancients, was disputed by some of the sages of Sala- 




THE GATEWAY TO THE ARCHIVES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF 

SALAMANCA. 



g8 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

inanca, or. the authority of Lactantius and St. Augustine,* those 
two great luminaries of what has been called the golden age of 
ecclesiastical learning. "Is there anj- one so foolish," asks Lac- 
tantius, "as to believe that there are antipodes with their feet 
opposite to ours ; people who walk with their heels upward 
and their licads hanging down? That there is a part of the 
world in which all things are topsy-turvy; where the trees grow 
with their branches downward, and where it rains, hails, and snows 
upwards? The idea of the roundness of the earth," he adds, "was 
the cause of inventing this fable ; for these philosophers, having 
once erred, go on in their absurdities, defending one with another." 

Objections of a graver nature, and more dignified tone, were 
advanced on the authority of St. Augustine. He pronounces the 
doctrine of antipodes incompatible with the historical foundations 
of our faith ; since, to assert that there were inhabited lands on the 
opposite side of the globe, would be to maintain that there were 
nations not descended from Adam, it being impossible for them to 
have passed the intervening ocean. This would be, therefore, to 
discredit the Bible, which expressly declares, that all men are de- 
scended from one common parent. 

Such were the unlooked-for prejudices which Columbus had to 
encounter, at the very outset of his conference, and which certainly 
savor more of the convent than the university. To his simplest 
proposition, the spherical form of the earth, were opposed figura- 
tive texts of scripture. In the psalms, the heavens are said to be 
extended over the earth like a hide, that is to sa}-, like the covering 
of a tent, which, among the ancient pastoral nations, was formed of 
the hides of animals. St. Paul also, in his epistle to the Hebrews, 
compares the heavens to a tabernacle or tent spread over the earth ; 
hence these casuists maintained that the earth must be flat, like the 
bottom of the tent. Others admitted the globular form of the earth, 
and the possibilit}- of an opposite and inhabitable hemisphere, but 
maintained that it woiild be impossible to arrive there, in conse- 
quence of the heat of the torrid zone. As for steering to the west in 
search of India, the}- observed that the circumference of the earth 
must be so great as to require at least three years to the voyage, 
and those who .should undertake it must perish of hunger and 

* Two celebrated literati of the church of the 4th century. Lactantius was an Italian, 
and Augustine was born in Tagaste, Africa. 



OF COLUMBUS. lOI 

thirst, from the impossibility of carr3-ing provisions for so long a 
period. Not the least absurd objection advanced, was, that should 
a ship even succeed in reaching the extremity of India, she could 
never get back again, for the rotundit}' of the globe would present 
a kind of mountain, up which it would be impossible for her to sail 
with the most favorable wind. 

Such are specimens of the errors and prejudices, the mingled 
error and erudition, with which Columbus had to contend, through- 
out the examination of his theory. ]\Iany of these objections, how- 
ever, which appear so glaringly absurd at the present day, were 
incident to the imperfect state of knowledge at the time. The ro- 
tundity of the earth was as 3'et a matter of mere speculation ; no 
one could tell whether the ocean were not of too vast extent to be 
traversed ; nor were the laws of specific gravity, and of central 
gravitation, ascertained, b_v which, granting the earth to be a 
sphere, the possibility of making a tour of it would be manifest. 

When Columbus took his stand before this learned body, he 
had appeared the plain and simple navigator, somewhat daunted, 
perhaps, by the greatness of his task, and the august nature of his 
auditory; but he had a degree of religious feeling, which gave him 
a confidence in the execution of what he conceived his great 
errand, and he was of an ardent temperament, and became heated 
in action by his own generous fires. All the objections drawn from 
ancient philosophers, he met boldl_v and upon equal terms, for he 
was deeply studied on all points of cosmography, and he disproved 
many by his own experience, gathered in the course of his exten- 
sive voyages, in which he had penetrated both the torrid and the 
frozen zone. Nor was he to be daunted by the scriptural difficulties 
opposed to him, for here he was peculiarly at home. His contem- 
poraries have spoken of his commanding person, his elevated de- 
meanor, his air of authority, his kindling eye, and the persuasive 
intonations of his vo-ice. How must they have given majesty and 
force to his words, as, casting aside his maps and charts, and dis- 
carding, for a time, his practical and scientific lore, his visionary 
spirit took fire, and he met his doctrinal opponents upon their own 
ground, pouring forth those magnificent texts of scripture, and 
those mysterious predictions of the prophets, which, in his enthu- 
siastic moments, he considered as types and annunciations of the 
sublime discovery which he proposed! 



V 



I02 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

It is but justice to add, that uiany of his learned hearers were 
convinced by his reasoning, and warmed by his eloquence ; among 
:he number of these was Diego de Deza, a worthy friar of the order 
of St. Dominic, at that time professor of theology in the convent 
of St. Stephen, but who became afterwards archbishop of Seville, the 
second ecclesiastical dignitary of vSpain. He was an able and erudite 
man, above the narrow bigotry of laookish lore, and could appreciate 
the value of wisdom, even when uttered by unlearned lips. He 
seconded Columbus with all his powers and influence, and by their 
united efforts, they brought over several of the most intelligent men 
of the assembly. Still there was a preponderating mass of inert 
bigotry, and learned pride, in the erudite bod}', which refused to 
yield to the demonstrations of an obscure foreigner, without fortune 
or connections, or anv academic honors. After this celebrated ex- 
amination of Columbus, the board held occasional conferences, but 
without coming to any decision ; Fernando de Talavera, to whom 
the matter was especially intrusted, had too little esteem for it, and 
was too much occupied by the stir and bustle of public concerns, to 
press it to a conclusion ; his departure with the court from Cordova, 
early in the spring of 14S7, put an end to the consultations, and 
left Columbus in a state of the most tantalizing suspense. 

For several years he followed the movements of the court, con- 
tinually flattered with hopes of success. Conferences were ap- 
pointed at various places, but the tempest of warlike affairs, which 
hurried the court from place to place, and gave it the bustle and 
confusion of a camp, continually swept away all matters of less im- 
mediate iuiportance. It has generally been supposed that these 
years of irksome solicitation were spent by Columbus in the drowsy 
attendance of ante-chambers ; but, on the contrary, they were 
passed amidst scenes of peril and adventure, and, in following the 
court, he was led into some of the most striking situations of this 
wild, riigged and mountainous war. In one of the severest cam- 
paigns, he is said to have distinguished himself by his personal 
prowess. He was present at the sieges and surrenders of Malaga 
and Baza, and beheld El Zagal, the elder of the two rival kings of 
Granada, yield up his crown and possessions to the Spanish sover- 
eigns. During the siege of Baza, two reverend friars, guardians o( 
the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, arrived in the Spanish camp, bear- 
ing a menace from the Grand Soldan of Egypt, fhat he would pu' 




COLUMBUS DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF IN ONE OF THE SEVEREST CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE MOORS, BY HIS 

PERSONAL PROWESS. 



'103) 



I04 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




: MOLV SEPULCHRE 
JERUSALEM 



to death all the Christians in liis dominions, and destroy the sepul- 
chre, if the sovereigns did not desist from the war against the Mos- 
lems of Granada. It is probable that the pious iudigna- 
excited by this threat in the bosom of Columbus, 
ave the first rise to a resolution which he enter- 
tained to the day of his death ; this was, to devote 
the profits which he anticipated from his dis- 
coveries, to a crusade for the rescue of the holy 
sepulchre. 

During this long course of application, 
Columbus partly defrayed his expenses by 
making maps and charts. He was occasionally 
assisted, also, b}' the purse of the worthy Friar 
Diego de Deza, and was sometimes a guest of ■ 
Alonzo de Quintanilla. It is due to the sovereigns 
to sa3', also, that he was attached to the roj^al suite, and 
sums issued to defray his expenses, and lodgings pro- 
vided for him, when summoned to follow this rambling 
and warlike court. Whenever the sovereigns had an interval of 
leisure, there seems to have been a disposition to attend to his 
proposition ; but the hurrj- and tempest of the war returned, and 
the question was again swept away. 

At length, in the winter of 1491, when the sovereigns were 
preparing to depart on their final campaign in the vega* of Granada, 

Columbus, 
losing all pa- 
tience, press- 
ed for a de- 
cisive reply, 
and Fernan- 
do de Tala- 
vera was or- 
dered, there- 
fore, to hold 
a final con- 
ference, and 
to report the 

*Vega; Span- 
ish, a large plain. 




THE AL CAZAR OF ThE FAIH^ES; CASTLE OF THE t 



HAMBHA. L. tl 



1 If^£ .£jA OF CRANADA 



OF COLUMBUS. 



105 



decision of his learned brethren. He obej'ed, and informed their 
majesties that the majorit}' of the junto condemned the scheme as 
vain and impossible, and considered it unbecoming such great 
princes to engage in an undertaking of the kind, on such weak 
grounds as had been advanced. 

A degree of consideration, however, had gradually grown up at 
court for the enterprise, and notwithstanding his unfavorable re- 
port, the sovereigns were unwilling to close the door on a project 
which might be of such important advantages. They informed 
Columbus, therefore, that the great cares and expenses of the war 
rendered it impossible for them to engage in any new enterprises 
for the present ; but that, when the war should be concluded, they 
would have leisure and inclination to treat with him concerning 
his propositions. 

This was but a starved reply to receive after so mau}^ years of 
weary attendance ; Columbus considered it a mere evasion of the 
sovereigns to relieve themselves from his importunit}', and, giving 
up all hope of countenance from the throne, he turned his back 
upon Seville, filled with disappointment and indignation. 




THE COUNCH OF SALAMANCA. FROM THE MONUMENT AT GENOA. 



CHAPTER Vni. 



COLUMBUS StEKS PATRONAGE AMONG THE SPANISH GRANDEES. RETURNS TO THE CON- 
VENT or LA RABIDA. RESUMES HIS NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE SOVEREIGNS. (1491.) 




had 
and 




IOLI'AxBU.j no\v looked round in search of some other 
source of patronage. He had received favorable letters 
lioth from the kings of England and of France ; the king 
of Portugal, also, had invited him to return to his court; 
but he appears to have become attached to Spain, probably 
fror.: iLs being the residence of Beatrix Enriquez, and 
111.:: children. He sought, therefore, to engage the pat- 
rcia^'- of some one of those powerful Spanish grandees, 
who had vast possessions, exercised feudal rights, and 
were petty sovereigns in their domains. Among these, 
were the dukes of j\Iedina Sidonia, and IMedina Celi ; both 
principalities lying along the seaboard, with armies of vassals, 
ports and shipping at their command. Columbus had man}' 
interviews with the duke of IMedina Sido- 
nia, who was tempted for a time by the 
splendid prospects held out ; but their very 
splendor threw a coloring of exaggeration 
over the enterprise, and he finally rejected 
it as the dream of an Italian visionary. 

The duke of Medina Celi was still more 
favorable, and w-as actually on the point of 
granting him three or four caravels which 
lay ready for sea, in his harbor of Port St. 
Mary; but he suddenly changed his mind, 
fearing to awaken the jealousy of the crown, 
and to be considered as interfering with the 
views of the sovereigns, who he knew had 
been treating with Columbus. He advised 
him, therefore, to return once more to court, 
and he wrote a letter to the queen in favor 
of his project. 



CHARLES VIII. OF 
THE 



FRANCE. PAINTING ON WOOD &Y AN UNKNOWN ARTIST OF 
15T« CENTyRv. PARIS, PRIVATE POSSESSION. 



(■c«) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



107 



Columbus felt averse to the idea of subjecting himself again 
to the tantalizing delays and disappointments of the court, and 
determined to repair to Paris. He departed, therefore, for the con- 
vent of La Rabida, to seek his oldest son Diego, and leave him with 
his other son at Cordova. 

When the worthy Friar Juan Perez 
de Marchena beheld Columbus arrive 
once more at the gate of his convent, 
after nearly seven years' fruitless solici- 
tation at the court, and saw, by the 
humilitv of his garb, the poverty he 
had experienced, he was greatly moved; 
but when he found that he was on the 
point of leaving Spain, and carrying 
his proposition to another country, his 
patriotism took the alarm. He had 
been confessor to the queen, and knew 
her to be always accessible to persons 
of his sacred calling. He wrote a letter 
to her, therefore, earnestly vindicating 
the proposed scheme, and conjuring her 
not to turn a deaf ear to a matter of 
such vast importance ; and he prevailed 
upon Columbus to delay his journey 
until an answer should be received. 

The ambassador chosen by the 
little junto of the convent was one Se- 
bastian Rodriguez, a pilot of Lepe, 
who acquitted himself faithfully, ex- 
peditiously, and successfully, in his 
embassy. He found access to the be- 
nignant princess in the royal camp at 
Santa Fe, before Granada, and delivered 
the epistle of the friar. He returned in 
fourteen days, with a letter from the 
queen, thanking Juan Perez for his 
timely services, and requesting him to repair immediately to 
the court, leaving Columbus in confident hope of hearing farther 
from her. This royal epistle caused great exultatiou in the con- 




.A HABIOA PREVAILS UPON COLUMBUS TO DELAV HIS DEPARTURE FOR 
PARIS. PAINTING BV 0. JUAN LLIMONA V BRUOUERA. 



io8 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



vent. No sooner did the warm-hearted friar receive it, than he pro- 
cured a mule, and departed instantly, before midnight, for the court. 
His sacred office, and his former relation as father confessor, gave him 
immediate admission to the queen, and great freedom of counsel. It 
is probable Isabella had never heard the proposition of Columbus urged 
with such honest zeal and impressive eloquence. She was naturally 
more sanguine and susceptible than the king, and more open to warm 
and generous impulses. Moved by the representations of Juan 
Perez, she requested that Columbus might be again sent to her, 
;ind kindly bethinking herself of his poverty, and his humble 
plight, ordered that a sufficient sum of money should be forwarded 
to him to defray his traveling expenses, to provide him with a 
mule for his journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, 
that he might make a respectable appearance at the court. Colum- 
bus lost no time in compl3-ing with the commands of the queen. He 
exchanged his threadbare garment for one of more courtly 
texture, and, purchasing a mule, set out once more, re- 
animated by fresh hopes, for the camp before Granada. 
O He arrived in time to witness the memorable sur- 

render of that capital to the Spanish arms. He beheld Boabdil el 
Chico, the last of the IMoorish kings, sail}- forth from the Alhambra, 
and yield up the keys of that favorite seat of Moslem 
power ; while the king and queen, with all the chivalry 
and magnificence of Spain, moved forward in proud and 
solemn procession, to receive this token of submission. It was one 
of the most brilliant triumphs in Spanish history. The air re- 
sounded with shouts of jo}', with songs of triumph and h3'mns of 
thanksgiving. On ever}' side were beheld military rejoicings and 
religious oblations. The court was thronged bj^ the most illustrious 
of that warlike country, and stirring era; by the flower of its no- 
bility, the most dignified of its prelacy, by bards and minstrels, and 
all the retinue of a romantic and picturesque age. 

During this brilliant and triumphant scene, says an elegant 
Spanish writer, "A man, obscure and but little known, followed 
the court. Confounded in the crowd of importunate applicants, 
and feeding his imagination, in the corners of antechambers, with 
the pompous project of discovering a world, he was melancholy 
and dejected in the midst of the general rejoicing, and beheld with 
indiff"erence, almost with contempt, the conclusion of a conquest 




SWOBO OF aOABOlL, 
ROYAL ARSENAL, MADRID. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



Ill 



which swelled all bosoms with jubilee, and seemed to have 
the utmost bounds of desire. That man was Christopher 
bus." 

The moment had now arrived, how- 
ever, when the monarchs stood pledged to 
attend to his proposals. Thev kept their 
word, and persons of confidence were ap- 
pointed to negotiate with him, among 
whom was Fernando de Talavera, who, bv 
the recent conquest, had risen to be arch- 
bishop of Granada. At the ver}- outset of 
their negotiation, however, unexpected 
difficulties arose. The principal stipula- 
tion of Columbus was, that he should be 
invested with the titles and privileges of 
admiral and viceroy, over the countries he 
should discover, with one tenth of all 
gains, either by trade or conquest. The 
courtiers who treated with him, were in- 
dignant at such a demand from one whom 
they had considered a needy adventurer. 



reached 

Coluni- 





BOABOIU "EL CMICO," LAST KING OF TME 
PAIMING FROM THE FLEMISH SCHOOL OF THE 1 



One observed with a 
sneer, that it was a 

shrewd arrangement M'hich he proposed, where- 
by he was certain of the profits and honors of 
a command, and had nothing to lose in case of 
failure. To this Columbus promptly replied, 
by offering to furnish one eighth of the 
cost, on condition of enjo^-ing an eighth 
of the profits. His terms, however, were 
pronounced inadmissible, and others 
were offered, of more moderate nature, 
but he refused to cede one point of his 
demands, and the negotiation was broken 
off. 

It is impossible not to admire the 

great constancy of purpose, and loftiness 

of spirit, here displaj-ed by Columbus. 

Though so large a portion of life had 



MOORS. 

7TM CENTURY. 



COAT OF MAIL OF BOABJIL. 
ROYAL ARSENAL, MADRID. 



112 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

worn away in fruitless soliciting, during which he had experienced 
the bitterness of povert3% neglect, ridicnle, and disappointment ; 
though there was no certaint}^ that he would not have to enter 
upon the same career at any other court ; yet nothing could shake 
his perseverance, or make him descend to terms which he con- 
sidered beneath the dignity of his enterprise. Indignant at the 
repeated disappointments he had experienced in Spain, he nov/ 
determined to abandon it forever, and mounting his mule, sallied 
forth from Santa Fe,* on his way to Cordova, with the intention of 
immediately proceeding from thence to France. 

When the few friends, who were zealoiis believers in the the- 
ory of Columbus, saw him on the point of abandoning the country, 
they were filled with distress. Among the number was Luis de St. 
Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of Arragon, and Alonzo 
de Ouintanilla, who determined to make one bold effort to avert the 
evil. They hastened to the queen, and St. Angel addressed her with 
a courage and eloquence inspired by the exigency of the moment. He 
did not confine himself to entreaties, but almost mingled reproaches. 
He expressed his astonishment that a qiieen who had evinced the 
spirit to undertake so many great and perilous enterprises, should 
hesitate at one where the loss could be but trifling, while the gain 
might be incalculable ; for all that was rec[uired for this great expe- 
dition was but two vessels, and about thirty thousand crowns, and 
Columbus himself had offered to bear an eighth of the expense. He 
reminded her how much might be done for the glory of God, the 
promotion of the Christian faith, and the extension of her own power 
and dominion, should this enterprise be adopted ; biit what cause of 
regret it would be to herself, of sorrow to her friends, and triumph 
to her enemies, should it be rejected by her, and accomplished by 
some other power. He vindicated the judgment of Columbus, and 
the soundness and practicability of his plans, and observed, that 
even a failure would reflect no disgrace upon the crown. It was 
worth the trouble and expense to clear up even a doubt, upon a 
matter of such importance, for it belonged to enlightened and mag- 
nanimous princes, to investigate questions of the kind, and to ex- 
plore tlie wonders and secrets of the universe. 

These, and many more arguments, were urged, with that per- 

* Santa Fe, was .i camp town on the Jenil, near Granada, occupied by Ferdinand and 
Isabella. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



115 



suasive power which honest zeal imparts. The generous spirit of 
Isabella was enkindled, and it seemed as if the subject, for the first 
time, broke upon her mind in its real grandeur. She declared her 
resolution to undertake the enterprise, but paused for a moment, 
remembering that King Ferdinand looked coldh' on the affair, and 
that the ro^-al treasury' was absolutely drained by the war. Her 
suspense was but momentary. With an enthusiasm worthy of 
herself and of the cause, she exclaimed, "I undertake the enter- 
prise for mj' own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jewels to 
raise the necessary funds." This was the proudest moment in the 
life of Isabella; it stamped her renown forever as the patroness of 
the discover}' of the New World. 

St. Angel, eager to secure this favorable resolution, assured 
her majesty that there would be no need of pledging her jewels, as 
he was ready to advance the necessar_v funds, as a loan, from the 
treasur}- of Arragon ; his offer was gladly accepted. 

Columbus had proceeded on his solitary journey across the 
vega* of Granada, and had reached the bridge of Pinos, about two 
leagues from that city, a pass famous for bloody encounters during 
the Moorish wars. Here he was overtaken by a courier sent after 
him in all speed b}- the queen, requesting him to return to Santa 
Fe. He hesitated, for a moment, to subject himself again to the 
delays and equivocations of the court ; but when he was informed 
that Isabella had positivelj^ undertaken the enterprise, and pledged 
her roval word, every doubt was dispelled, he turned the reins of 
his mule, and hastened back joyfully to Santa Fe, confiding im- 
plicit ly in 
the noble 
probity of 
prin- 



that 
cess. 



* Vega (Span- 
ish) a fertile 
plain. The plain 
around Granada 
measu res 32 
miles in circum- 
ference. 




THE RECALL OF COLUMBUS AT THE BRIDGE OF PINOS. DRAWING BY F. H. LUNGREN. 



171 



CHAPTER IX. 



ARRANGEMENT WITH THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS. PREPARATION FOR THE EXPEDITION ftT 

THE PORT OF PALOS. 1492.) 




kino 
this 



X arriving at Santa Fe, Colnmbus had an immediate 

audience of the queen, and the benignity with which she 

received him, atoned for all past neglect. Through 

deference to the zeal she thus suddenly displayed, the 

yielded his tardy concurrence, but Isabella was the- soul of 

grand enterprise. She was prompted by lofty and generous 

enthusiasm, while the king re- 
mained cold and calculating, in 
this as in all his other under- 
takings. 

A perfect understanding be- 
ing thus effected with the sover- 
eigns, articles of agreement were 
drawn out by Juan de Coloma, 
the royal secretary. They were 
to the following effect : — 

1. That Columbus should 
have, for himself, during his 
life, and his heirs and suc- 
cessors forever, the office of 
high admiral in all the seas, 
lands, and continents, he might 
discover, with similar honors 
and prerogatives to those en- 
joyed by the high admiral of 
Castile in his district. 

2. That he should be viceroy 
and governor-general over all 
the said lands and continents, 
with the privilege of nominat- 




ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC. 
PORTRAIT FOBMEBLV IN POSESSION OF THE CARTHUSIAN CLOISTER OF MIRAFLORES IN BURGOS, 

NOW THE PROPERTY OF THE MARQUIS DE PEDAL. 
(Il6) 



OF COLUMBUS. 119 

ing three candidates for the government of each island or province, 
one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns. 

3. That he should be entitled to one-tenth of all free profits, 
arising from the merchandise and productions of the countries 
within his admiralt}-. 

4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge of causes 
and disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and 
Spain. 

5. That he might then, and at all aftertimes, contribute an 
eighth part of the expense of expeditions to sail to the countries 
he expected to discover, and should receive in consequence an 
eighth part of the profits. 

These capitulations were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, at 
the city of Santa Fe, in the vega or plain of Granada, on the lytli of 
April, 1492. All the royal documents, issued in conseqvience, bore 
equally the signatures of Ferdinand and Isabella, but her separate 
crown of Castile defrayed all the expense. As to the money ad- 
vanced by St. Angel out of the treasury of King Ferdinand, that 
prudent monarch indemnified himself, some few years afterwards, 
by employing some of the first gold brought by Columbus from the 
new world to gild the vaults and ceilings of the grand saloon, in 
his ro^-al palace of Saragossa, in Arragon. 

One of the great objects held out by Columbus in his under- 
taking, was, the propagation of the Christian faith. He expected 
to arrive at the extremity of Asia, or India, as it was then gener- 
ally termed, at the vast empire of the Grand Khan, of vi'hose mari- 
time provinces of ]\Iangi and Cathay, and their dependent islands, 
since ascertained to be a part of the kingdom of China, the most 
magnificent accounts had been given by Marco Polo. Various mis- 
sions had been sent, in former times, by popes and pious sover- 
eigns, to instruct this oriental potentate, and his subjects, in the 
doctrines of Christianity. Columbus hoped to effect this grand 
work, and to spread the light of the true faith among the barbarous 
countries and nations that were to be discovered in the unknown 
parts of the East. Isabella, from pious zeal, and Ferdinand from 
mingled notions of bigotry and ambition, accorded with his views, 
and when he afterwards departed on this voyage, letters were actu- 
alh' given him, by the sovereigns, for the Grand Khan of Tartary. 

The ardent enthusiasm of Columbus did not stop here. Recol- 



I20 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



lecting the insolent threat once made by the soldan of Egypt, to 
destroy the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, he proposed that the 
profits which might arise from his discoveries, should be consecrated 
to a crusade for the rescue of the holy edifice from the power of the 
Infidels. The sovereigns smiled at this sally of the imagination, 
and expressed themselves well pleased with the idea ; but what they 
may have considered a mere momentary thought, was a deep and 
cherished design of Columbus. It is a curious and characteristic 
fact, which has never been particularly noticed, that the recovery of 
the holy sepulchre was the leading object of his ambition, meditated 
throughout the remainder of his life, and solemnly provided for in 
his will, and that he considered his great discover}- but as a prepar- 
atory dispensation of Providence, to furnish means for its accom- 
plishment. 

The port of Palos de Aloguer, in Andalusia, was fixed upon as 
the place where the armament for the expedition was to be fitted 
out, the commuuit}' of the place being obliged, in consequence of 
some misdemeanor, to serve the crown for one year with two armed 
caravels. A royal order was issued, commanding the authorities of 
Palos to have these caravels ready for sea within ten days, and to 
yield them and their crews to the command of Columbus. The 
latter was likewise empowered to fit out a third vessel ; nor was any 
restriction put upon his voyage, excepting that he should not go to 
the coast of Guinea, or au}' other of the lately discovered possessions 
of Portugal. Orders were likewise issued by the sovereigns, com- 
manding the inhabitants of the seaboard of Andalusia, to furnish 
supplies and assistance of all kinds for the expedition, at a reason- 
able rate, and threatening severe penalties to such as should cause 
any impediment. 

As a mark of particular favor to Columbus, Isabella, before his 
departure from the court, appointed his son Diego page to Prince 
Juan, the heir apparent, an honor granted only to the sons of per- 
sons of distinguished rank. Thus grati- 
fied in his dearest wishes, Columbus took 
J leave of the court on the 12th of May, 
I and set out joyfully for Palos. Let those 
who are disposed to faint under diffi- 
culties, in the prosecution of any great 
and worthy undertaking, remember that 




tN THE ANTE-CHAMBER OF HOVALTV. PAGES IN WAITING. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



121 



eighteen years elapsed after Colum- 
bus conceived his enterprise, before 
he was enabled to carr}' it into effect, 
that the most of that time was passed 
in almost hopeless solicitation, amidst 
poverty, neglect, and taunting ridi- 
cule ; that the prime of his life had 
wasted awa}' in the struggle ; and 
that when his perseverance was 
finally crowned with success, he was 
about fifty-six j-ears of age. His ex- 
ample should teach' the enterprising 
never to despair. 

When Columbus arrived at Palos, 
and presented himself once more 
before the gates of the convent of La 
Rabida, he was received with open 
arms by the worthy Juan Perez, and 
again entertained as his guest. The 
zealous friar accompanied him to the 
parochial church of St. George, in 
Palos, where Columbus caused the 
royal order for the caravels to be read by a notarv public, in pres- 
ence of the authorities of the place. Nothing could equal the aston- 
ishment and horror of the people of this maritime community, wheii 
they heard of the nature of the expedition, in which they were 
ordered to engage. The}- considered the ships and crews demanded 
of them, in the light of sacrifices devoted to destruction. All the 
frightful tales and fables with which ignorance and superstition are 
prone to people obscure and distant regions, were conjured up con- 
cerning the unknown parts of the deep, and the boldest seamen 
shrunk from such a wild and chimerical cruise into the v.'ilderness 
of the ocean. 

Repeated mandates were issued by the sovereign?, ordering the 
magistrates of Palos, and the neighboring town of I\Ioguer, to press 
into the service any Spanish vessels and crews they might think 
proper, and threatening severe punishments on all who shoult! 
prove refractory. It was all in vain, the communities of those 
places were thrown into complete confusion, tumults and alterca 




A PAGE OF THE 15TM CENTURY. 



122 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




1 PJBLC, READ'fiG THE ROYAL ORDER FOR THE 
CARAVELS, TO THE PEOPLE OF PALOS. 



tions took place, but nothing of consequence was 
effected. 

At length, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the wealthy 
and enterprising navigator, who has already been 
mentioned, came forward and engaged personally 
in the expedition. He and his brother Vincente 
Yanez Pinzon, who was likewise a navigator of 
great courage and ability, possessed vessels, and 
had seamen in their enii:)loy. They were related 
to many of the seafaring inhabitants of Palos and 
Moguer, and had great influence throughout the 
neighborhood. It is siipposed that they furnished 
Columbus with funds to pay the eighth share of 
the expense, which he had engaged to advance. 
They furnished two of the vessels required, and 
determined to sail in the expedition. Their ex- 
ample and persuasions had a wonderful effect; a 
great man}' of their relations and friends agreed 
to embark, and the vessels were read}' for sea within a month after 
they had engaged in their enterprise. 

During the equipment of the armament, various difficulties oc- 
curred. A third vessel, called the Pinta, had been pressed into the 
service, with its crew. The (nvners, Gomez Rascon, and Christoval 
Quintero, were strongly repugnant to the voyage, as were most of 
the mariners under them. These people, and their friends, endeav- 
ored in various ways to retard or defeat the voyage. The caulkers 
did their work in a careless manner, and, on being ordered to do it 
over again, absconded; several of the seamen who had enlisted 

fcWTls;;^^^!:^' willingly, repented and 
deserted. 



Every thing 
^^^ had to be effected by 
^j< harsh and arbitrary meas- 
ures, and in defiance of 
popular opposition. 

At length, by the be- 
ginning of August, every 
difficulty was vanquished, 
and the vessels were ready 
for sea. After all the ob- 




MULL OF A LARGE OCEAN BOAT ON THE DRY DOCK, END OF THE 16th CENTURY, 
COPIED FROM A CONTEMPORARY ENGRAVING. 



OF COLUMHl'S. 



125 



jections made b}- various courts, to undertake this expeditiou, it is 
surprising how inconsiderable au aruiameut was required. Two of 
the vessels were light barques, called caravels, not superior to river 
and coasting craft of modern da\-s. They were built high at the 
prow and stern, with forecastles and cabins for the crew, but were 
without deck in the centre. Onlv one of the three, called the 
Santa Maria, was completely decked, on board of which Columbus 
hoisted his flag. ]\Iartin Alonzo Pinzon commanded one of the 
caravels, called the Pinta, and was accompanied bj' his brother, 
Francisco oMartin, as mate or pilot. The other, called the Nina, 
had latine sails," and was commanded by Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon ; 
on board of this vessel went Garcia Fernandez, the physician of 
Palos, in the capacitj- of steward. There were three other able pilots, 
Sancho Ruiz, Pedro Alonzo Nino, and Bartholomew Roldan, and the 
whole number of persons embarked v^-as one hundred and tAventy. 
The squadron being read}' to put to sea, Columbus confessed 
himself to the friar Juan Perez, and partook of the communion, 
and his example was followed by the officers and crews, committing 
themselves, with th; most devout and affecting ceremonials, to the 
especial guidance anl protection of Heaven, in this perilous enter- 
prise. A deep gloom was spread over the whole community of 
Palos, for almost every one had some relation or friend on board of 
the squadron. , The spirits of the seamen, already depressed bv 
their own fears, were still 
more cast down, at behold- 
ing the affliction of those 
they left behind, who took 
leave of them with tears and 
lamentations and dismal 
forebodings, as of men they 
were never to behold again. 

* Three cornered sails, also called 
reed sails. They hang on a tree, fasten- 
ed in a diagonal manner to the mast. 




HULL OF A LAHCE OCEAN BOAT. ABOUT 1500 A. D. 

COPIED FROM THE COAT OF ARMS OF JOHN SEGKER. REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF A WOODCUT, FROM 

THE SCHOOl.OF ALBftECHT DUREH. 




THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS; TH-E SAM A MAHIA, N*.A, AI^D PIMA. RESTORED FROM THE MODELS IN THE MARINE MUSEUM, MADRiO. 



CHAPTER X. 



EVENTS OF THE FIRST VOYAGE. DISCOVERY OF LAND. (l492.) 




T was earl}- in the morniug of Friday, the 3d of August, 
1492, that Columbus set sail from the bar of Saltes, a 
small island formed by the rivers Odiel and Tinto, in 
front of Palos, steering for the Canary Islands, from 
whence he intended to strike due west. As a guide by 
which to sail, he had the conjectural map or chart, sent 
liim by Paolo Toscanelli of Florence. In this it is sup- 
posed the coasts of Europe and Africa, from the south 
of Ireland to the end of Guinea, were delineated as im- 
mediately opposite to the extremity of Asia, while the great island 
of Cipango, described by Marco Polo, la}- between them, fifteen 
hundred miles from the Asiatic coast ; at this island Columbus 
expected first to arrive. 

On the third day after setting sail, the Pinta made signal of 
distress, her rudder being broken and unhung. This w-as suspected 
to have been done through the contrivance of the owners, Gomez 



("«) 



OF COLUMBUS. 1 2/ 

Rascon and Christoval Qiiintero, to disable the vessel, and cause 
her to be left behind. Columbus was much disturbed at this occur- 
rence. It gave him a foretaste of the difficulties to be apprehended, 
from people partly enlisted on compulsion, and full of doubt and 
foreboding. Trivial obstacles might, in this early stage of the voy- 
age, spread panic and mutin}' through his crews, and induce them 
to renounce the prosecution of the enterprise. 

Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who commanded the Pinta, secured the 
rudder with cords, but these fastenings soon gave way, and the car- 
avel proving defective in other respects, Columbus remained three 
weeks cruising among the Canary Islands, in search of another ves- 
sel to replace her. Not being able to find one, the Pinta was re- 
paired, and furnished with a new rudder. The latine sails of the 
Nina were also altered into square sails, that she might work more 
steadily and securely. While making these repairs, and taking in 
wood and water, Columbus was informed that three Portuguese car- 
avels had been seen hovering off the island of Ferro. Dreading 
some hostile stratagem, on the part of the king of Portugal, in re- 
venge for his having embarked in the service of Spain, he put to 
sea early on the morning of the 6th of September, but for three 
days a profound calm detained the vessels within a short distance 
of the land. This was a tantalizing delay, for Columbus trembled 
lest something should occur to defeat his expedition, and was impa- 
tient to find himself far upon the ocean, out of sight of either land 
or sail ; which, in the pure atmosphere of these latitudes, may be 
descried at an immense distance. 

On Sunday, the 9th of September, as day broke, he beheld 
Ferro about nine leagues distant ; he was in the very neighbor- 
hood, therefore, where the Portuguese caravels had been seen. 
Fortunatel}- a breeze sprang up with the sun, and in the course 
of the day the heights of Ferro gradually faded from the horizon. 

On losing sight of this last trace of land, the hearts of the 
crews failed them, for they seemed to have taken leave of the 
world. Behind them was every thing dear to the heart of man — 
country, family, friends, life itself; before them every thing was 
chaos, m3'stery, and peril. In the perturbation of the moment, 
the}' despaired of ever more seeing their homes. Many of the rug- 
ged seamen shed tears, and .some broke into loud lamentations. 
Columbus tried in every way to soothe their distress, describing 



128 THE LIFK AND VOYAGES 

the splendid countries to which he expected to conduct them, ar.d 
promising them land, riches, and every thing that could arouse 
their cupidit}- or inflame their imaginations ; nor were these prom- 
ises made for purposes of deception, for he certainly believed he 
should realize them all. 

He now gave orders to the commanders of the other vessels, in 
case they should be separated by any accident, to continue directly 
westward ; but that after sailing seven hundred leagues, they should 
lay b_v from midnight until daylight, as at about that distance he 
confidently expected to find land. Foreseeing that the vague ter- 
rors alreadv awakened among the seamen would increase with the 
space which intervened between them and their homes, he com- 
menced a stratagem which he continued throughout the voyage. 
This was to keep two reckonings, one private, in which the true 
way of the ship was noted, and which he retained in secret for his 
own government ; the other public, for general inspection, in which 
a number of leagues was daily subtracted from the sailing of the 
ships, so as to keep the crews in ignorance of the real distance they 
had advanced. 

When about one hundred and fifty leagues * west of Ferro, 
the}' fell in with part of a mast of a large vessel, and the crews, 
tremblingly alive to every portent, looked with a rueful eye upon 
this fragment of a wreck, drifting ominously at the entrance of 
these unknown seas. 

On the 13th of September, in the evening, Columbus, for the 
first time, noticed the variation of the needle, a phenomenon which 
had never before been remarked. He at first made no mention of 
it, lest his people should be alarmed ; but it soon attracted the at- 
tention of the pilots, and filled them with consternation. It seemed 
as if the very laws of Nature were changing as the}' advanced, and 
that they were entering another world subject to unknown influ- 
ences. The}' apprehended that the compass was about to lose its 
mysterious virtues, and, without this guide, what was to become of 
them in a vast and trackless ocean? Columbus taxed his science 
and ingenuity for reasons with which to allay their terrors. He 
told them that the direction of the needle was not to the polar star, 
but to some fixed and invisible point. The variation, therefore, was 
not caused by any fallacy in the compass, but by the movement of 

*A Spanish nautical mile equal to about four English miles. 



OF COLUMni'S. 



129 



the north star itself, which, like the other heavenl}- bodies, had its 
changes and revolntions, and every day described a circle round the 
pole. The high opinion they entertained of Columbus as a pro- 
found as- --- - - •.-' - - i-—. t,- > ^ — — 

trouomer, 
gave weight , 
to his theo- &==?' 
r}', and their K: 
alarm sub- g: 
sided. ^ 

The}' had 
now arrived 
within the 
influence of 
the trade 
wind, which, 
f o 1 1 o \\- i 11 g 
the sun, 
blows stead- 
ily from east 
to west be- 
t \\' e e n the 
tropics, and 
sweeps over 
a few ad- 
joining de- 
grees of the 
ocean. With 
this propi- 
tious breeze 
directl}' aft, 
thej^ were 
wafted gent- 
ly but speed- 
il}' over a 
tranquil sea, 
so that for 
many days 
they did not 




COLUMBUS NOTJCES FOR THE FIRST TIME THE VARIATION OF THE NEEDLE. 

POINTING BV C. V. PILOTY. (SEE PAGE 128.' 



i^.o 



'IHE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



shift a sail. Columbus in his journal perpetually recurs to the 
bland and temperate serenity of the weather, and compares the pure 
and balmy mornings to those of April in Andalusia, observing, that 
the song of the nightingale was alone wanting to complete the illu- 
sion. 

They now began to see large patches of herbs and weeds 
all drifting irom the \vest. Some were 
such as grow about rocks or in rivers, 
and as green as if recently washed 
from the land. On one of the 
patches was a live crab. They 
saw also a white tropical 
bird, of a kind which never 
sleeps upon the sea ; and 
tunny fish played about 
the ships. Columbus 
now supposed himself 
arrived in the weedy sea 
described by Aristotle, 
into which certain ships 
of Cadiz had been 
driven by an ■impetuous 
east wind. 
As he advanced, there 
were various other signs 
that gave great animation 
to the crews, many birds 
were seen flying from the 
west ; there was a cloudiness 
in the north, such as often 
langs over land ;' and at sunset 
the imagination of the seamen, 
aided by their desires, would shape 
those clouds into distant islands. 
Every one was eager to be the first to behold and announce the 
wished-for shore ; for the sovereigns had promised a pension of thirt}- 
crowns to whomsoever should first discover land. Columbus sounderl 
occasionally with a line of two hundred fathoms,* but found no ho* 

* Fathom, equal to six feet. 




THE EAQEB AND ANKIOUS WATCH FHOM THE MASTHEAD. 



oi'" coLi'Miirs. 



torn. Martin Alonzo Piii/con, as well as others of his officers, and 
many of the seamen, were often solicitons for Columbiis to alter his 
course, and steer in the direction of these favorable signs ; bvit he 
persevered in steering to the westward, trusting that, by keeping in 
one steady direction, he should reach the coast of India, even if he 
should miss 
the interven- 
ing islands, 
and might 
then seek 
them on his 
return. 

Notwith- 
standing the 
precaution 
which had 
been taken 
to keep the 
people igno- 
rant of the 
distance they 
had sailed, 

they gradually became uneasy at the length 
of the voyage. The various indications of 
land which occasionally flattered their hopes, 
passed away one after another, and the same 
interminable expanse of sea and sky continued 
to extend before them. They had advanced 
much farther to the west than ever mau had 
sailed before, and though alreadv beyond the 
reach of succor, were still pressing onward 
and onward into that apparentlv boundless 
abyss. Even the favorable wind, which seemed 
as if providentially sent to waft them to the 
New World with such bland and gentle breezes, was conjured by 
their fears into a source of alai-m. They feared that the wind in 
these seas always prevailed from the east, and if so, would 
uever permit their return to vSpain. A few light breezes from the 
west allayed for a time their last apprehension, and several small 





BECALMED IN THE SARGASSO SEA. ISEE PAGE 132.) 



132 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

birds, such as keep about groves and orchards, came singing in the 
morning, and flew away at night. Their song was wonderfully cheer- 
ing Lo the hearts of the poor mariners, who hailed it as the voice of 
land. The birds they had hitherto seen had been large and strong 
of wing; but such small birds, they observed, were too feeble to fly 
far, and their singing showed that the}- were not exhausted by their 
flight. 

On the following day there was a profound calm, and the sea, 
as far as the eye could reach, was covered with weeds, so as to have 
the appearance of a vast inundated meadow, a phenomenon attrib- 
uted to the immense quantities of submarine plants which are de- 
tached by the currents from the bottom of the ocean. The seamen 
now feared that the sea was growing shallow ; they dreaded lurking 
rocks, and shoals, and quicksands, and that their vessels might run 
aground, as it were, in the midst of the ocean, far out of the track 
of human aid, and with no shore where the crews could take refuge. 
Columbus proved the fallacy of this alarm, by sounding with a deep 
sea-line, and finding no bottom. 

For three days there was a continuance of light summer airs, 
from the southward and westward, and the sea was as smooth as a 
mirror. The crews now became uneasy at the calmness of the 
weather. They observed that the contrary winds thej- experienced 
were transient and unsteady, and so light as not to ruffle the sur- 
face of the sea, the onl}' winds of constancy and force were from 
the west, and even those had not power to disturb the torpid still- 
ness of the ocean : there was a risk, therefore, either of perishing 
amidst stagnant and shoreless waters, or of being prevented, by 
contrary winds, from ever returning to their native country-. 

Columbus continued, with admirable patience, to reason with 
these absurd fancies, but in vain ; when fortunately there came on 
a heavy swell of the sea, unaccompanied b}- wind, a phenomenon 
that often occurs in the broad ocean, caused by the impulse of some 
past gale, or distant current of wind. It was, nevertheless, re- 
garded with astonishment by the mariners, and dispelled the imag- 
inary terrors occasioned by the calm. 

The situation of Columbus was daily becoming more and more 
critical. The impatience of the seamen rose to absolute mutiny. 
They gathered together in the retired parts of the ships, at first in 
little knots of two and thre^e, which gradually increased and became 



OF COLUMBUS. 



^33 



formidable, joining in murmnrs and menaces against the admiral. 
They exclaimed against him as an ambitious desperado, who, in a 
mad phantasy, had determined to do something extravagant to ren- 
der himself notorious. What obliga- 
tion bound them to persist, or when 
were the terms of their agreement to be 
considered as fulfilled ? They had al- 
ready penetrated into seas untraversed 
b}' a sail, and where man had never 
before adventured. Were they to sail 
on until they should perish, or until 
all return with their frail ships should 
become impossible ? Who would blame 
them should they consult their safety 
and return ? The admiral was a for- 
eigner, without friends or influence. 
His scheme had been condemned by 
the learned as idle and visionary, and 
discountenanced by people of all ranks. 
There was, therefore, no part}- on his 
side, but rather a large number who 
would be gratified by his failure. 

Such are some of the reasonings 
bv which these men prepared them 
selves for open rebellion. Some even 
proposed, as an effectual mode of si- 
lencing all after-complaints of the ad- 
miral, that the}- should throw him 
into the sea, and give out that he had 
fallen overboard, while contemplating 
the stars and signs of the heavens, 
with his astronomical instruments. 

Columbus was not ignorant of 
these secret cabals, but he kept a serene 
and steady countenance, soothing some 
with gentle words, stimulating the pride or the avarice of others, 
and openly menacing the most refractory with punishment. New 
hopes diverted them for a time. On the 25th of September, Martin 
Aionzo Pinzon mounted on the stern of his vessel, and shouted, 




CLOUD FOR LAND. 



134 'THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

"Land! land! Senor, I claim the reward!" There was, indeed, 
such an appearance of land in the southwest, that Columbus threw 
himself upon his knees^ and returned thanks to God, and all the 
crews joined in chanting Gloria ni cxcclsis* The ships altered their 
course, and stood all night to the southwest, but the morning light 
put an end to all their hopes as to a dream : the fancied land proved 
to be nothing but an evening cloud, and had vanished in the night. 

For several days, they continued on with alternate hopes and 
murmurs, until the various signs of land became so numerous, 
that the seamen, from a state of despondency, passed to one of high 
excitement. Eager to obtain the promised pension, they were con- 
tinually giving the cry of land ; until Columbus declared, that should 
an}' one give a notice of the kind, and land not be discovered within 
three days afterwards, he should thenceforth forfeit all claim to the 
reward. 

On the 7th of October, they had come seven hundred and fifty 
leagues, the distance -at which Columbus had computed to find the 
island of Cipango. There were great flights of small field birds to 
the southwest, which seemed to indicate some neighboring land in 
that direction, where they were sure of food and a resting place. 
Yielding to the solicitations of Alartin Alonzo Pinzon and his 
brothers, Columbus, on the evening of the 7th, altered his course, 
therefore, to the west-southwest. As he advanced, the signs of land 
increased ; the birds came singing about the ships ; and herbage 
floated by as fresh and green as if recently from shore. When, 
however, on the evening of the third day of this new course, the 
seamen beheld the siin go down upon a shoreless horizon, Xhey 
again broke forth into loud clamors, and insisted upon abandoning 
the voyage. Columbus endeavored to pacify them by gentle words 
and liberal promises ; but finding these only increased their vio- 
lence, he assumed a different tone, and told them it was useless to 
murmur ; the expedition had been sent by the sovereigns to seek 
the Indies, and happen what might, he was determined to persevere, 
until, by the blessing of God, he should accomplish the enterprise. 

He was now at open defiance with his crew, and his situation 
would have been desperate, but, fortunately, the manifestations of 
land on the following day were such as no longer to admit of doubt. 

* Gloria in excelsis, Latin beginning of the hymn, "Praise God from whom all blessings 
flow." 



OF COLUMBUS. 



137 



A green fish, such as keeps about rocks, swam by the ships ; and a 
branch of thorn, with berries on it, floated b}- ; they picked np, 
also, a reed, a small board, and, above all, a staff artificially carved. 
All gloom and murmuring was now at an end, and throughout the 
dav each one was on the watch for the long-sought land. 

In the evening, when, according to custom, the mariners had 
sung the salve regina^ or vesper hymn to the Virgin, Columbus 
made an impressive address to his crew, pointing out the goodness 
of God in thus conducting them by soft and favoring breezes across 
a tranquil ocean to the promised land. He expressed a strong 
confidence of making land that very night, and ordered that a vig- 
ilant lookout should be kept from the forecastle, promising to 
Avhomsoever should make the discovery, a doublet of velvet, in addi- 
tion to the pension to be given by the sovereigns. 

The breeze had been fresh all da}-, witrh more 
sea than usual ; at sunset they stood again to the 
west, and were ploughing the waves at a rapid 
rate, the Pinta keeping the lead from her superior 
sailing. The greatest animation prevailed through- 
out the ships ; not an eye was closed that night. 
As the evening darkened, Columbus took his sta- 
tion on the top of the castle or cabin on the high 
poop of his vessel. However he might carry a 
cheerful and confident countenance during the day, 
it was to him a time of the most painful anxiety ; 
and now when he was wrapped from observation 
by the shades of night, he maintained an intense 
and unremitting watch, ranging his eye along the 
dusky horizon, in search of the most vague indi- 
cations of land. Suddenly, about ten o'clock, he 
thought he beheld a light glimmering at a distance. 
Fearing that his eager hopes might deceive liim, he called Pedro 
Gutierrez, a gentleman of the king's bedchamber, and demanded 
whether he saw a light in that direction ; the latter replied in the 
affirmative. Columbus, yet doubtful whether it might not be some 
delusion of the fancy, called Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, and made 
the same inquiry. By the time the latter had ascended the round- 
house, the light had disappeared. They saw it once or twice after- 
wards in sudden and passing gleams, as if it were a torch in the 

8 




COLUMBUS AND PEDRO GUTIERREZ WATCHINQ THE QLIMMERINA 
LIGHT ON THE NIGHT OF OCTOBER II, 1492. 

MARBLE STATUE BY D. D. AMORE, ESCURIAL. 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 139 

bark of a fisherman, rising and sinking with the waves ; or in the 
hands of some person on shore, borne up and down as he walked 
from house to house. So transient aud uncertain were these gleams, 
that few attached any importance to them ; Columbus, however, 
considered them as certain signs of land, and, moreover, that the 
land was inhabited. 

The}' continued on their course until two in the morning, 
when a gun from the Pinta gave the joyful signal of land. It was 
first discovered by a mariner named Rodriguez Bermejo, resident 
of Triana, a suburb of Seville, but native of Alcala de la Guadaira: 
but the reward was afterwards adjudged to the Admiral, for having 
previou.sly perceived the light. The land was now clearly seen 
about two leagues distant, whereupon the}' took in sail, and laid to, 
waiting impatiently for the dawn. 

The thoughts and feelings of Columbus in this little space of 
time must have been tumultuous and intense. At length, in spite 
of every difficulty and danger, he had accomplished his object. The 
great mystery of the ocean was revealed ; his theorv, which had 
been the scoff" of sages, was triumphantly established; he had se- 
cured to himself a glory which must be as durable as the world 
itself. 

It is difficult even for the imagination to conceive the feelings 
of such a man, at the moment of so sublime a discovery. What a 
bewildering crowd of conjectures must have thronged upon his 
mind, as to the land which lay before him, covered with darkness ! 
That it was fruitful was evident from the vegetables which floated 
from its shores. He thought, too, that he perceived in the balmy 
air the fragrance of aromatic groves. The moving light which he 
had beheld, proved that it was the residence of man. But what 
were its inhabitants ? Were they like those of other parts of the 
globe; or were they some strange and monstrous race, such as the 
imagination in those times was prone to give to all remote and un- 
known regions ? Had he come upon some wild island, far in the 
Indian seas ; or was this the famed Cipango itself, the object of his 
golden fancies ? A thousand speculations of the kind must have 
swarmed upon him, as he watched for the night to pass away; 
wondering whether the morning light would reveal a savage wilder- 
ness, or dawn upon spicy groves, and glittering fanes, and gilded 
cities, and all the splendors of oriental civilization. 



CHAPTER XL 




FIRST LANDING OF COLUMBUS IN THE NEW WORLD. CRUISE AMONG THE BAHAMA ISLANDS. 
DISCOVERY OF CUBA AND HISPANIOLA. 11492.) 



HEN the day dawned, Columbus saw 
before him a level and beautiful island, 
several leagues in extent, of great 
freshness and verdure, and covered 
■with trees like a continual orchard. 
Though every thing appeared in the 
wild luxuriance of untamed nature, yet 
island was evidently populous, for the in- 
habitants were seen issuing from the woods, and running from all 
parts to the shore. Thev were all perfectly naked, and, from their 
attitudes and gestures, appeared lost in astonishment at the sight 
of the ships. Columbus made signal to cast anchor, and to man 
the boats. He entered his own boat, richly attired in scarlet, and 
bearing the royal standard. Martin Alouzo Pinzon, and Vincente 
Yafiez his brother, likewise put off in their boats, each bearing the 
banner of the enterprise, emblazoned with a green cross, having, on 
each side, the letters F and Y, surmounted by crowns, the Spanish 
initials of the Castilian monarchs, Fernando and Ysabel. 

As they approached the shores, they were delighted by the 
beauty and grandeur of the forests ; the variety of unknown fruits 
on the trees which overhung the shores ; the purity and suavity of 
the atmosphere, and the crystal transparency of the seas which 
bathe these islands. On landing, Columbus threw himself upon 
his knees, kissed the earth, and returned thanks to God with tears 
of joy. His example was followed by his companions, whose breasts, 
indeed, were full to overflowing. Columbus, then rising, drew his 



("4o) 



OF COLUMBUS. 143 

sword, displayed the royal standard, and took possession in the 
names of the Castilian sovereigns, giving the island the name of 
San Salvador. He then called npon all present to take the oath ot 
obedience to him, as admiral and viceroy, and representative of the 
sovereigns. 

His followers now burst forth into the most extravagant trans- 
ports. They thronged around him, some embracing him, others 
kissing his hands. Those, who had been most mutinous and tir. - 
bulent during the voyage, were now most devoted and enthusiastic. 
Some begged favors of him, as of a man who had already wealth 
and honors in his gift. Many abject spirits, who had outraged him 
by their insolence, now croiiched at his feet, begging his forgive- 
ness, and offering, for the future, the blindest obedience to his com 
mands. 

The natives of the island, when, at the dawn of day, they had 
beheld the ships hovering on the coast, had supposed them some 
monsters, which had issued from the deep during the night. Their 
veering about, without any apparent effort, and the shifting and 
furling of their sails, resembling huge wings, filled them with as- 
tonishment. When they beheld the boats approach the shore, and 
a number of strange beings, clad in glittering steel, or raiment of 
various colors, landing upon the beach, they fled in affright to the 
woods. Finding,' however, that there was no attempt to pursue or 
molest them, thev gradually recovered from tiieir terror, and ap- 
proached the Spaniards with great awe, frequently prostrating 
themselves, and making signs of adoration. During the ceremony 
of taking possession, they remained gazing, in timid admiration, at 
the complexion, the beards, the shining armor, and splendid dress 
of the Spaniards. The admiral particularly attracted their atten- 
tion, from his commanding height, his air of authority, his scarlet 
dress, and the deference paid to him by his companions; all which 
pointed him out to be the commander. When they had still further 
recovered from their fears, the}^ approached the Spaniards, touched 
their beards, and examined their hands and faces, admiring their 
whiteness. Columbus, pleased wdth their simplicity, their gentle- 
ness, and the confidence they reposed in beings who must have ap- 
peared so strange and formidable, submitted to their scrutiny with 
perfect acquiescence. The wondering savages were won by this 
benignity ; they now supposed that the ships had sailed out of the 



144 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 









crystal firmament which bounded their horizon, or that they had 
descended from above on their ample wings, and that these mar- 

■vellons beings were inhabitants of the 
skies 

The natives of the island were no 
less objects of curiosity to the Spaniards, 
differing, as they did, from any race 
of men they had ever seen. They 
were entirely naked, and painted 
with a variety of colors and de- 
\ices, so as to have a wild and 
fantastic appearance. Their 
natural complexion was of a 
tawny, or copper hue, 
and they were entirely 
destitute of beards. 
Their hair was not 
crisped, like the recent- 
ly discovered tribes of 
Africa, under the same 
latitude, but straight and 
coarse, partly cut above 
the ears, but some locks 
behind left long, and 
falling upon their shoul- 
ders. Their features, 
though disfigured by 
paint, were agreeable ; 
they had lofty foreheads 
and remarkably fine 
eyes. They were of 
moderate stature, and 
well shaped; most of 
them appeared to be 
under thirty j'^ears of 
age. There was but one 
female with them, quite 
young, naked like her companions, and beautifullj' formed. They 
appeared to be a simple aud artless people, and of gentle and friend- 




NATIVES OF THE LUCAYAS. 

REDBAWN FfiOM THE DE&CHIPTIONS FURNISHED BY THE EARLY NAVIGATORS, AND DATA OBTAINED FROM TM£ TYPES 
OF NATIVES INHABITINO THE ATLANTIC COAST OF CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA AT PRESENT. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



M5 



ly dispositions. Their only arms were lances, hardened at the end 
by fire, or pointed with a flint or the bone of a fish. There was no 
iron to be seen among them, nor did they know its properties, for 
when a drawn sword was presented to them, they ungardedly took 
it by the edge. Columbns ^"stributed among them colored caps, 
glass beads, hawk's bells, an :I other trifles, which they received as 
inestimable gifts, and decorating themselves with them, were won- 
derfnlly delighted with their finery. 

As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an island at 
the extremit}^ of India, he called the natives by 
the general appellation of Indians, which was 
universally adopted before the nature of his dis- 
covery was known, and has since been extended 
to all the aboriginals of the New World. The 
Spaniards remained all day on shore, refresh 
ing themselves, after their anxious voy- 
age, amidst the beautiful groves of the 
island, and they returned to their ships 
late in the evening, delighted with all 
they had seen. 

The island where Columbus had 
thus, for the first time, set his foot upon 
the new world, is one of the Lucayas, or 
Bahama Islands, and was called by the 
natives Guanahani ; it still retains the 
name of San Salvador, which he gave 
it, though called by the English, Cat 
Island. The light which he had seen 
the evening previous to his making land, 
may have been on Watling's Island, 
w^hich lies a few leagues to the east. 

On the following morning, at day- 
break, some of the natives came swimming off to the ships, and 
others came in light barks, which they called canoes, formed of a 
single tree, hollowed, and capable of holding from one man to the 
number of forty or fifty. The Spaniards soon discovered that they 
were destitute of wealth, and had little to offer in return for 
trinkets, except balls of cotton yarn, and domesticated parrots. 
They brought cakes of a kind of bread called cassava, made from 
the yuca root, which constituted a principal part of their food. 




COLUMBUS DISTRrBUTES HAWK'S BELLS AND OTHER TRtFLES AMONG THE 
NATIVES OF GUANAHANr. 



146 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



The avarice of the discoverers was awakened by perceiving 
small ornaments of gold in the noses of some of the natives. On 
being asked where this precious metal was procured, they answered 
by signs, pointing to the south; and Columbus understood them to 
say, that a king resided in that quarter, of such wealth that he was 
served in great vessels of gold. He interpreted all their imperfect 
communications according to his previous ideas and his cherished 
wishes. They spoke of a warlike people, who often invaded their 
island from the northwest, and carried off the inhabitants. These 




LANDFALL AND DISCOVERIES OF 
COLUMBUS ON HIS 1st TRIP, 

ACCORDING TO VARIOUS AUTHORITIES. 

PART OF THE WEST INDIES. COP, ED 

FROM NO. 761 OF THE ENGLISH 

ADMIRALTY CHARTS. 



WATLINGS ISLAHU. 




(GUANAHANLSSATVaDOR.) 



EXPLANATION. 

Route according 

to the supposition of 
(Munoz) Becher. 
- - Route according to 
"ng and Humboldt. 
^ f- Route accord- 
ing to Varnhagen. 

Route accord- 
ing to Navarrette. 



he concluded to be thf people of the mainland of Asia, subjects to 
the Grand Khan, who, according to Marco Polo, were accustomed 
to make war upon *ne islands, and make slaves of the natives. The 
rich country to the south could be no other than the island of 
Cipango, and the king who was served out of golden vessels, must 
be the monarch whose magnificent palace was said to be covered 
with plates of gold. 

Having explored the island of Guanahani, and taken in a sup- 
ply of wood and water, Columbus set sail in quest of the opulent 



OF COLUMBUS. 147 

country to the south, taking seven of the natives with him, to 
acquire the Spanish language, and serve as interpreters and guides. 

He now beheld a number of beautiful islands, green, level, and 
fertile, and the Indians intimated by signs, that they were innumer- 
able; he supposed them to be a part of the great archipelago 
described by Marco Polo as stretching along the coast of Asia, and 
abounding with spices and odoriferous trees. He visited three of 
them, to which he gave the names of Santa IMaria de la Conception, 
Fernandina, and Isabella. The inhabitants gave the same proofs as 
those of San Salvador of being totally unaccustomed to the sight 
of civilized man. They regarded the Spaniards as superhuman 
beings, approached them with propitiatory offerings, of whatever 
their povertv, or rather their simple and natural mode of life, 
afforded; the fruits of their fields and groves, their cotton yarn, 
and their domesticated parrots. When the Spaniards landed in 
search of water, they took them to the coolest springs, the sweetest 
and freshest runs, filling their casks, rolling them to the boats, and 
seeking in ever}' wa}- to gratify their celestial visitors. 

Columbus was enchanted bv the lovely scenery of some of 
these islands. "I know nut," savs he, "where first to go, nor are 
niv eves ever wear_v of gazing on the beautiful verdure. The sing- 
ing of the birds is such, that it seems as if one would never desire 
to depart hence. There are flocks of parrots that obscure the sun, 
and other birds of man}- kinds, large and small, entirely different 
from oiirs. Trees, also, of a thousand species, each having its par- 
ticular fruit, and all of marvellous flavor. I believe there are many 
herbs and trees, which would be of great value in Spain for tinct- 
ures, medicines, and spices, but I know nothing of them, which 
gives me great vexation." 

The fish, which abounded in these seas, partook of the novelty 
■which characterized most of the obiects in this new world. They 
rivalled the birds in the tropical brilliancy of their colors, the scales 
•of some of them glanced back the rays of light like precious stones, 
and as they sported about the ships, they flashed gleams of gold and 
silver through the crystal waves. 

Columbus was disappointed in his hopes of finding an}' gold 
or spices in these islands ; but the natives continued to point to the 
south, as the region of wealth, and began to speak of an island in 
that direction, called Cuba, which, the Spaniards understood them 



148 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

to say, abounded in gold, pearls, and spices, and carried ou an exten- 
sive commerce, and that large merchant ships came to trade with the 
inhabitants. Columbus concluded this to be the desired Cipango, 
and the merchant ships to be those of the Grand Khan. He set sail 
in search of it, and after being delayed for several days, by contrary 
winds and calms, among the small islands of the Bahama bank and 
channel, he arrived in sight of it on the 2Sth of October. 

As he approached this noble island, he was struck with its 
magnitude, the grandeur of its mountains, its fertile valleys and 
long sweeping plains, covered by stately forests, and watered by 
noble rivers. He anchored in a beautiful river to the west of Nue- 
vitas del Principe, and taking formal possession of the island, gave 
it the name of Juana, in honor of Prince Juan, and to the river the 
name of San Salvador. 

Columbus spent several days coasting this part of the island, 
and exploring the fine harbors and rivers with which it abounds. 
From his continual remarks in his journal on the beauty of the 
scenery, and from the pleasure which he evidently derived from 
rural sounds and objects, he appears to have been extremely open 
to those delicious influences, exercised over some spirits by the 
graces and wonders of nature. He was, in fact, in a mood to see 
every thing through a fond and favoring medium, for he was enjoy- 
ing the fulfillment of his hopes, the hard-earned but glorious re- 
ward of his toils and perils; and it is difficult to conceive the rap- 
turous state of his feelings, while thus exploring the charms of a 
virgin world, won bv his enterprise and valor. 

In the sweet smell of the woods, and the odor of the flowers, 
he fancied he perceived the fragrance of oriental spices, and along 
the shores he found shells of the oyster which produces pearls. He 
frequently deceived himself, in fancying that he heard the song of 
the nightingale, a bird unknown in these countries. From the 
grass growing to the very edge of the water, he inferred the peace- 
fulness of the ocean which bathes these islands, never lashing the 
shores with angry surges. Ever since his arrival among these An- 
tilles, he had experienced nothing but soft and gentle weather, and 
he concluded that a perpetual serenity reigned over these seas, little 
suspicious of the occasional bursts of fury to which they are liable, 
and of the tremendous hurricanes which rend and devastate the 
face of nature. 




I 
I- 

o 
z 
o 



s 

3 



M9) 



I50 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



While coasting the island, he landed occasionally and visited 
the villages, the inhabitants of which fled to the woods and mount- 
ains. The houses were constructed of branches of palm trees, in 
the shape of pavilions, and were scattered under the spreading trees, 
like tents in a camp. Thej- were better built than those he had 
hitherto visited, and extremel}- clean. He found in them rude im- 
ages, and wooden masks, carved with considerable ingenuity. Find- 
ing implements for fishing in all the cabins, he concluded that the 
coasts were inhabited merel}- b}- fishermen, who supplied the cities 
in the interior. 

After coasting to the northwest for some distance, Columbus 
came in sight of a great headland, to which, from the groves which 
covered it, he gave the name of the Cape of Palms. Here he learnt 
that behind this ba}- there was a river, from whence it was but four 
days' journey to Cubauacan. By this name the natives designated 
a province in the centre of Cuba; innaii, in their language sig- 
nifying the midst. Columbus fancied, however, that they were 
talking of Cubla}- Khan, the Tartar sovereign, and understood 
them to say that Cuba was not an island, but terra firma. He con- 
cluded that this must be a part of the mainland of Asia, and that 
he c'ould be at no great distance from Mangi and 
Cathay, the ultimate destination of his voyage. 
The prince, said to reign over the neighboring 
countrv, might be some oriental potentate of conse- 
quence ; he determined, therefore, to send a present 
to him, and one of his letters of recommendation 
fiom the Castilian so\eieigns. For this purpose 
he chose two Spaniards, one of whom was a con- 




ARRIVAL OF THE EMBASSY TO THE IMAGINARY CUBLAY KHAN, AT AN INDIAN VILLAGE. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



151 



verted Jew, and knew Hebrew, Chaldaic, and a little Arabic, one or 
other of which languages, it was thought, must be known to this 
oriental prince. Two Indians were sent with them as guides ; they 
were furnished with strings of beads, and various trinkets, for their 
traveling expenses, and enjoined to inform themselves accurately 
concerning the situation of certain provinces, ports, and rivers of 
Asia, and to ascertain whether drugs and spices abounded in the 
countr}-. The ambassadors penetrated twelve leagues into the in- 
terior, when they came to a village of lift}- houses, and at least a 
thousand inhabitants. They were received with great kindness, 
conducted to the principal house, and provisions placed 
before them, after which the Indians seated themselves 
on the ground around their visitors, and waited to 
hear what the}- had to communicate. 

The Israelite found his Hebrew, Chaldaic, and 
Arabic of no avail, and the Lucavan interpreter 
had to be the orator. He made a regular speech 
after the Indian manner, extolling the power, 
wealth, and munificence of the white men. 
When he had finished, the Indians crowded 
round the Spaniards, touched and examined 
their skin and raiment, and kissed their hands 
and feet in token of adoration. There was no 
appearance of gold, or any other article of great 
value, among them ; and wlien they were shown 
specimens of various spices, they said there was 
nothing of the kind to be found in the neigh- 
borhood, but far off to the southwest. 

Finding no traces of the citv and court thev had anticipated, 
the envo\'S returned to their ships ; on the way back they beheld 
several of the natives going about with firebrands in their hands, 
and certain dried herbs which thev rolled up in a leaf, and lighting 
one end, put the other in their mouths, and continued inhaling and 
puffing out the smoke. A roll of this kind thev called a tobacco; 
a name since transferred to the weed itself. The Spaniards were 
struck with astonishment at this singular, and apparently prepos- 
terous luxury, although prepared to meet with wonders. 

The report of the envoys put an end to many splendid fancies 
nf Columbus, about this barbaric prince and his capital; all that 




INDIAN PRCiDUCING FIRE. BY THE RAPID TWIRLING OF A 
IN AN INDENTURE OF DRY SPONGY WOOD. 



152 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

they had seen betokened a primitive and simple state of society ; 
the country, though fertile and beautiful, was wild, and but slightly 
and rudel}' cultivated ; the people were evidently strangers to civil- 
ized man, nor could they hear of any inland city, superior to the one 
they had visited. 

As fast as one illusion passed away, however, another succeeded. 
Columbus now understood from the signs of the Indians, that there 
was a countr}" to the eastward where the people collected gold along 
the river banks by torch-light, and afterwards wrought it into bars 
with hammers. In speaking of this place they freqiiently used the 
words Babeque and Bohio, which he supposed to be the names of 
islands or provinces. As the season was advancing, and the cool 
nights gave hints of approaching winter, he resolved not to proceed 
further to the north, and turning eastward, sailed in quest of Ba- 
beque, which he trusted might prove some rich and civilized island. 

After n:nning along the coast for two or three days, and pass- 
ing a great cape, to which he gave the name of Cape Cuba, he stood 
out to sea in the direction pointed out b}^ the Indians. The wind, 
however, came directly ahead, and after various ineffectual attempts 
he had to return to Cuba. What gave him great uneasiness was, 
that the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, parted coni- 
pau}' with him during this attempt. She was the best sailer, and 
had worked considerably to windward of the other ships. Pinzon 
paid no attention to the signals of Columbus to turn back, though 
they were repeated at night by lights at the mast-head ; when morn- 
ing dawned, the Pinta was no longer to be seen. 

Columbus considered this a willful desertion, and was much 
troubled and perplexed by it. Martin Alonzo had for some time 
shown impatience at the domination of the admiral. He was a 
veteran navigator of great abilities, and accustomed from his wealth 
and standing to give the law among his nautical associates. He 
had furnished two of the ships, and much of the funds for the ex- 
pedition, and thought himself entitled to an equal share in the 
command ; several disputes, therefore, had occurred between him 
and the admiral. Columbus feared he might have departed to 
make an independent cruise, or might have the intention to hasten 
back to Spain, and claim the merit of the discovery. These thoughts 
distracted his mind, and embarrassed him in the further prosecu- 
tion of his discoveries. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



153 



For several daj-s he continued exploring the coast of Cuba, 
until he reached the eastern end, to which, from supposing it the 
extreme point of Asia, he gave the name of Alpha and Omega, 
the beginning and the end. While steering at large bej'ond this 
cape, undetermined which course to take, he descried high mountains 
towering above the clear horizon to the southeast, and giving evi- 
dence of an island of great extent. He immediatel}- stood for it, to 
the great consternation of his Indian guides, who assured him by 
signs that the inhabitants had but one e3'e, and were fierce and cruel 
cannibals. 

In the transparent atmosphere of the tropics, objects are des- 
cried at a great distance, and the purity of the air and serenity of 
the deep blue sk}', give a magical charm to scenery. Under these 
advantages, the beautiful island of Ha3-ti revealed itself to the eye 
as they approached. Its mountains were higher and more rocky 
than those of the other islands, but the rocks rose from among rich 
forests. The mountains swept down into luxuriant plains and 
green savannahs, while the appearance of cultivated fields, with the 
numerous fires at night, and the columns of smoke which rose in 
various parts bv dav, all showed it to be populous. It rose before 
them in all the splendor of tropical vegetation, one of the most 
beautiful islands in the world, and doomed to be one of the most 
unfortunate. 




INDIAN WOMAN TAKING A BATH ; UPON A HEATED STONE HER COMPANION EMPTIES THE WATER, WHICH 
RISING IN STEAM, ENVELOPES THE WOMAN SWINGING IN THE HAMMOCK, 










ri_j|f j: 




>,^_ 



— ^ .^. ». ■■J.jjtf' iatg' 



^-^^^i^^--- ^--^^ 



(- -VjWl 



K^fev 









HOSPITABLE RECEPTION OF THE SHIPWRECKED COLUMBUS BY THE CACIQUE GUACANAG, 




CHAPTER XII. 



COASTING OF HISPANIOLA SHIPWRECK, AND OTHER OCCURENCES AT THE ISLAND. 11492.) 

X the evening of the 6th of December, Columbus entered 
a harbor in the western end of the island, to Avhich he 
gave the name of St. Nicholas, by which it is called at the 
present dav. Not being able to meet with any of the 
inliabitants, who had fled from their dwellings, he coasted 
along the northern side of the island to another harbor, 
which he called Conception. Here the sailors caught 
several kinds of fish similar to those of their own country, 
thev heard also the notes of a bird Avhich sings in the 
night, and Avliich they mistook for the nightingale, and 
they fancied the features of the surrounding country re- 
sembled those of the more beautiful provinces of Spain; in conse- 
quence of this idea, the admiral named the island Espanola, or, as 
it is commonly written, Hispaniola. After various ineffectual 
attempts to obtain a communication with the natives, three sailors, 
succeeded m overtaking a young and handsome female, who was 
flj'ing from them, and brought their wild beauty in triumph to the 
ships. She was treated with the greatest kindness, and dismissed 




(IS4) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



155 



finely clothed, and loaded with presents of beads, hawk's bells, and 
other baubles. Confident of the favorable impression her account 
of her treatment, and the sight of her presents, must produce, Co- 
lumbus, on the following day, sent nine men, well armed, to seek 
her village, accompanied by a native of Cuba as an interpreter. 
The village was situated in a fine valley, on the banks of a beauti- 
ful river, and contained about a thousand houses. The natives fled 
at first, but being reassured b}- the interpreter, they came back 
to the number of two thousand, and approached the Spaniards 
w i t h a w e 
and trem- 
bling, often 
pausing 
and put- 
ting their 
hands upon 
their heads 
in token of 
reverence 
and sub- 
mission. 

The fe- 
male also, 
who had 
been enter- 
tained on 
board of the 
ships, came 
borne in 

triumph on the shoulders of some of her countrymen, followed by 
a multitude, and preceded by her hiisband, who was full of grati- 
tude for the kindness with which she had been treated. Having 
recovered from their fears, the natives conducted the Spaniards to 
their houses, and set before them cassava bread, fish, roots, and 
fruits of various kinds ; offering them freely whatever the}^ pos- 
sessed, for a frank hospitality reigned throughout the island, where 
as yet the passion of avarice was unknown. 

The Spaniards returned to the vessels enraptured with the 
beauty of the country, surpassing, as they said, even the luxuriant 
9 




THREE SAILORS OF COLUMSUS SUCCEED IN OVEdTAKING A YOUNG AND HANDSOME FEMALE, AND 8RING THEIR WILD BEAUTY IN 
TRIUMPH TO THE SHIPS. DRAWING BY O. GRAEFF. 



156 



THK LIFE AND VOYAGES 




aPANISH DUCAT OF THE 

REIQN OF FERDINAND 

AND ISABELLA. 



valle}' of Cordova; all that they complained of was, that they saw 
no signs of riches among the natives. 

Continuing along the coast, Columbus had further intercourse 
with the natives, some of whom had ornaments of gold, which they 
readih' exchanged for the merest trifle of European manufacture. 
At one of the harbors where he was detained by contrary winds, he 
was visited bv a young cacique,* apparentl}^ of great importance, 
who came borne on a litter by four men, and attended by two hun- 
dred of his subjects. He entered the cabin where Columbus was 
dining, and took his seat beside him, with a frank, unembarrassed 
air, while two old men, who were his counsellors, seated themselves 
at his feet, watching his lips, as if to catch and communicate his 
ideas. If anj- thing were given him to eat, he merel}' tasted it, and 
sent it to his followers, maintaining an air of great gravit}- and dig- 
nity. After dinner, he presented the admiral with a belt curiously 
wrought, and two pieces of gold. Columbus made him variou-s 
presents in return ; he showed him a coin bearing the likenesses of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, and endeavored to give him an idea of the 
power and grandeur of those sovereigns. The cacique, however, 
could not be made to believe that there was a region on earth which 
produced such wonderful people and wonderful things, but persisted 
in the idea that the Spaniards were more than mortal, and that the 
country and sovereigns the}' spoke of, must exist somewhere in the 
skies. 

On the 20th of December, Columbus anchored in a fine harbor, 
to which he gave the name of St. Thomas, supposed to be what at 
present is called the bay of Acul. Here a large canoe visited the 
ships, bringing messengers from a grand cacique named Guacana- 
gari, who resided on the coast a little farther to the eastward, 
and reigned over all that part of the island. The messengers bore 
a present of a broad belt, wrought ingeniously with colored beads 
and bones, and a wooden mask, the e^-es, nose and tongue of which 
were of gold. They invited Columbus, in the name of the cacique, 
to come with his ships opposite to the village where he resided. 
Adverse winds prevented an immediate compliance with this invi- 
tation ; he therefore sent a boat well armed, with the notar}- of the 
squadron, to visit the chieftain. The latter returned with so favor- 
able an account of the appearance of the village, and the hospital- 

* Title of an Indian chief amun>; South American Indians. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



157 



ity of the cacique, that Columbus determiued to set sail for his 
residence as soon as the wind would permit: 

Earl}^ in the morning of the 24th of December, therefore, he 
weighed anchor, with a light wind that scarcely filled the sails. 
By eleven o'clock at night, he was within a league and a half of the 
residence of the cacique : the sea was calm and smooth, and the 
ship almost motionless. The admiral having had no sleep the 
preceding night, retired to take a little repose. No sooner had he 
left the deck, than the steersman gave the helm in charge to one 
of the ship boys, and w'ent to sleep. This was in direct violation 
of an invariable order of the admiral, never to intrust the helm to 
the boys. The rest of the mariners who had the watch, took like 
advantage of the absence of Columbus, and in a little while the 
whole crew was buried in sleep. While this security reigned over 
the ship, the treacherous currents, which run 
swiftl}' along this coast, carried her smoothly, but 
with great violence, iipon a sand bank. The 
heedless bo}-, feeling the rudder strike, and hear- 
ing the rushing of the sea, cried out for aid. 
Columbus was the first to take the alarm, and 
was soon followed by the master of the ship, 
whose dut}- it was to have been on watch, and by 
his delinquent companions. The admiral ordered 
them to carry out an anchor astern, that they 
might warp the vessel off. They sprang into the 
boat, but being confused and seized with a panic, 
as men are apt to be when suddenly' awakened by an alarm, instead 
of obeying the commands of Columbus, they rowed off to the other 
caravel. Vincente Yanez Pinzon, who commanded the latter, re- 
proached them with their pusillanimit}-, and refused to admit them 
on board ; and, manning his boat, he hastened to the assistance of 
the admiral. 

In the mean time, the ship swinging across the stream, had 
been set more and more upon the bank. Efforts were made to 
lighten her, by cutting away the mast, but in vain. The keel was 
firmly bedded in the sand; the seams opened, and the breakers 
beat against her, until she fell over on one side. Fortunatel}-, the 
weather continued calm, otherwise both ship and crew must have 
perished. The admiral abandoned the wreck, and took refuge, 




Cule & Dunlap CiiL 
PLACE OF SHIPWRECK OF THE SANTA MARIA. 
COPIED FROM THE MAP IN THE HyCHOGRAPHIC OFFICE 
IN WASHINGTON. 



I5S 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



willi hi ', inc-.i, on board of the caravel. He laid to until daylight, 
sending messengers on shore to inform the cacique Guacanagari of 
his disastrous shipwreck. 

When the chieftain heard of the misfortune of his guest, he 
was so much affected as to shed tears ; and never, in civilized 
country, were the vaunted rites of hospitality more scrupulously 
observed, than by this uncultured savage. He assembled his peo- 
ple, and sent off all his canoes to the assistance of the admiral, as- 
suring him, at the same time, that every thing he possessed was at 
his service. The effects were landed from the wreck, and deposited 
near the dwelling of the cacic[ue, and a guard set over them, until 
houses could be prepared, in which they could be stored. There 
seemed, however, no disposition among the natives to take advant- 
age of the misfortune of the strangers, or to plunder the treasures 
•thus cast upon their shores, though they must have been inestim- 
able in their eyes. Even in transporting the effects from the ship, 
they did not attempt to pilfer or conceal the most trifling article. 
On the contrary, they manifested as deep a concern at the disaster 
of the Spaniards, as if it had happened to themselves, and their 
onh- study was how thev could administer relief and consolation. 
Columbus was greatly affected by this unexpected goodness. "These 

people," said he in his journal, intended for 
the perusal of the sovereigns, "love their 
neighbors as themselves, their discourse is 
ever sweet and gentle, and accompanied by a 
smile. I swear to your majesties there is 
not in the world a better nation or a better 

When the cacique first 
met with Columbus, he was 
much moved at beholding 
his dejection, and again of- 
fered him every thing he 
possessed that could be of 
service to him. He invited 
him on shore, where a ban- 
quet was prepared for his 
entertainment, consisting of 
various kinds of fish and 




THE COMMUNAL EVENING MEAL. 

TYPES Of INDIANS RESTOflEO. FROM THE DESCBIPTIONS OF THE EABLV NAVIGATORS, ANO THE DATA 

OBTAINED FROM THE NATIVES AT PRESENT INHABITING THE ATLANTIC COAST 

OF CENTRAL, AND SOUTH AMERICA. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



159 



fruit, aud an animal called Utia by the natives, which resembled a 
coney. After the collation he conducted Columbus to the beautiful 
groves which surrounded his residence, where upwards of a thousand 
of the natives were assembled, all perfectly naked, who performed 
several of their national games and dances. Thus did this generous 
cacique try, by every means in his power, to cheer the melancholy 
of his guest, showing a warmth of sympathy, a delicacy of atten- 
tion, and an innate dignity and refinement, which 
could not have been expected from one in his 
savage state. He was treated with great defer- 
ence by his subjects, and conducted himself towards 
them with a gracious and prince-like majesty. His 
whole deportment, in the enthusiastic eves of Co 
lumbus, betokened the inborn grace and dignity 
of lofty lineage. 

When the Indians had finished their games, 
Columbus gave them an entertainment in return, 
calculated to impress them with a formidable 
opinion of the military power of the Spaniards. 
A Castilian, who had served in the wars of 
Granada, exhibited his skill in shooting with a 
Moorish bow, to the great admiration of the ca- 
cique. A cannon and an arc^uebuss were likewise 
discharged ; at the sound of which the Indians 
fell to the ground, as though thev had been 
struck by a thunderbolt. When they saw the 
effect of the ball rending and shivering the trees, 
they were filled with dismay. On being told, how- 
ever, that the Spaniards would protect them with 
these arms, against the invasions of their dreaded 
enemies, the Caribs, their alarm was changed into 
confident exultation, considering themselves under 
the protection of the sons of heaven, who had come 
from the skies, armed with thunder and lightning 
placed a kind of coronet of gold on the head of Columbus, and hung 
plates of the same metal round his neck, and he dispensed liberal 
presents among his followers. Whatever trifles Coliimbus gave in 
return were regarded with reverence as celestial gifts, and were 
said by the Indians to have come from Tiircy, or heaven. 




ARQUEBUSES, WITH CRANE ATTACHMENT, END OF 1 
CENTURY. 
ARTILLERY MUSEUM, PARIS. 



The 



cacique 



l6o THE LIFE AND VOYAGES . ■ 

The extreme kindness of the caciqne, the gentleness of his 
people, and the quantities of gold daily brought by the natives, and 
exchanged for trifles, contributed to console Columbus for his mis- 
fortunes. When Guacanagari perceived the great value which the 
admiral attached to gold, he assured him, by signs, that there was 
a place, not far off, among the mountains, where it abounded to 
such a degree as to be regarded with indifference ; and he promised 
to procure him, from thence, as much as he desired. Columbus 
gathered many other particulars concerning this golden region. It 
was called Cibao, and lay among high and rugged mountains. The 
cacique who ruled over it owned man}- rich mines, and had banners 
of wrought gold. Columbus fancied that the name of Cibao must 
be a corruption of Cipango, and flattered himself that this was the 
very island productive of gold and spices, mentioned by Marco Polo. 

Three houses had been given to the shipwrecked crew for their 
residence. Here, living on shore, and mingling freel}^ with the na- 
tives, the}' became fascinated b}' their eas^- and idle mode of life. 
They were governed by their caciques with an absolute, but patri- 
archal and easy rule, and existed in that state of primitive and 
savage .simplicitv which some philosophers have fondly pictured as 
the most enviable on earth. " It is certain," says old Peter IMartyr, 
" that the land among these people is as common as the sun and 
water ; and that ' mine and thine,' the seeds of all mischief, have 
no place with them. They are content with so little, that, in so 
large a country, they have rather superfluity than scarceness ; so 
that they seem to live in a golden world, withovit toil, in open gar- 
dens, neither intrenched, nor shut up by walls or hedges. They 
deal truly with one another, without laws, or books, or judges." 
In fact, the}' seemed to disquiet themselves about nothing ; a few 
fields, cultivated almost without labor, furnished roots and vege- 
tables, their groves were laden with delicious fruit, and the coast 
and rivers aboiinded with fish. Softened by the indulgence of na- 
ture, a great part of the day was passed b}- them in indolent repose, 
in that luxury of sensation inspired by a serene sky and voluptuous 
climate, and in the evening they danced in their fragrant groves, 
to their national songs, or the rude sound of their sylvan drums. 

When the Spanish mariners looked back upon their own toil- 
some and painful life, and reflected upon the cares and hardships 
that must still be their lot, should thej- return to Europe, they 



OF COLUMBUS. 



l6l 



regarded with a wistful eye the eas}- and idle existence of these 
Indians, and many of them, representing to the admiral the diffi- 
culty and danger of embarking so many persons in one small cara- 
vel, entreated permission to remain in the island. The request 
immediately suggested to Columbus the idea of forming the germ 
of a future colony. The wreck of the caravel would furnish mate- 
rials and arms for a fortress ; and the people who should remain 
in the island, could explore it, learn the language of the natives, 
and collect gold, while the admiral returned to Spain for reinforce- 
ments. Guacanagari was overjoyed at finding that some of these 
wonderful strangers were to remain for the defense of his island, 
and that the admiral intended to revisit it. He readily gave per- 
mission to build the fort, and his subjects eagerly aided in its con- 
struction, little dreaming that they were assisting to place on their 
necks the galling yoke of perpetual and toilsome slavery. 

While thus employed, a report was brought to Columbus, by 
certain Indians, that another ship was at anchor in a river at the 




INDIANS PREPARING FOR ONE OF THEIR CEREMONIAL DANCES. 

AESTORED FROM DESCRIPTION FURNISHED BY PETER MARTYR, AND DATA OBTAINED FROM THE NATIVES INHABITING THE ATLANTIC COAST OF CENTRAL AND 

SOUTH AMERICA. 



l62 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

eastern end of the island ; he concluded it of course to be the Pinta, 
and immediatel}' dispatched a canoe in quest of it, with a letter for 
Pinzon, urging him to rejoin him immediately. The canoe coasted 
the island for thirty leagues, but returned without having heard or 
seen any thing of the Pinta, and all the anxiety of the admiral was 
revived; should that vessel be lost, the whole success of his expe- 
dition wouLl depend on the return of his own crazy bark, across an 
immense expanse of ocean, where the least accident might bury it 
in the deep, and with it all record of his discover}-. He dared not 
therefore prolong his voyage, and explore those magnificent regions, 
which seemed to invite on everj- hand, but determined to return 
immediatel}' to Spain. 

So great was the activity of the Spaniards, and the assistance 
of the natives, that in ten da3-s the fortress was completed. It 
consisted of a strong wooden tower, with a vault beneath, and the 
Avhole surrounded by a wide ditch. It was supplied with the am- 
munition, and mounted with the cannon saved from the wreck, and 
was considered sufficient to overawe and repulse the whole of this 
naked and unwarlike people. Columbus gave the fortress and har- 
bor the name of La Navidad, or the Nativity, in memorial of hav- 
ing been preserved from the wreck of his ship on Christmas day. 
From the number of volunteers that offered to remain, he selected 
thirty-nine of the most trustworthy, putting them under the com- 
mand of Diego de Arana, notary and alguazil of the armament. 
In case of his death, Pedro Gutierrez was to take the command, 
and he, in like case, to be succeeded b}- Rodrigo de Escobido. He 
charged the men, in the most emphatic manner, to be obedient to 
their commanders, respectful to Guacanagari and his chieftains, 
and circumspect and friendly in their intercourse with the natives. 
He warned them not to scatter themselves asunder, as their safety 
would depend upon their united force, and not to stray bej^oud the 
territory of the friendl}' cacique. He enjoined it upon Arana, and 
the other commanders, to employ themselves in gaining a knowl- 
edge of the island, in amassing gold and spices, and in searching 
for a more safe and convenient harbor for that settlement. 

Before his departure, he gave the natives another militar}- ex- 
hibition, to increase their awe of the prowess of the white men. 
The Spaniards performed skirmishes, and mock fights, with swords, 
bucklers, lances, crossbows, and fire-arms. The Indians were as- 




(i6,) 



OF COLUMRUS. 



165 



tonished at the keenness of the steeled weapons, and the deadly 
power of the crossbows and muskets ; but nothing equalled their 
awe and admiration, when the cannon were discharged from the 
fortess, wrapping it in smoke, shaking the forests with their thun- 
der, and shivering the stoutest trees. 

When Columbus took leave of Guacanagari, the kind-hearted 
cacique shed many tears, for, while he had been awed by the digni- 
fied demeanor of the admiral, and the idea of his superhuman nat- 
ure, he had been completely won by the benignity of his manners. 
The seamen too had made many pleasant connections among the 
Indians, and they parted with mutual regret. The sorest parting, 
however, was with their comrades who remained behind; from that 
habitual attachment formed by a companionship in perils and ad- 
ventures. When the signal gun was fired, they gave a parting 
cheer to the gallant handful of volunteers thus left in the wilder- 
ness of an unknown world, who echoed their cheering as they gazed 
wistfully after them from the beach, but who were destined never 
to welcome their return. 




CHAPTER XIII. 



RETURN VOYAGE. VIOLENT STORMS. ARRIVAL AT PORTUGAL. (l493.) 




T was on the 4th of January' that Co- 
lumbus set sail from La Navidad on 
his return to Spain. On the 6th, as 
he was beating along the coast, with a 
head wind, a sailor at the mast-head 
cried out that there was a sail at a dis- 
tance, standing towards them. To 
their great joy it proved to be the 
Pinta, which came sweeping before the 
^ _,. , ,. ^^.^^ymw -mi wind with flowing canvass. On join- 
T JTx^ ^J^^inHi ^^^S the admiral, Pinzon endeavored to 

excuse his desertion, by sa\'ing that he 
had been separated from him by stress 
of weather, and had ever since been seek- 
ng him. Columbus listened passivel}- but 
incredulouslj' to these excuses, avoiding any 
words that might produce altercations, and 
disturb the remainder of the voyage. He ascertained, afterwards, 
that Pinzon had parted company intentionall}', and had steered 
directly east, in quest of a region where the Indians on board of 
his vessel had assured him he would find gold in abundance. Tliey 
had guided him to Hispaniola, where he had been for some time in 
a river about fifteen leagues easi of La Navidad, trading with the 
natives. He had collected a large quantity of gold, one half of which 
he retained as captain, and the rest he divided among his men, 
to secure their secrec}^ and fidelity. On leaving the river, he had 
carried off four Indian men and two girls, to be sold in Spain. 



(166: 



OF COLUMBUS. 



167 



Columbus sailed for this river, to which he gave the name of 
Rio de Gracia, but it loug coutinued to be known as the river of 
Martin Alonzo. Here he ordered the four men and two girls to be 
dismissed, well clothed and with many presents, to atone for the 
wrong they had experienced, and to allaj^ the hostile feeling it 
might have caused among the natives. This restitution was not 
made without great unwillingness, and many angry words, on the 
part of Pinzon. 

After standing for some distance further along the coast, they 
anchored in a vast bay, or rather gulf, three leagues in breadth, and 
extending so far inland that Columbus at first siipposed it to be an 
arm of the sea. Here he was visited by the people of the mount- 
ains of Cigua}', a hard}- and warlike race, quite different from the 
gentle and peaceful people they had hitherto met with on this isl- 
and. They were of fierce aspect, and hideousl}- painted, and their 
heads were decorated with feathers. The}^ had bows and arrows, 
war clubs, and swords made of palm wood, so hard and heavy that 
a blow from them would cleave through a helmet to the very 
brain. At first sight of these ferocious-looking people, Coliim- 
bus supposed them to be the Caribs, so much dreaded throughout 
these seas; but on asking for the Caribbean Islands, the Indians 
still pointed to the eastward. 

With these people the Spaniards had a skirmish, in which sev- 
eral of the 
Indians 
were slain. 
This was the 
first contest 
they had had 
with the in- 
habitants of 
the n e A\' 
world, and 
the first time 
that native 
blood had 
been shed by 
white men. 
From this 




SKIRMISH OF COLUMBUS WITH THE NATIVES OF THE BAY OF SAMAN 



l68 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

skirmish Columbus called the place El Golfo de las Fleches, or the 
gulf of Arrows ; but it is now known by the name of the Gulf of Sa- 
mana. He lamented that all his exertions to maintain an amicable 
intercourse had been ineffectual, and anticipated further hostility on 
the part of the natives ; but on the following day, they approached 
the Spaniards as freely and confidently as if nothing had happened; 
the cacique came on board with only three attendants, and throughout 
all their subsequent dealings they betrayed no signs of lurking fear 
or enmity. This frank and confiding conduct, so indicative of a brave 
and generous nature, was properly appreciated by Columbus ; he 
entertained the cacique with great distinction, and at parting made 
many presents to him and his attendants. This cacique of Ciguay 
was named Mayonabex, and in subsequent events of this history, 
will be found to acquit himself with valor and magnanimity, under 
the most trying circumstances. 

Columbus, on leaving the bay, took four young Indians to 
guide him to the Caribbean Islands, situated to the east, of which 
they gave him verv interesting accounts, as well as of the island of 
IMantinino, said to be inhabited by Amazons. A favorable breeze 
sprang up, however, for the voyage homeward, and, seeing gloom 
and impatience in the countenances of his men, at the idea of di- 
verging from their route, he gave up his intention of visiting these 
islands for the present, and made all sail for Spain. 

The trade winds, which had been so propitious on the outward 
voyage, were equalh' adverse to a return. The favorable breeze 
soon died away; light winds from the east, and frequent calms, 
succeeded; but they had intervals of favorable weather, and by the 
1 2th of February they had made such progress as to begin to flatter 
themselves with the hopes of soon beholding land. The wind now 
came on to blow violenth'; on the following evening there were 
three flashes of lightning in the north-northeast, from which signs 
Columbus predicted an approaching tempest. It soon burst upon 
them with frightful violence ; their small and crazy vessels were 
little fitted for the wild storms of the Atlantic ; all night they were 
obliged to scud under bare poles at the mercy of the elements. As 
the morning dawned, there was a transient pause, and they made 
a little sail, but the wind rose with redoubled fury from the south, 
and increased in the night, the vessels laboring terribly- in a cross 
sea, which threatened at each moment to overwhelm them, or dash 



^ 



\ 

\ 



OF COLUMBUS. 



169 



them to pieces. The tempest still augmenting, they were obliged 
again to scud before the wind. The admiral made signal lights for 
the Piuta to keep in compan}- ; for some time she replied by simi- 
lar signals, but she was separated by the violence of the storm ; 
her lio-hts gleamed more and more distant, until they ceased en- 
tirely. When the day dawned, the sea presented a frightful waste 
of wild, broken waves, lashed into fury by the gale ; Columbus 
looked round anxiously for the Piuta, but she was nowhere to be 
seen. 

Throughout a dreary day the helpless bark was driven along 
by the tempest. Seeing 
all human skill baffled and 
confounded, Columbus en- 
deavored to propitiate 
Heaven by solemn vows. 
Lots were cast to perform 
pilgrimages and peniten- 
ces, most of which fell 
upon Columbus ; among 
other tilings, he was to 
perform a solemn mass, 
and to watch and pray all 
night in the chapel of the 
convent of Santa Clara, at 
]\Ioguer. Various private 
vows were made b}- the 
seamen, and one b}- the 
admiral and the whole 
crew, that, if they were 
spared to reach the land, they would walk in procession, barefooted, 
and in their shirts, to offer up thanksgivings in some church 
dedicated to the Virgin. 

The heavens, however, seemed deaf to all their vows ; the 
storm grew still more furious, and everj- one gave himself up for 
lost. During this long and awful conilict of the elements, the 
mind of Columbus was a prey to the most distressing anxiety. 
He was harassed by the repinings of his crew, who cursed the 
hour of their le iving their countr}-, and their want of resolution 
in not compelling him to abandon the voj-age. He was afflicted, 




PROCESSION OF PENITENTS. 

COSTUMES EXHIBITED l^ 1874 IN THE HISTORICAL MUSEUM OF COSTUMES, PARIS. 



170 



• iii ^^rrt .-i.\D vOvA&ES 



COLUMBUS THROV 



also, when he thought of his two sons, who would be left destitute 
by his death. But he had another source of distress, more intol- 
erable than death itself. It was highly probable that the Pinta had 
foundered in the storm. In such case, the history of his discovery 
would depend upon his own feeble bark ; one surge of the ocean 
might bury it forever in oblivion, and his name only remain as 

that of a desperate adventurer, 
who had perished in pursuit of 
a chimera. 

In the midst of these gloomy 
reflections, an expedient sug- 
gested itself, by which, though 
he and his ships might perish, 
the glor}' of his achievements 
might survive to his name, and 
its advantages be secured to his 
sovereigns. He wrote on parch- 
ment a brief account of his dis- 
coverjr, and of his having taken 
possession of the newly found 
lands in the name of their 
Catholic majesties. This he 
sealed and directed to the king 
and queen, and superscribed a 
promise of a thousand ducats to 
whomsoever should deliver the 
packet unopened. He then 
wrapped it in a waxed cloth, 
which he placed in the center of 
a cake of wax, and inclosing the 
whole in a cask, threw it into 
the sea. A copy of this memo- 
rial he inclosed in a similar manner, and placed it upon the poop 
of his vessel, so that, should the caravel sink, the cask might float 
off and survive. 

Happily, these precautions, though wise, were superfluous ; at 
sunset, there was a streak of clear sky in the west, the wind shifted 
to that quarter, and on the morning of the 15th of February, they 
came in sight of land. The transports of the crew at once more 




S A BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE SHIPS LOG. SECURELY ENCASED IN WAX, AND 
PLACED IN THE CENTER OF A BARREL, OVERBOARD. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



beholding the old world, were almost equal to those they had expe- 
rienced on discovering the new. For two or three days, however, 
the wind again became contrary, and they remained hovering in 
sight of land, of which they only canght glimpses through the mist 
and rack. At length they came to anchor, at the island of St. IMa- 
ry's, the most southern of the Azores, and a possession of the crown 
of Portugal. An ungenerous reception, however, awaited the poor 
tempest-tossed mariners, on their reti:rn to the abode of civilized 
man, far different from the kindness and hospitality they had expe- 
rienced among the savages of the new world. Columbus had sent 
one half of the crew on shore, to fulfill the vow of a barefooted pro- 
cession to a hermitage or chapel of the Virgin, which stood on a 
solitary part of the coast, and 
awaited their return to perform 
the same ceremony with the re- 
mainder of his crew. Scarcely had 
they begun their prayers and 
thanksgiving, when a party of 
horse and foot, headed by the gov- 
ernor of the island, surrounded 
the hermitage and took them all 
prisoners. The real object of this 
outrage was to get possession of 
the person of Columbus ; for the 
king of Portugal, jealous lest his 
enterprise might interfere with his 
own discoveries, had sent orders to 
his commanders of islands and distant ports, to seize and detain him 
wherever he should be met with. 

Having failed in this open attempt, the governor next endeav- 
ored to get Columbus in his power by stratagem, but was equally 
unsuccessful. A violent altercation took place between them, and 
Columbus threatened him with the vengeance of his sovereigns. 
At length, after two or three days' detention, the sailors who had 
been captured in the chapel were released ; the governor pretended 
to have acted through doubts of Columbus having a regular com- 
mission, but that being now convinced of his being in the serv- 
ice of the Spanish sovereigns, he was ready to yield him every 
service in his power. The admiral did not put his offers to the 




THE GOVERNOR OF ST MARVS ATTEMPTS TO ARREST COLUMBUS. 



172 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

proof. The wind became favorable for the continuation of his voy- 
age, and he again set sail, on the 24th of February. After two or 
three days of pleasant sailing, there was a renewal of tempestuous 
weather. About midnight of the 2d of March, the caravel was 
struck by a squall, which rent all her sails, and threatened instant 
destruction. The crew were again reduced to despair, and made 
vows of fastings and pilgrimages. The storm raged throughout 
the succeeding day, during which, from various signs, they consid- 
ered themselves in the vicinit}- of laud, which the}' supposed must 
be the coast of Portugal. The turbulence of the following night 
was dreadful. The sea was broken, wild, and mountainous, the 
rain fell in torrents, and the lightning flashed, and the thunder 
pealed from various parts of the heavens. 

In the first watch of this fearful night, the seamen gave the 
usually welcome cry of land, but it onl_y increased their alarm, for 
they were ignorant of their situation, and dreaded being driven on 
shore, or dashed upon the rocks. Taking in sail, therefore, they 
endeavored to keep to sea as much as possible. At davbreak, on 
the 4th of March, they found themselves off the rock of Cintra, at 
the mouth of the Tagus. Though distrustful of the good will of 
Portugal, Columbus had no alternative but to run in for shelter, 
and he accordingl}^ anchored about three o'clock in the river, oppo- 
site to Rastello. The inhabitants came off from various parts of 
the shore, to congratulate him on what the)- deemed a miraculous 
preservation, for they had been watching the vessel the whole 
morning, with great anxiet}-, and putting up prayers for her 
safet}'. The oldest mariners of the place assured him, that they 
had never known so tempestuous a winter. Such were the diflB- 
culties aud perils with which Columbus had to contend on his 
return to Europe ; had one tenth part of them beset his outward 
voyage, his factious crew would have risen in arms against the 
enterprise, and he never would have discovered the New World. 




CHAPTER XIV. 



VISIT OF COLUMBUS TO THE COURT OF PORTUGAL. ARRIVAL AT PALOS. (1493.) 




IMMEDIATELY on his arrival in the Tagus, Columbus 
dispatched a courier to the king and queen of Spain, 
with tidings of his discovery. He wrote also to the king 
of Portugal, entreating permission to go to Lisbon with 
his vessel, as a report had got abroad that she was laden 
with gold, and he felt himself insecure in the neighbor- 
hood of a place like Rastello, inhabited by needy and ad- 
venturous people. At the same time he stated the route 
and events of his voyage, lest the king should suspect 
him of having been in the route of the Portuguese dis- 
coveries. 

The tidings of this wonderful bark, freighted with the people 
and productions of a newly discovered world, filled 
all Lisbon with astonishment. For several days the 
Tagus was covered with barges and boats going to 
and from it. Among the visitors were various 
officers of the crown, and cavaliers of high distinc- 
tion. All hung with rapt attention upon the ac- 
counts of the voyage, and gazed with insatiable 
curiosity upon the plants, and animals, and above ^gj 
all upon the inhabitants of the 
new world. The enthusiasm of 
some, and the avarice of others, B 
was excited ; while many repined at g 
the incredulity of the king and his 
counselors, by which so grand a 
discovery had been forever lost to 
Portugal. 



lO 




THE HOVAL CASTL£ OF BELEM, NEAH LISSON. EXQUISITE EXAMPLE OF 
ARCHITECTUflE. 

(X73) 



MISPANO-MAURESQUE 



174 



thp: life and voyages 



On the Sth of March, Columbus received a message from King 
John, congratulating him upon his arrival, and inviting him to the 
court at Valparaiso, about nine leagues from Lisbon. The king at 
the same time ordered, that anything which the admiral required 
for himself or his vessel should be furnished free of cost. 

Columbus distrusted the good faith of the king, and set out 
reluctantly for the court; but his reception was what might have 
been expected from an enlightened and liberal prince. On ap- 
proaching the royal residence, he was met by the principal person- 
ages of the king's household, and conducted with great cere- 
mony to the palace. The king welcomed him to Portugal, and 
congratulated him on the glorious restilt of his enterprise. He 

ordered him to seat himself in 
his presence, an honor only 
granted to persons of royal 
dignity, and assured him that 
ever}' thing in his kingdom was 
at the service of his sovereigns 
and himself. They had re- 
peated conversations about the 
events of the voyage, and the 
king made minute inquiries as 
to the soil, productions, and 
people of the newly discovered 
countries, and the routes by 
which Columbus had sailed. 
The king listened with seeming 
pleasure to his replies, but was 
secretly grieved at the thoughts 
that this splendid enterprise 
had been offered to him and re- 
fused. He was uneasy, also, lest 
this undefined discovery should 
in some way interfere with his 
own territories, comprehended 
in the Papal bull, which granted 
to the crown of Portugal all the 
lands it should discover from 
Cape Non to the Indies. 



C(2plfJoIa ^Wffofjrf <2oroio : nrf ftwnoftra mulrii iAttt de 
JnfuHa "Jndif fopia (Sangem ituper InoajtiO'Sd OBAQ paquf / 
rendaa octauo antra mmff aufpldisi px frnMCtiflTiml f emani 
dt ■bifpaniarum "Regis mHTus ftjfrattad fl7agniftcum dfim T^« 
pbatltm Sanriariulikm fotniffimi "Rfgia Xdaumia mifTa* 
quamnobilfo aclitttrama rlr SliandtrdeCofco ablJifpano 
Idfomate in latinum connmir : tertf o fcaTs £Dai)>37>cccC'fcU/« 
pontifuanie Bktandri Qeai Bnno piimo* 

QUonfam fafceptf piotilntf f ran pcfetam me c3ftctrtuin 
fttrffe gramm ribt foie (do: baa confHtuf emrare: qo{ te 
vniiikuiufq} Tci in boc ndftro I'riture gdlf inocnrpp ad/ 
moncant: iriccfimorcrriodiepoft^ ©adibBSdifccffimmare 
Jndicu peruf nj:pbi plurimas mftjlas innomerle babitataa bot 
minibus repperitquarom omniimi pio foeliciffmio Hege noftro 
p2f conio «If bzaro i ptiillie erfcnfiecontradicmtr mrnint pof/ 
fdTrioncmaccq)i.p:imfc5farDmdiuf SaluaroMenomtn fmpof 
fui:euiU3 fretu9 aun lio ram ad banc:$ ad cfftras aJiae pcrue/ 
nimu9.€am *a jjndi ©uanabanin pocant-BIiarom etia watit 
quanc^ nouo nomine nuncupaui-<Quippr alia inralam 6ancc{ 
JWarif (Jonccprionia-aliam jrtmanimam • aliam 'Dj>fabtlUm» 
aliam ^obanami fie de reliquio appellari iulTi-Cnampiimum 
In eam infulam qua dudum ^obana rocari diri appulimu8:itt 
txi ciu9 lirtue occidenrem perfue aliquantulum pzoceHf ztamq^" 
cam magna nullo re perro fine inu«ni:rr non fnfulam: fed cont| 
nenfem^atalp:ouinciameflecrediderim:nuIlfltnvld<neop/ 
pida municlpiauc in maririmie lira conftnib^^pzf rer aliquosvi/ 
C09 1 p;edia ru(hc3:cum qnou incolis loqiri nequibam-quarefl 
mul acnosridebaiir furripiebanrfngam-pjogrediebarpltra: 
friftimanealiquameprbemPtllafuefmjentunim-JDenicjrldfa 
<f longe admodtwn pzogrefTtB nibi! nouf emergebof :t bmoi via 
no3 ad Scptenrrionem deferebat:()*iprefugErecj:optAba:terri9 
ctcniq)regn3batb]uma:adfiuftnnn(9cr»tiovoto<otcnd(rcs 



^OPy OF THE FIRST PAGE OF TM£ FIRST LATIN PAMPHLET WHICH BROUGHT THE NEWS TO THE WORLD 

OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, 

ORIGINAL \H THE QR-ITISH MUSEUM. 








(■75) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



177 



On suggesting these doubts to his counsellors, they eagerly 
encouraged them, for some of them were the very persons who had 
scoffed at Columbus as a dreamer, and his success covered them 
with confusion. They declared that the color, hair, and manners 
of the natives, brought in the caravel, agreed exactly with the 
descriptions given of the people of that part of India granted to 
Portugal by the Papal bull. Others observed that there was but 
little distance between the Terceira Islands and those which Colum- 
bus had discovered; the latter therefore clearly belonged to Portu- 
gal. Others endeavored to awaken the anger of the king, by 
declaring that Columbus had talked in an arrogant and vain- 
glorious tone of his discovery, merely to revenge himself upon the 
monarch for having rejected his propositions. 

Seeing the king deeply perturbed in spirit,- some even went so 
far as to propose, as an effectiml means of impeding the prosecution 
of these enterprises, that Columbus should be assassinated. It 
would be an easy matter to take advantage of his lofty deportment, 
to pic|ue his pride, provoke him to an altercation, and suddenly 
despatch him as if in casual and honorable encounter. 

Happih', the king had too much magnanimity to adopt such 
wicked and dastardly counsel. Though secretly grieved and mor- 
tified that the rival power of Spain 
should have won this triumph which 
he had rejected, yet he did justice 
to the great merit of Columbus, and 
honored him as a distinguished 
benefactor to mankind. He felt it 
his duty, also, as a generous prince, 
to protect all strangers driven by 
adverse fortune to his ports. Others 
of his council advised that he should 
secretly fit out a powerful armament 
and despatch it, under guidance of 
two Portuguese mariners who had sailed 
with Columbus, to take possession of the newly-discovered 
countr}^ ; he might then settle the question of right with Spain 
by an appeal to arms. This counsel, in which there was a mixture 
of courage and craft, was more relished by the king, and he resolved 
to put it promptly in execution. 




COLUMBUS ESCORTED BACK TO HIS SHIPS 
BY THE POHTUGUESE CAVALIERS. 



178 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



lu the mean time, Columbus, after being treated with the most 
honorable attentions, was escorted back to his ship by a numerous 
train of cavaliers of the 



court, and on the waj' paid a 
visit to the queen at a mon- 
astery of San Antonio at 
Villa Franca, where he was 
listened to with wonder, as 
he related the events of his 
voyage to her majesty and 




f, the ladies of her court. The king had 
t offered him a free passage by land to 
Spain, at the royal expense; but as the 
weather had moderated, he preferred to 
return in his caravel. Putting to sea on 
the 13th of March, therefore, he arrived 
safely at Palos ou the 15th, having taken 
not quite seven months and a half to 
accomplish this mosi. momentous of all maritime enterprises. 

The triumphant return of Columbus was a prodigious event 
in the little community of Palos, every member of which was more 
or less interested in the fate of the expedition. Many had la- 



AHRIVAL OF THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS IN THE HARBOR OF 

PALOS, SALUTED BY THE SHIPS AT ANCHOR, 

WITH SUCH HONORS AS ARE PAID TO 

SOVEREIGNS ONLY 



OF COLUMBUS. 



179 



mented their friends as lost, while iniagination had lent mj'steri- 
ous horrors to their fate. When, therefore, they beheld one of the 
adventurons vessels furling her sails in tlieir harbor, from the dis- 
covery of a world, the whole comnninity broke forth into a trans- 
port of joy, the bells were rung, the shops shut, and all business 
suspended. Columbus landed, and walked in procession to the 
church of St. George, to return thanks to God for his safe arrival. 
Wherever he passed, the air rang with acclamations, and he received 
such honors as are paid to sovereigns. What a contrast was this 
to his departure a few months before, followed by murninrs and 
execrations! or rather, what a contrast to his first arrival at Pales, 
a poor pedestrian, craving bread and water for his child at the gate 
of a convent ! 

Understanding that the court was at Barcelona, he at first felt 
disposed to proceed there in the caravel; but, reflecting on 
the dangers and disasters of his recent voj'age, he gave 
up the idea, and despatched a letter to the sovereigns, 
informing them of his arrival. He then de- 
parted for Seville, to await their reply. It 
arrived within a few days, and was as grati- 
fj'ing as his heart could have desired. The 
sovereigns were dazzled and astonished by 
this sudden and easj' acquisition of a new 
empire of indefinite extent, and apparently 
boundless wealth. They addressed Colum- 
bus by his titles of admiral and vicei^oy, 
promising him still greater rewards, and urging him to repair im- 
mediately to court to concert plans for a second and more extensive 
expedition. 

It is fitting here to speak a word of the fate of Martin Alonzo 
Pinzon. By a singular coincidence, which appears to be well au- 
thenticated, he anchored at Palos on the evening of the same day 
that Columbus had arrived. He had been driven by the storm into 
the bay of Biscay, and had made the port of Bayonne. Doubting 
whether Columbus had survived the tempest, he had immediately 
written to the sovereigns, giving' an account of the discovery, and 
requesting permission to come to court and relate the particulars 
in person. As soon as the weather was favorable, he again set sail, 
; '-.ticipating a triumphant reception in his native port of Palos. 




THE CHURCH OF ST. GEORGE IN PALOS. 
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 



l8o THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

When, on entering the harbor, he beheld the vessel of the admiral 
riding at anchor, and learned the enthusiasm with which he had 
been received, his heart died within him. It is said he feared to 
meet Columbus in this hour of his triumph, lest he should put him 
under arrest for his desertion on the coast of Cuba ; but this is not 
likely, for he was a man of too much resolution to yield to such a 
fear. It is more probable that a consciousness of his misconduct 
made him unwilling to appear before the public in the midst of 
their enthusiasm for Columbus, and to witness the honors heaped 
upon a man whose superiority he had been so unwilling to acknowl- 
edge. Whatever may have been his motive, it is said that he landed 
privately in his boat, and kept out of sight until the departure of 
the admiral, when he returned to his home, broken in health, and 
deeply dejected, awaiting the reply of the sovereigns to his letter. 
The reply at length arrived, forbidding his coming to court, and 
severely reproaching him for his conduct. This letter completed 
his humiliation ; the wounds of his feelings gave virulence to his 
bodily malady, and in a few days he died, a victim to grief and re- 
pentance. 

Let no one, however, indulge in harsh censiires over the grave 
of Pinzon. His merits and services are entitled to the highest 
praise; his errors should be regarded with indulgence. He was 
one of the first in Spain to appreciate the project of Columbus, 
animating him by his concurrence, and aiding him with his purse 
when poor and unknown at Palos. He afterwards enabled him to 
procure and fit out his ships, when even the mandates of the sov- 
ereigns were ineffectual; and finally he embarked in the expedition 
witli his brothers and his friends, staking life, property, every thing, 
upon the event. He had thus entitled himself to participate largely 
in the glory of this immortal enterprise, when, unfortunatel}', for- 
getting for a moment the grandeur of the cause, and the implicit 
obedience due to his commander, he jdelded to the incitements of 
self-interest, and was guilty of that act of insubordination which 
has cast a shade upon his name. Much may be said, however, in 
extenuation of his fault ; his consciousness of having rendered 
great services to the expedition, and of possessing property in the 
ships, and his habits of command, which rendered him impatient 
of control. That he was a man naturally of generous sentiments 
and honorable ambition is evident from the poignancy with which 



OF COLUMBUS. 



l8l 



he felt the disgrace drawn upon him by his conduct. A mean man 
would not have fallen a victim to self-upbraiding for having been 

tion. His story shows how one 

counterbalance the merits of a 

one moment of weakness may mar 

life of virtue; and how important 

circumstances to be true, not 

himself. 



convicted of a mean ac 
lapse from duty may 
thousand services 



how, 
the beauty of a whole 
it is for a man, under all 
merely to others, but to 




MONUMENT OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC AT MADRID, SPAIN. 




RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS AT 

BARCELONA. 11493 I 




HE journey of Columbus to Barcelona, 
was like the progress of a sovereign. 
Wherever he passed, the surrounding 
country poured forth its inhabitants, \vho 
lined the road, and thronged the villages, 
rending the air with acclamations. In 



J V'' the large towns, the streets, windows, and 
^.^^ balconies were filled with spectators, eager 
to gain a sight of him, and of the Indians 
whom he carried with him, who were re- 
garded with as much astonishment as if 
the}' had been natives of another planet. 
It was about the middle of April, that 
he arrived at Barcelona, and the beauty 
and serenity of the weather, in that 
genial season and favored climate, con- 
tributed to give splendor to tire memorable 
ceremony of his reception. As he drew near the place, man}- of the 
youthful courtiers and cavaliers, followed by a vast concourse of the 



COAT OF AHMS GRANTED TO COLUMBUS BY THE 
SPANISH SOVEREIGNS. 
UPPER FIELD, THE LION OF THE KINGDOM OF 
LEON, AND THE CASTLE OF THE KINGDOM OF 
CASTILE; LOWER FIELD, ANCHORS, AND THE 
NEWLY DISCOVERED ISLANDS! IN THE MIDDLE 
OF THE SHIELD AT THE BOTTOM THE CONTI- 
NENT OF ASIA, WHICH HE IS SUPPOSED TO HAVE 
DISCOVERED. 



(182) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



185 



populace, came forth to meet him. His entrance into this noble 
city has been compared to one of those triumphs which the Romans 
were accustomed to decree to conquerors. First were paraded the 
six Indians, painted according to their savage fashion, and decorat- 
ed with their ornaments of gold. After these were borne various 
kinds of live parrots, together with stuffed 
birds and animals of unknown species, and 
rare plants supposed to be of precious 
qualities ; while especial care was taken to 
display the Indian coronets, bracelets, and 
other decorations of gold, which 
might give an idea of the wealth of 
the newly-discovered regions. After 
this followed Columbus, on horse- 
back, surrounded by a brilliant cav- 
alcade of Spanish chivalry. The 
streets were almost impassable 
from the multitude; the 
houses, even to the very roofs, 
were crowded with spectators 
seemed as if the public eye could 
not be sated with gazing at these trophies 
of an unknown world ; or on the remark- 
able man by whom it had been discovered. There 
was a sublimity in this event that mingled a 
solemn feeling with the piiblic joy. It was con- 
sidered a signal dispensation of Providence in 
reward for the piety of the sovereigns ; and the 
majestic and venerable appearance of the dis- 
coverer, so different from the youth and buoy- 
ancy that generally accompany roving enter- 
prise, seemed in harmony' with the grandeur and 
dignit}' of the achievement. 

To receive him with suitable distinction, the sovereigns had 
ordered their throne to be placed in public, under a rich canopy of 
brocade of gold, where they awaited his arrival, seated in state, 
with Prince Juan beside them, and surrounded by their principal 
nobility. Columbus arrived in their presence, accompanied by a 
brilliant crowd of cavaliers, among whom, we are told, he was con- 




INTEfllOR OF THE CATHEDRAL OF BARCELONA. 
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 



iS6 thb: life and voyages 

spicuous for his stately aud commanding person, which, with his 
venerable gray hairs, gave him the august appearance of a senator 
of Rome. A modest smile lighted up his countenance, showing 
that he enjoyed the state and glory in which he came; and certainly 
nothing could be more deeply moving to a mind inflamed by 
noble ambition, and conscious of having nobly deserved, than these 
testimonials of the admiration and gratitude of a nation, or rather 
of a world. On his approach, the sovereigns rose, as if receiving 
a person of the highest rank. Bending on his knees, he would 
have kissed their hands in token of vassalage, but the}' raised him 
in the most gracious manner, and ordered him to seat himself in 
their presence ; a rare honor in this proud and punctilious court. 

He now gave an account of the most striking events of his 
voyage, and displa3'ed the various productions and the native in- 
habitants which he had brought from the new world. He assured 
their majesties that all these were biit harbingers of greater dis- 
coveries which he had yet to make, which would add realms of 
incalculable wealth to their dominions, and whole nations of pros- 
elytes to the true faith. 

When Columbus had finished, the king and queen sank on 
their knees, raised their hands to heaven, and, with eyes filled with 
tears of joy and gratitude, poured forth thanks and praises to God. 
All present followed their example ; a deep and solemn enthusiasm 
pervaded that splendid assembly, and prevented all common accla- 
mations of triumph. The anthem of Tc Dcnni /aiidaniiis, chanted 
by the choir of the ro^-al chapel, with the melodious accompani- 
ments of instruments, rose up from the midst in a full body of 
harmony, bearing up, as it were, the feelings and thoughts of the 
aiiditors to heaven. Such was the solemn and pious manner in 
which the brilliant court of Spain celebrated this sublime event ; 
offering up a grateful tribute of melody and praise, and giving 
glory to God for the discovery of another world. 

While the mind of Columbus was excited b}' this triumph, and 
teeming with splendid anticipations, his pious scheme for the de- 
liverance of the holy sepulchre was not forgotten. Flushed with 
the idea of the vast wealth that must accrue to himself from his 
discoveries, he made a vow to furnish, within seven years, an army 
of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, for a crusade to the 
Hoi}' Land, and a similar force within the five following years. It 



OF COLITMBUS. 



lS7 



is essential to a full knowledge of the character and motives of this 
extraordinary man, that this visionary project should be borne in 
recollection. It shows how much his mind was elevated above self- 
ish and mercenary views, and filled with those devout and heroic 
schemes which, in the time of the crusades, had inflamed the 
thoughts and directed the enterprises of the bravest warriors and 
most illustrious princes. 

During his sojourn at Barcelona, the sovereigns took every 
occasion to bestow on Columbus the highest marks of personal 
consideration. He was admitted at all times to the royal 
presence ; appeared occasionally tvath the king on horseback, 
riding on one side of him, while Prince Juan rode on the 
other side ; and the queen delighted to converse famil- 
iarly with him on the subject of his voyage. To per 
petuate in his family the glory of his achievement, a 
coat of arms was given him, in which he was allowed 
to quarter the ro\-al arms, the castle and lion, with 
those more peculiarly assigned him, which were a 
group of islands surrounded by waves; to these 
arms was afterwards annexed the motto : 

A C.\STILLA Y A LEON 
NUEVO MUNDO DIG COLON. 

(To Castile and Leon 
Columbus gave a new world.) 

The pension of thirty crowns, which had been 
decreed by the sovereigns to whomsoever should 
first discover land, was adjudged to Columbus, for 
having first seen the light on the shore. It is said 
that the seaman who first descried the land was so 
incensed at being disappointed at what he deemed his merited re- 
ward, that he renounced his country and his faith, and, crossing 
into Africa, turned Mussulman ; an anecdote, however, wliich rests 
on rather questionable authority. 

The favor shown Columbus by the sovereigns ensured him for 
a time the caresses of the nobility ; for, in a court every one is 
eager to lavish attentions upon the man "whom the king delight- 
eth to honor." At one of the banquets which were given him oc- 
curred the well known circumstance of the egg. A shallow courtier 




ARMOR OF COLUMBUS. 
PRESERVED IN THE ROYAL ARSENAL, 



i88 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



present, impatient of the honors paid to Columbus, and meanly jeal- 
ous of him as a foreigner, abruptly asked him, whether he thought 
that, in case he had not discovered the Indies, there would have 
been wanting men in Spain capable of the enterprise. To this 
Columbus made no direct reply, but, taking an egg, invited the 



(Clalectera dellifoleche ha trouato nuoaamente il Re difpagna* 



m^^^^^-^^^^^.^^'^^^^m^m 



company to make it stand 
upon one end. Every one 
attempted it, but in vain ; 
whereupon he struck it 
upon the table, broke one 
end, and left it standing on 
the broken part ; illustrat- 
ing, in this simple manner, 
that when he had once 
shown the way to the new 
world, nothing was easier 
than to follow it. 

The joy occasioned by 
this great discovery was 
not confined to Spain ; the 
whole civilized world was 
filled with wonder and de- 
light. Every one rejoiced 
in it as an event in which 
he was more or less inter- 
ested, and which opened a 
new and unbounded field 
for inquiry and enterprise. 
Men of learning and science 
shed tears of joy, and 
those of ardent imaginations indulged in the most extravagant and 
delightful dreams. Notwithstanding all this triumph, however, no 
one had an idea of the real importance of the discovery. The opin- 
ion of Columbus was universally adopted, that Cuba was the end 
of the Asiatic continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the 
Indian Seas. They were called, therefore, the West Indies, and as 
the region thus discovered appeared to be of vast and indefinite 
extent, and existing in a state of nature, it received the compre- 
hensive appellation of "the New World." 




OHAVeo TITLE OF AN ITALIAN PAMPHLET, PRINTED IN FLORENCE, Utij, 
REPRESENTING THE LANDING OF COLUMBUS. 
ORIGINAL IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 




CHAPTER XVI. 

PAPAL BULL OF PAHTITION. PREPARATIONS FOR A'g-fCpND VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY. (l493.) 




N the midst of their re- 
joicings, the Spanish 
sovereigns lost no time in 
taking every measure to secure 
their new acquisitions. 
During the Crusades, a 
doctrine had been estab- 
lished among the Chris- 
tian princes, according to 
which, the Pope, from his 
siipreme authority over all 
temporal things, as Christ's 
vicar on earth, was considered as empowered 
to dispose of all heathen lands to such 
Christian potentates as would undertake to 
reduce them to the dominion 

COPPER COIN OF POPE ALEXANDER VI. HEOUCEO ONE-HALF. OBVEBSE. BUST OF of tllC Church, aud tO iutrO" 
THE POPE ,N THE PLUVAL PONT «.«;REVEPSE. REPRESENTATION OF ^^^^^ -^^j.^ ^^^^ thclightof 

HIS CORONATION ; INSCRIPTION. COHONAT (TO.), BERLIN ^ ^ ^ 

religion. 



(>9') 



192 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Alexander the Sixth, a native of Valencia, and born a subject 
to the crown of Arragon, had recently been elevated to the Papal 
chair. He was a pontiff whom some historians have stigmatized 
with every vice and crime that could disgrace humanity, but whom 
all have represented as eminently able and politic. Ferdinand was 
well aware of his worldly and perfidious character, and endeavored 
to manage him accordingly. He dispatched ambassadors to him, 
announcing the new discovery as an extraordinary triumph of the 
faith, and a vast acquisition of empire to the Church. He took 
care to state, that it did not in the least interfere with the 
possessions ceded by the holy chair to Portugal, all 
which had been sedulously avoided ; he supplicated 
his Holiness, therefore, to issue a bull, granting to 
the crown of Castile dominion over all those lands, 
and such others as might be discovered in those 
parts, artfully intimating, at the same time, his 
, y determination to maintain possession of them, 
^■-^[S however his Holiness might decide. No difiS- 
cult\- was made in granting what was con- 
^|J sidered but a reasonable and modest request, 
- though it is probable that the acquiescence of 
the worldly-minded pontiff was quickened by 
Jy the insinuation of the politic monarch. 
T^^ A bull was accordingly issued, dated May ad, 

y//j/ 1493, investing the Spanish sovereigns with similar 
y rights, privileges, and indulgences, in respect to the 
newly-discovered regions, to those granted to the Por- 
tuguese with respect to their African discoveries, and 
under the same condition of propagating the Catholic faith. 
To prevent any conflicting claims, however, between the two powers, 
the famous line of demarcation was established. This Avas an ideal 
line drawn from the north to the south pole, a hundred leagues west 
of the Azores and the Cape de Verde Islands. All land discovered 
by the Spanish navigators to the west of this line, was to belong 
to the crown of Castile ; all land discovered in the contrary direc- 
tion was to belong to Portugal. It seems never to have occurred 
to the pontiff, that, by pushing their opposite discoveries, they 
might some day or other come again in collision, and renew the 
question of territorial right at the antipodes. 




OF COLUMBUS. 193 

In the mean time, the ntmost exertions were made to fit out 
the second expedition of Columbus. To insure regularity and des- 
patch in the affairs relative to the new world, thej' were placed 
under the superintendence of Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, arch- 
deacon of Seville, who successiveh- was promoted to the sees of 
Badajoz, Palencia, and Burgos, and finally appointed patriarch of 
the Indies. Francisco Pinelo was associated with him as treasurer, 
and Juan de Soria as contador, or comptroller. Their office was 
fixed at Seville, and was the germ of the Royal India house, which 
afterwards rose to such great power and importance. No one was 
permitted to embark for the newly-discovered lands, without ex- 
press license from either the sovereigns, Columbus, or Fonseca. 
The ignorance of the age as to enlarged principles of commerce, 
and the example of the Portuguese in respect to their African pos- 
sessions, have been cited in excuse for the narrow and jealous spirit 
here manifested ; but it alwavs, more or less, influenced the policy 
of Spain in her colonial regulations. 

Another instance of the despotic swav exercised bv the crown 
over commerce, is manifested in a roval order, empowering Colum- 
bus and Fonseca to freight or purchase any vessels in the ports 
of Andalusia, or to take them bv force, if refused, even though 
freighted by other persons, paving what they should conceive a 
reasonable compensation, and compelling their captains and crews 
to serve in the expedition. Equally arbitrary powers were given 
with respect to arms, ammunition, and naval stores. 

As the conversion of the heathen was professed to be the grand 
object of these discoveries, twelve ecclesiastics were chosen to ac- 
company the expedition, at the head of whom was Bernardo Buyl, 
or Boyle, a Benedictine monk, a native of Catalonia, a man of tal- 
ent and reputed sanctity, but a subtle politician, of intriguing 
spirit. He was appointed by the Pope his apostolical vicar for the 
new world. These monks were charged by Isabella with the spirit- 
ual instruction of the Indians, and provided, by her, with all things 
necessary for the dignified performance of the rites and ceremonies 
of the Church. The cjueen had taken a warm and compassionate 
interest in the welfare of the natives, looking upon them as com- 
mitted by Heaven to her peculiar care. She gave general orders 
that they should be treated with the utmost kindness, and enjoined 
Columbus to inflict signal punishment on all Spaniards who should 



194 "T^E LIFE AND VOYAGES 

wrong them. The six Indians brought by the admiral to Barce- 
lona, were baptized with great state and solemnity, the king, the 
queen, and Prince Juan officiating as sponsors, and were considered 
as an offering to Heaven of the frst fruits of these pagan nations. 

The preparations for the expedition were quickened by the 
proceedings of the court of Portugal. John the Secoud, unfortu- 
nately for himself, had among his counsellors certain politicians of 
that short-sighted class who mistake craft for wisdom. B}- adopt- 
ing their perfidious policy, he had lost the new world when it was 
an object of honorable enterprise ; in compliance with their advice, 
he now sought to retrieve it b}' subtle stratagem. A large arma- 
ment was fitting out, the avowed object of which was an expedition 
to Africa, but its real destination to seize upon the newly-discovered 
countries. To lull suspicion, he sent ambassadors to the Spanish 
court, to congratulate the sovereigns on the success of Columbus, 
and to amuse them with negotiations respecting their discoveries. 
Ferdinand had received early intelligence of the naval preparations 
of Portugal, and perfectly understood the real purpose of this mis- 
sion. A keen diplomatic game ensued between the sovereigns, 
wherein the parties were playing for a newly-discovered world. 
Questions and propositions were multiplied and entangled ; the 
object of each being merely to gain time to dispatch his expedition. 
Ferdinand was successful, and completely foiled his adversary ; for 
though John the Second was able and intelligent, and had crafty 
counsellors to advise him, yet, whenever deep and subtle policy was 
required, Ferdinand was master of the game. 

It may be as well to mention, in this place, that the disputes 
between the two powers, on the subject of their discoveries, was 
finall}' settled on June 4th, 1494, by removing the imaginar}- line 
of partition, three hundred and seventv leagues west of the Cape 
de Verde Islands; an arrangement which ultimately gave to Portu- 
gal the possession of the Brazils. 

By the indefatigable exertions of Columbus, aided by Fonseca 
and Soria, a fleet of seventeen sail, large and small, were soon in a 
state of forwardness; laborers and artificers of all kinds were en- 
gaged for the projected colony; and an ample supply was provided 
of whatever was necessary for its subsistence and defence, for the 
cultivation of the soil, the working of the mines, and the traffic 
with the natives. 



OF COLUMBUS. 195 

The extraordinary excitement which prevailed respecting this 
expedition, and the magnificent ideas which were entertained con- 
cerning the new world, drew volunteers of all kinds to Seville. It 
was a romantic and stirring age, and the Moorish wars being over, 
the bold and restless spirits of the nation were in want of suitable 
employment. Many Hidalgos * of high rank, officers of the royal 
household, and Andalusian cavaliers, pressed into the expedition, . 
and some into the royal service, others at their own cost, fancying 
the}' were about to enter upon a glorious career of arms, in the 
splendid countries, and among the semi-barbarous nations of the 
East. No one had any definite idea of the object or nature of the 
service in which he was embarked, or the situation and character of 
the region to which he was bound. Indeed, during this fever of 
the imagination, had sober facts and cold realities been presented, 
thev would have been rejected with disdain, for there is nothing of 
which the public is more impatient, than of being disturbed in the 
indulgence of any of its golden dreams. 

Among the noted personages who engaged in the expedition, 
was a young cavalier of a good family, named Don Alonzo de Ojeda, 
who deserves particular mention. He was small, but well propor- 
tioned and muscular, of a dark, but handsome and animated coun- 
tenance, and possessed of incredible strength and agility. He was 
expert at all kinds of weapons, accomplished in all manly and war- 
like exercises, an admirable horseman, and a partisan soldier of the 
highest order. Bold of heart, free of spirit, open of hand; fierce in 
fight, quick in brawl, but ready to forgive and prone to forget an 
injury ; he was for a long time the idol of the rash and roving youth 
who engaged in the early expeditions to the new world, and distin- 
guished "himself by many perilous enterprises and singular ex- 
ploits. The very first notice we have of him, is a harebrained feat 
which he performed in presence of Queen Isabella, in the Giralda 
or Moorish tower of the Cathedral of Seville. A great beam pro- 
jected about twent}' feet from the tower, at an immense height from 
the ground ; along this beam Ojeda walked briskly with as much 
confidence as if pacing his chamber. When arrived at the end, he 
stood on one leg, with the other elevated in the air, then turning 
nimbly, walked back to the tower ; placed one foot against it, and 
threw an orange to the summit; which could only have been done 

* Hidalgo, or Fidalgo, noblemen in Spain or Portugal. 
I I 



196 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




by one possessed of immeuse muscular strength. 
Throughout all this exploit, the least giddiness, 
or false step, ^v^uld have precipitated him to the 
earth and dashed him to pieces. 

During the fitting out of the armament, vari- 
ous disputes occurred between Columbus and the 
persons appointed by the crown to assist him. 
Juan de Soria, the comptroller, demurred occa- 
sionally to the expenses, which exceeded the 
amount originallv calciilated, and he sometimes 
refused to sign the accounts of the admiral. The 
archdeacon Fonseca, also, disputed the requisi- 
tions of Columbus for footmen and domestics, 
suitable to his state as viceroy. They both re- 
ceived reprimands from the sovereigns, and were 
commanded to study, in every thing, the wishes 
of Columbus. From this trifling cause we may 
date the rise of an implacable hostilit}-, ever after 
manifested by Fonseca towards Columbus, which 
every year increased in rancor, and which his 
official station enabled him to gratif}' in the most 

invidious manner. Enjoy- 
ing the unmerited favor of 
the sovereigns, he main- 
tained a control of Indian 
affairs for about thirty 
years. He must undoubt- 
edly have possessed talents 
for business, to ensure such 
perpetuit}^ of office ; but he 
was malignant and vindic- 
tive, and, in the gratifica- 
tion of his private resent- 
ments, often obstructed the 
national enterprises, and 
heaped wrongs and sorrows 
on the heads of the most 
illustrious of the early dis 
coverers. 



DON AL0N20 OE 0JEi>4. EXHIBITS MIS SKILL AND PROWESS. ON THE OIRALOA OF SEVILLE. 
(the OIRALDA is a BELL TOWER OF EXQUISITE MOORISH I^RCHITECTUHE. ) 




CHAPTER XVII. 



DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS SECOND VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY. ARRIVAL AT 

HISPANIOLA. (1493 < 



HE departure of Columbus on his second voy- 
age of discovery presented a brilliant contrast 
to his gloomy embarkation at Palos. On the 
25th of September, at the dawn of day, the bay 
of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet. There were 
three large ships of heavy burden, and fourteen 
caravels. The number of persons permitted to 
embark had originally been limited to one thou- 
sand ; Ijut many volunteers were allowed to 
enlist without pay, others got on board of the 
ships b}- stealth, so that eventuall}- about fifteen 
hundred set sail in the fleet. All were full of animation, and took a 
gay leave of their friends, anticipating a prosperous voyage and 
triumphant return. Instead of being regarded by the populace as 
devoted men, bound upon a dark and desperate enterprise, they 
were contemplated with envy as favored mortals, destined to golden 
regions and delightful climes, where nothing but wealth, and won- 
der, and enjoyment awaited them. Columbus moved among the 
throng, accompanied by his sons, Diego and Fernando, the eldest 
but a stripling, who had come to witness his departure. Wher- 
ever he passed, everv eve followed him with admiration, and every 
tongue extolled and blessed him. Before sunrise the whole fleet 




1197) 



IC)S THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

was under weigh ; the weather was serene and propitious, and as the 
populace watched their parting, sails brightening in the morning 
beams, they looked forward to their joyful return, laden with the 
treasures of the new world. 

Columbus touched at the Canary Islands, where he took in 
wood and water, and procured live stock, plants, and seeds, to be 
propagated in Hispaniola. On the 13th of October, he lost sight 
of the island of Ferro, and, favored by the trade winds, was borne 
pleasantly along, shaping his course to the south-west, hoping to 
fall in with the islands of the Caribs, of which he had received such 
interesting accounts in his first voyage. At the dawn of day of the 
2d of November, a lofty island was descried to the west, to which 
he gave the name of Dominica, from having discovered it on Sun- 
day. As the ships moved gently onward, other islands rose to sight, 
one after another, covered with forests, and enlivened by flights of 
parrots and other tropical birds, while the whole air was sweetened 
by the fragrance of the breezes which passed over them. These 
were a part of that beautiful cluster of islands called the Antilles, 
which sweep almost in a semicircle from the eastern end of Porto 
Rico, to the coast of Paria on the southern continent, forming a 
kind of barrier between the main ocean and the Caribbean Sea. 

In one of those islands, to which they gave the name of Gua- 
daloupe, the Spaniards first met with the delicious anana, or pine- 
apple. They found also, to their surprise, the sternpost of a 
European vessel, which caused much speculation, but which, most 
probably, was the fragment of some wreck, borne across the Atlan- 
tic bv the constant current which accompanies the trade winds. 
What most struck their attention, however, and filled them with 
horror, was the sight of human limbs hanging in the houses, as if 
curing for provisions, and others broiling or roasting at the fire. 
Columbus now concluded that he had arrived at the islands of the 
cannibals, or Caribs, the objects of his search; and he was confirmed 
in this belief by several captives taken by his men. These Caribs 
were the most ferocious people of these seas ; making roving expe- 
ditions in their canoes, to the distance of one hundred and fifty 
leagues, invading the islands, ravaging the villages, making slaves 
of the youngest and handsomest females, and carrj'ing off the men 
to be killed and eaten. 

While at this island, a party of eight men, headed by Diego 



OK COLUMBUS. 



199 



Marque, captain of oue of the caravels, strayed into the woods, and 
did not return at night to the ships. The admiral was extremely 
uneasy at their absence, fearing some evil from the ferocious dispo- 
sition of the islanders ; on the following day, parties were sent in 
quest of them, each with a trumpeter, to sound calls and signals, 
and guns were fired from the ships, but all to no purpose. The 
parties returned in the evening, wearied by a fruitless search, with 
many dismal stories of the traces of cannibalism they had met 
with. 

Alonzo de Ojeda, the daring young cavalier who has already 
b e e n m e n 
tioned, then : 
set ofi" with ; 
forty men, 
into the in- 
terior of the 
island, beat- 
ing up the 
forests, and 
making the 
mountains 
and valleys 
resound with 
trumpets and 
firearms, but 
with no bet- 
ter success. 
Their search 
was rendered 
excessively 

toilsome by the closeness and luxuriance of the forests, and by the 
windings and doublings of the streams, which were so frequent, that 
Ojeda declared he had waded through twenty-six rivers within the 
distance of six leagues. He gave the most enthusiastic accounts of 
the country. The forests, he said, were filled with aromatic trees 
and shrubs, which he had no doubt would be found to produce 
precious gums and spices. 

Several days elapsed without tidings of the stragglers, and 
Columbus, giving them up for lost, was on the point of sailing, 




CARIBS TORTURING A PRISONER. WHOSE FLESH THEv DEVOUR WHILE HE IS bTiLL ALIVE. 






>;\ 




V-?.. 




\\ 


t 


A 


t: 







ALONZO DE OJEDA ,N SEARCH OF THE LOST EXPLORING PARTY BESET BY INNUMERABLE HARDSHIPS 



OF COLUMBUS. 203 

when the}' made their way back to the fleet, haggard and exhausted. 
For several days, they had been bewildered in the mazes of a forest 
so dense as almost to exclnde the day. Some of them had climbed 
trees in hopes of getting a sight of the stars, by which to govern 
their course, but the height of the branches shut out all view of 
the heavens. They were almost reduced to despair, when they for- 
tunatel}- arrived at the seashore, and keeping along it, came to 
where the fleet was at anchor. 

After leaving Guadaloupe, Columbus touched at other of the 
Caribbean Islands. At one of them, which he named Santa Cruz, 
a .ship's boat, sent on shore for water, had an encounter with a 
canoe, in which were many Indians, some of whom were females. 
The women fought as desperately as the men, and plied their bows 
with such vigor, that one of them sent an arrow through a Spanish 
buckler, and wounded the soldier who I^ore it. The canoe being 
run down and overset, they continued to fight while in the water, 
gathering themselves occasionall}' on sunken rocks, and managing 
their weapons as dexterously as if they had been on firm ground. 
It was with the utmost difficulty they could be overpowered and 
taken. When brought on board the ships, the Spaniards could not 
but admire their untamed spirit and fierce demeanor. One of the 
females, from the reverence with which the rest treated her, ap- 
peared to be their queen ; she was accompanied by her son, a young 
man strongl}- made, with a haughty and frowning brow, who had 
been wounded in the combat. One of the Indians had been trans- 
pierced b}' a lance, and died of the wound ; and one of the Spaniards 
died a day or two afterwards, of a wound received from a poisoned 
arrow. 

Pursuing his vo3'age, Columbus passed by a cluster of small 
islands, to which he gave the name of The Eleven Thousand \'ir- 
gins, and arrived one evening in sight of a great island, covered 
with fine forests, and indented with havens. It was called by the 
natives Boric^uen, but he named it San Juan Bautista ; it is the 
same since known bv the name of Porto Rico. After running for 
a whole day along its beautiful coast, and touching at a bay at the 
west end, he arrived, on the 2 2d of November, off the eastern ex- 
tremity of Hayti, or Hispaniola. The greatest animation prevailed 
throughout the armada at the thoughts of soon arriving at the end 
of their voyage, while those who had accompanied Columbus in the 



204 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



preceding expedition, looked forward to meeting with the comrades 
they had left behind, and to a renewal of pleasant scenes among the 
groves of Hayti. Passing by the gulf of Las Fleches, where the 
skirmish had occurred with the natives, Columbus set on shore one 
of the young Indians who had been taken from the neighborhood, 
and had accompanied him to Spain. He dismissed him finely ap- 
parelled and loaded with trinkets, anticipating favorable effects 
from the accounts he would be able to give to his countrymen of the 
power and munificence of the Spaniards, but he never heard any 
thing of him more. Only one Indian, of those who had been to 
Spain, remained in the fleet, a young Lucayan, native of the island 
of Guanahani, who had been baptized at Barcelona, and named after 
the admiral's brother, Diego Colon ; he continued always faithful 
and devoted to the Spaniards. 

Continuing along the coast, Columbus paused in the neighbor- 
hood of Monte Christi, to fix upon a place for a settlement, in the 
neighborhood of a stream said to abound in gold, to which, in his 
first voyage, he had given the name of Rio del Oro. Here, as the 
seamen were ranging the shore, they found the bodies of three men 
and a boy, one of whom had a rope of Spanish grass about his neck, 
and another, from having a beard, was evidently a European. The 
bodies were in a state of decay, but bore the marks of violence. 
This spectacle gave rise to many gloomy forebodings, and Colum- 
bus hastened forward to La Navidad, full of apprehensions that 
some disaster had befallen Diego de Arana and his companions. 




FROM THE COLUMBUS STATUE AT GENOA. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



FATE or THE FOBTHESS OF LA NAVIDAD. TRANSACTIONS AT TH E HARBOR. (1493.) 







N the evening of the 27th of November, Co- 
lumbus anchored opposite to the harbor of 
La Navidad, about a league from the land. 
As it was too dark to distinguish objects, 
he ordered two signal guns to be fired. 
The report echoed along the shore, but 
there was no gun, or light, or friendly 
shout in repl}'. Several hours passed away 
in the most dismal suspense ; aboiit mid- 
night, a number of ludiaus came off in a 
canoe and iuc|uired for the admiral, refusing 
to come on board until they should see him 
personally. Columbus showed himself at 
the side of his vessel, and a light being held 
up, his countenance and commanding person 
were not to be mistaken. The Indians now entered the ship with- 
out hesitation. One of them was a cousin of the cacique Guacan- 
agari, and the bearer of a present from him. The first inquir}^ of 
Columbus was concerning the garrison. He was informed' that 
several of the Spaniards had died of sickness, others had fallen in 
a quarrel among themselves, and others had removed to a different 
part of the island; — that Guacanagari had been assailed by Cao- 
nabo, the fierce cacique of the golden mountains of Cibao, who had 
wounded him in combat, and burnt his village, and that he re- 
mained ill of his wound, in a neighboring hamlet. 

Melancholy as were these tidings, they relieved Columbus from 
the painful suspicion of treachery on the part of the cacique and 
people in whom he had confided, and gave him hopes of finding 






/-■^.;.;,i':,{/^'.#^ 



(Ms) 



2o6 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

some of the scattered garrison still alive. The Indians were well 
entertained, and gratified with presents ; on departing they prom- 
ised to return in the morning with Guacanagari. The morning, 
however, dawned and passed away, and the day declined without 
the promised visit from the chieftain. There was a silence and an 
air of desertion about the whole neighborhood. Not a canoe ap- 
peared in the harbor; not an Indian hailed them from the land, nor 
was there any smoke to be seen rising from among the groves. 
Towards the evening, a boat was sent on shore to reconnoiter. The 
crew hastened to the place where the fortress had been erected. 
They found it burnt and demolished ; the palisadoes beaten down, 
and the ground strewn with broken chests, spoiled provisions, and 
the fragments of European garments. Not an Indian approached 
them, and if they caught a sight of any lurking among the trees, 
they vanished on finding themselves perceived. Meeting no one 
from whom the}- could obtain information concerning this melan- 
choly scene, they returned to the ships with dejected hearts. 

Columbus, himself, landed on the following morning, and re- 
pairing to the ruins of the fortress, caused diligent search to be 
made for the dead bodies of the garrison. Cannon and arquebuses 
were discharged to summon any survivors that might be in the 
neighborhood, but none made their appearance. Columbus had 
ordered Arana and his fellow officers, in case of sudden danger, to 
bury all the treasure they might possess, or throw it in the well 
of the fortress. The well was therefore searched, and excavations 
were made among the ruins, but no gold was to be found.- Not far 
from the fortress, the bodies of eleven Europeans were discovered 
buried in different places, and the}? appeared to have been for some 
time in the ground. In the houses of a neighboring hamlet were 
found several European articles, which could not have been pro- 
cured by barter. This gave suspicions that the fortress had been 
plundered by the Indians in the vicinity ; while, on the other hand, 
the village of Guacanagari was a mere heap of burnt ruins, which 
showed that he and his people had been involved in the same dis- 
aster with the garrison. Columbus was for some time perplexed 
by these contradictory documents of a disastrous stor3^ At length 
a communication was effected with some of the natives; their evi- 
dent apprehensions were dispelled, and by the aid of the interpreter 
the fate of the garrison was more minutely ascertained. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



207 



It appeared that Columbus had scarcely set sail for Spain, when 
all his counsels and commands faded from the minds of those who 
remained behind. Instead 
of cultivating the good will 
of the natives, they endeav- 
ored, by all kinds of wrong- 
ful means, to get possession 
of their golden ornaments 
and other articles of value, 
and seduced from them their 
wives and daughters. Fierce 
brawls occurred between 
themselves, about their ill- 
gotten spoils, or the favors 
of the Indian women. In 
vain did Diego de Arana in- 
terpose his authority; all 
order, all subordination, all 
unanimity, were at an end ; 
factions broke out among 
them, and at length ambi- 
tion arose to complete the 
destruction of this mimic 
empire. Pedro Gutierrez 
and Rodrigo de Escobedo, 
whom Columbus had left as 
lieutenants, to succed Arana 
in case of accident, now as-' 
pired to an equal share in 
tliC authority. In the quar- 
rels which succeeded, a 
Spaniard was killed, and 
Gutierrez and Escobedo, 
having failed in their object, 
withdrev,' from the fortress, with nine of their adherents, and a 
number of women, and set off for the mountains of Cibao, with the 
dea of procuring immense wealth from its golden mines. These 
mountains were in the territories of the famous Caonabo, called by 
ihe Spaniards "the lord of the golden house." He was a Carib by 




. WITH THE 



hSiSTANCE OF MiS INDIANS FnOM iA^TA ChUZ, 
OF THE SLAIN GARRISON OF LA NAVIOAO. 



■iNDS THE BODIES OF 80ME 



2o8 THK LIFE AND VOYAGES 

birth, and had come an adventnrer to the island, but, possessing the 
fierceness and enterprise of his nation, had gained such an ascend- 
ancy over these simple and unwarlike people, as to make himself 
their most powerful cacique. The wonderful accounts of the white 
men had reached him among his mountains, and he had the shrewd- 
ness to perceive that his own consequence must decline before such 
formidable intruders. The departure of Columbus had given him 
hopes that their intrusion would be but temporar}- ; the discords of 
those who remained increased his confidence. No sooner, therefore, 
did Gutierrez and Bscobedo, with their companions, appear in his 
dominions, than he seized them and put them to death. He then 
assembled his subjects, and traversing the forests with profound se- 
crecy, arrived in the vicinity of La Navidad without being discov- 
ered. But ten men remained in the fortress with Arana ; the rest 
were living in careless securit}- in the village. In the dead of the 
night Caonabo and his warriors burst upon the place with fright- 
ful veils, and set fire to the fortress and village. The Spaniards 
were completely taken by surprise. Eight were driven to the sea- 
side, and, rushing into the waves, were drowned ; the rest were 
massacred. Guacanagari and his subjects fought faithfully in de- 
fence of their guests, but, not being of a warlike character, they 
were easily routed. The cacique was wounded in the conflict, and 
his village burnt to the ground. • - 

Such is the storv of the first European establishment in the 
new world. It presents in a diminutive compass an epitome of the 
gross vices which degrade civilization, and the grand political errors 
which sometimes subvert the mightiest empires. All law and order 
were relaxed bv licentiousness; public good was sacrificed to private 
interest and passion ; the community was convulsed by divers fac- 
tions, until the whole body politic was shaken asunder by two as- 
piring demagogues, ambitious of the command of a pett}' fortress 
in a wilderness, and the supreme control of eight and thirty men! 

This account of the catastrophe of the fortress satisfied Colum- 
bus of the good faith of Guacanagari ; but circumstances concurred 
to keep alive the suspicions entertained of him by the Spaniards. 
Columbus paid a visit to the chieftain, whom he found in a neigh- 
boring village, suffering apparently from a bruise which he had re- 
ceived in the leg from a stone. Several of his subjects, also, ex- 
hibited recent wounds, which had evidently been made by Indian 



OF COLUMBUS. 209 

weapons. The cacique was greatly agitated at seeing Columbus, 
and deplored with tears the misfortunes of the garrison. At the 
request of the admiral, his leg was examined b}- a Spanish surgeon, 
but no sign of a wound was to be seen, though he shrunk with pain 
whenever the leg was touched. As some time had elapsed since the 
battle, the external bruise might have disappeared, while a tender- 
ness might remain in the part. Many of the Spaniards, however, 
who had not witnessed the generous conduct of the cacique in the 
first voj^age, looked upon his lameness as feigned, and the whole 
story of the battle a fabrication, to conceal his perfidy. Columbus 
persisted in believing him innocent, and invited him on board of 
his ships, where the cacic^ue was greatl}' astonished at the wonders 
of art and nature, brought from the old world. What most amazed 
him were the horses. He had never seen an}^ but the most dimin- 
utive quadrupeds, and gazed with awe at the grandeur of these 
noble animals, their great strength, terrific appearance, 3'et perfect 
docility. The sight of the Carib prisoners also increased his idea 
of the prowess of the Spaniards, having the hardihood to invade 
these terrible beings, even in their strongholds, while he could 
scarcely look upon them without shuddering, though in chains. 

On board the ship were several Indian women who had been 
captives to the Caribs. Among them was one distinguished above 
her companions bj- a certain loftiness of demeanor ; she had been 
much noticed and admired bj- the Spaniards, who had given her the 
name of Catalina. She particularly attracted the attention of the 
cacique, who is represented to have been of an amorous complexion. 
He spoke to her repeatedly, with great gentleness of tone and man- 
ner, pity in all probability being mingled with his admiration ; for, 
though rescued from the hands of the Caribs, she and her compan- 
ions were still, in a manner, captives on board of the ship. 

A collation was served up for the entertainment of Guacanagari, 
and Columbus endeavored by kindness and hospitality to revive 
their former cordial intercourse, but it was all in vain ; the cacique 
was evidently distrustful and ill at ease. The suspicions of his 
guilt gained ground among the Spaniards. Father Boyle, in par- 
ticular, regarded him with an evil eye, and advised Columbus, now 
that he had him securely on board of his ship, to detain him pris- 
oner ; but Columbus rejected the counsel of the crafty friar, as 
contrar}' to sound polic}^ and honorable faith. The cacique, how- 



2IO 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




THE CRAFTY FRIAR. 



ever, accustomed in liis former intercourse with the Spaniards 
to meet on every side with faces beaming with gratitute and 
friendship, could not but perceive the altered looks of cold sus- 
picion and secret hostility. Notwithstanding the frank and 
cordial hospitalit}' of the admiral, therefore, he soon took 

leave and returned to land. 
"':'^ On the following day, there was a mysterious move- 

ment and agitation among the natives on shore. The 
■^ - brother of Guacanagari came on board, un- 
^^, der pretext of bartering a quantity of gold, 
^i but, as it afterwards proved, to bear a mes- 
r^3% sage to Catalina, the Indian female, whose 
beaut}- had captivated the heart of the ca- 
cique, and whom, with a kind of native gal- 
lantry, he wished to deliver from bondage. 
At midnight, when the crew were buried 
in their first sleep, Catalina awakened her 
female companions, and proposed a bold attempt to gain their lib- 
erty. The ship was anchored full three miles from the shore, and the 
sea was rough ; but these island women were accustomed to buffet 
with the waves, and the water was, to them, almost as their natural 
element. Letting themselves down silently from the side of the 
vessel, they trusted to the strength of their arms, and swam bravely 
for the shore. They were overheard by the watch, the alarm was 
given, the boats were manned and gave chase in the direction of a 
light blazing on the shore, an evident beacon for the fugitives. 
Such was the vigor of these sea nymphs, however, that they reached 
the land before they were overtaken. Four were captured on the 
beach, l)ut the heroic Catalina, with the rest of her companions, 
escaped in safety to the forest. Guacanagari disappeared on the 
same day with all his household and effects, and it was .supposed 
had taken refuge, with his island beauty, in the interior. His 
desertion gave redoubled force to the doubts heretofore entertained, 
and he was generall}- stigmatized as the perfidious destro3-er of the 
garrison. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF ISABELLA. DISCONTE NTS OF TH t. " EOPLE. (1493.) 

^HE misfortunes which had befallen the 
Spaniards, both by sea and land, in the 
vicinity of this harbor, threw a gloom 
over the place, and it vvas considered by 
the superstitious mariners as under 
some baneful influence, or malignant 
star. The situation, too, was low, 
moist, and unhealth}-, and there was no 
IVj, stone in the neighborhood for building. 
Columbus searched, therefore, for a more 
favorable place for his projected colony, 
" - 1)%,'^ ^1''^^ fixed upon a harbor about ten 
z!^^/7^i leagues east of Monte Christi, protected 
^"j*) ~~ on one side by a natural rampart of 
^ rocks, and on the other by an impervious 
^^ forest, with a fine plain in the vicinity, watered 
'^-^ bv two rivers. A great inducement also for set- 
tling here was, that it was at no great distance from the mount- 
ains of Cibao, where the gold mines were situated. 

The troops and the various persons to be employed in the col- 
ony were immediately' disembarked, together with the stores, arms, 
ammunition, and all the cattle and live stock. An encampment 
was formed on the margin of tlic plain, round a sheet of water, and 
the plan of a town traced out, and the houses commenced. The 
public edifices, such as a church, a storehouse, and a residence for 
the admiral, were constructed of stone ; the rest of wood, plaster, 




("0 



212 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

reods, and such other materials as could be readily procured. Thus 
was founded the first Christian city of the new world, to which 
Columbus gave the name of Isabella, in honor of his ro3'al pat- 
roness. 

For a time every one exerted himself with zeal ; but maladies 
soon began to make their appearance. Man}- had suffered from sea 
sickness, and the long confinement on board of the ships; others, 
from the exposures on the land, before houses could be built for 
theii reception, and from the exhalations of a hot and moist cli- 
mate, dense natural forests, and a new, rank soil, so trying to con- 
stitutions accustomed to a dry climate, and open, cultivated coun- 
try. The important and hurried labors of building the city and 
cultivating the earth, bore hard upon the Spaniards, many of whom 
were unaccustomed to labor, and needed repose and relaxation. 
The maladies of the mind also mingled with those of the body. 
Many, as has been shown, had embarked in the enterprise with the 
most visionary and romantic expectations. What, then, was their 
surprise at finding themselves surrounded by impracticable forests, 
doomed to toil painfully for mere subsistence, and to attain every 
comfort by the severest exertion ! As to gold, which the}' had ex- 
pected to find readily and in abundance, it was to be procured only 
in small quantities, and by patient and persevering labor. All these 
disappointments sank deep into their hearts, their spirits flagged 
as their golden dreams melted away, and the gloom of despondencj^ 
aided the ravages of disease. Columbus, himself, was overcome by 
the fatigues, anxieties, and exposures he had suffered, and for sev- 
eral weeks was confined to his bed by severe illness; but his ener- 
getic mind rose superior to the maladies of the bod}^ and he con- 
tinued to give directions about the building of the city, and the 
general concerns of the expedition. 

The greater part of the ships were ready to return to Spain, 
but he had no treasure to send with them. The destruction of the 
garrison had defeated all his hopes of finding a quantit}' of gold, 
amassed and ready to be sent to the sovereigns. It was necessary 
for him to do something, however, before the vessels sailed, to keep 
up the reputation of his discoveries, and justif}' his own magnifi- 
cent representations. The region of the mines lay at a distance 
of but three or four days' journey, directl}' in the interior; the 
very name of the cacique, Caonabo, signifying "the lord of the 




12 



("3) 



214 , THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

golden liouse," seemed to indicate the wealth of his dominions. 
Columbus determined, therefore, to send an expedition to explore 
them. If the result should answer to the accounts given by the 
Indians, he would be able to send home the fleet with confidence, 
bearing tidings of the discovery of the golden mountains of Cibao. 
The person chosen for this enterprise was Alonzo de Ojeda, 
who delighted in all service of an adventurous nature. He set out 
from the harbor early in January, 1494, accompanied by a small 
number of well-armed men, several of them young and spirited 
cavaliers like himself. They crossed the first range of mountains 
by a narrow and winding Indian path, and descended into a vast 
plain, covered with noble forests, and studded with villages and 
hamlets. The inhabitants overw^helmed them with hospitality, and 
delayed them in their journey bj- their kindness. They had to 
ford many rivers, also, so that they were six days in reaching the 
chain of mountains, which locked up, as it were, the golden region 
of Cibao. Here they saw ample signs of natural wealth. The 
sands of the mountain streams glittered with particles of gold; in 
some places they picked up large specimens of virgin ore, and 
stones streaked and richly impregnated with it. Ojeda, himself, 
found a mass of rude gold in one of the brooks, weighing nine 
ounces. The little band returned to the harbor, with enthusiastic 
accounts of the golden promise of these mountains. A young cav- 
alier, named Gorvalan, who had been sent to explore a different 
tract of country, returned with similar reports. Encouraged b}?- 
these good tidings, Columbus lost no time in despatching twelve 
of the ships, under the command of Antonio de Torres, retaining 
only five for the service of the colonv. Bv these ships he sent 
home specimens of the gold found among the mountains of Cibao, 
and of all fruits and plants of unknown and valiuible species, to- 
gether wath the Carib captives, to be instructed in the Spanish 
language and the Christian faith, that they might serve as inter- 
preters, and aid in the conversion of their countrymen. He wrote, 
also, a sanguine account of the two expeditions into the interior, 
and expressed a confident expectation, as soon as the health of him- 
self and his people would permit, of procuring and making abund- 
ant shipments of gold, spices, and valuable drugs. He extolled the 
fertilit}' of the soil, evinced in the luxuriant growth of the sugar- 
cane, and of various European grains and vegetables ; but entreated 



OF COLl'MBUS. 215 

supplies of provisions for the immediate wants of the colon}-, as 
their stores were nearly exhausted, and they could not accustom 
themselves to the diet of the natives. 

Among many sound and salutary suggestions in this letter, 
there was one of a pernicious tendency. In his anxiety to lighten 
the expenses of the colony, and procure revenue to the crown, he 
recommended that the natives of the Caribbean Islands, being can- 
nibals and ferocious invaders of their peaceful neighbors, should be 
captured and sold as slaves, or exchanged with merchants for live 
stock and other necessary supplies. He observed, that, by trans- 
mitting these infidels to Europe, where they would have the bene- 
fits of Christian instruction, there would be so many souls snatched 
from perdition, and so man}- converts gained to the faith. Such is 
the strange sophistry b}- which upright men may deceive them- 
selves, and think they are obeying tlie dictates of their conscience, 
wheii, in fact, tliev are but listening to the incitements of their 
interest. It is but just to add that the sovereigns did not accord 
with him in his ideas, but ordered that the Caribs should be treated 
like the rest of the islanders; a command which emanated from the 
merciful heart of Isabella, who ever showed herself the benign pro- 
tectress of the Indians. 

When the fleet arrived in Europe, though it brought no gold, 
3^et the tidings from Columbus and his companions kept up the 
popular excitement. The sordid calculations of petty spirits were 
as yet overruled by the enthusiasm of generous minds. There was 
something wonderfully grand in the idea of introducing new races 
of animals and plants, of building cities, extending colonies and 
sowing the seeds of civilization and of enlightened empire in this 
beautiful but savage world. It struck the minds of learned and 
classical men with admiration, filling them with pleasant dreams 
and reveries, and seeming to realize the poetical pictures of the 
olden time ; of Saturn, Ceres, and Triptolemus, traveling about the 
earth to spread new inventions among mankind, and of the coloniz- 
ing enterprises of the Phnenicians. 

But while such sanguine anticipations were indulged in Eu- 
rope, murmuring and sedition began to prevail among the colonists. 
Disappointed in their hopes of wealth, disgusted with the labors 
imposed upon them, and appalled by the prevalent maladies, they 
looked with horror upon the surrounding wilderness, and became 



2l6 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



THE CONSPI 



impatient to return to Spain. Their discontents were increased by 
one Firmin Cado, a wrong-headed and captious man, who had come 

out as assayer and purifier 



of metals, but whose igno- 
rance in his art equaled his 
obstinacy of opinion. He 
pertinaciously insisted that 
there was scarcely any gold 
in the island, and that all 
the specimens brought by the 
natives, had been accumu- 
lated in the course of sev- 
eral generations, and been 
handed down from father 
to son in their families. 

At length a conspiracy 
was formed, headed by Ber- 
nal Diaz de Pisa, the comp- 
troller, to take advantage of 
the illness of Columbus, to 
seize upon the ships remain- 
ing in the harbor, and to 
return to Spain ; where thej- 
thought it would be easy to 
justify- their conduct, by ac- 
cusing Columbus of gross 
deceptions and exaggerations 
concerning the countries he 
had discovered. Fortunately, 
Columbus received informa- 
tion in time, and arrested 
the ringleaders of the con- 
spiracy. Bernal Diaz was con- 
fined on board of one of the 
ships, to be sent to Spain for trial ; and several of the inferior 
mutineers were punished, but not with the severity their offense 
deserved. This was the first time Columbus exercised the right 
of punishing delinquents in his new government, and it immedi- 
ately caused a great clamor against him. Already the disadvantage 




RATOH, BERNAL 0IA2 DE PISA, ARRESTED AND CONFINED ON ONE OF THE SHIPS, 
TO BE SENT TO SPAIN FOR TRIAL. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



217 



of being a foreigner was clearly manifested. He had no natural 
friends to rally round him ; whereas the mutineers had connections 
in Spain, friends in the colony, and met with sympathy in every 
discontented mind. 




CHAPTER XX. 




EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS INTO THE INTERIOR OF HISPANIOLA. (1494.) 

S the surest means of quieting the murmurs 
and rousing the spirits of his people, Colum- 
bus, as soon as his health permitted, made 
preparations for an expedition to the mount- 
ains of Cibao, to explore the countr}', and 
establish a post in the vicinity of the mines. 
Placing his brother Diego in command at Isa- 
bella, during his absence, and taking with him 
every person in health that could be spared 
from the settlement, and all the cavalrj', he 
departed, on the 12th of March, at the head of 
four hundred men, armed with helmets and corselets, with arque- 
buses, lances, swords, and cross-bows, and followed b}- laborers and 
miners, and a miiltitude of the neighboring Indians. After travers- 
ing a plain, and fording two rivers, they encamped in the evening 
at the foot of a wild and rockv pass of the mountains. 

The ascent of this defile presented formidable difficulties to 
the little army, which was encumbered with various munitions, 
and with mining implements. There was nothing but an Indian 
footpath winding among rocks and precipices, and the entangled 
vegetation of a tropical forest. A number of high-spirited young 
cavaliers, tlierefore, threw themselves in the advance, and aiding 
the laborers and pioneers, and stimulating them with promises of 
liberal rev.'ard, they soon constructed the first road formed b}- Eu- 
ropeans in the new world, which, in commemoration of their gen- 
erous zeal, was called El Puerto de los Hidalgos, or the Pass of the 
Hidalgos. 



(21S) 



OK COLUMHUS. 



219 






^4? ^-n^*' 



On the following daj- the army toiled up this steep defile, 
and arrived where the gorge of the mountain opened into the 
interior. Here a glorious prospect burst upon their view. Be- 
low la}- a vast and delicious plain, enameled with all the rich 
variet}' of tropical vegetation. The magnificent forests presented 
that mingled beaut}- and majesty of vegetable forms, peculiar to 
these generous climates. Palms of prodigious height, and spread- 
ing mahogany trees, towered from amid a wilderness of variegated 
foliage. Universal freshness and verdure were maintained by nu- 
merous streams which meandered gleaming through the deep bosom 
of the woodland, while various villages 
and hamlets seen among the trees, and 
the smoke of others rising out of the 
forests, gave signs of a numerous popu- 
lation. The luxuriant landscape ex- 
tended as far as the eye could reach, 
until it appeared to melt away and 
mingle with the horizon. The Span- 
iards gazed with rapture upon this soft, 
voluptuous country, which seemed to 
realize their ideas of a terrestrial para- 
dise; and Columbus, struck with its vast 
extent, gave it the name of Yega Real, 
or Royal Plain. 

Having descended the rugged pass, 
the army issued upon the plain, in mili- 
tary array, with great clangor ot war- 
like instniments. When the Indians 
beheld this band of warriors, glittering in steel, emerging from the 
mountains with prancing steeds and floating banners, and heard, 
for the first time, their rocks and forests echoing to the din of 
drum and trumpet, thev were bewildered with astonishment. The 
horses especially, excited their terror and admiration. They at first 
supposed the rider and his steed to be one animal, and nothing 
could exceed their surprise on seeing the horseman dismount. 

On the approach of the army, the Indians generally fled with 
terror, biit their fears were soon dispelled ; they then absolutely 
retarded the march of the army by their kindness and hospitality; 
nor did they appear to have any idea of receiving a recompense for 




COLUMBUS AND HIS ARWV CROSSES THE PUERTO DE LOS HIDALGOS 



220 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



the provisions they furnished in abundance. The untutored sav- 
age, in almost ever}' part of the world, scorns to make a trafi&c of 
hospitality. 

For two or three days, they continued their march across this 
noble plain, where every scene presented the luxuriance of wild, 
uncivilized nature. They crossed two large rivers; one, called the 
Yagui by the natives, was named by the admiral the river of 
Reeds; to the other he gave the name of Rio Verde, or Green 
River, from the verdure and freshness of its banks. At length 
they arrived at a chain of lofty and rugged mountains, which 
formed a kind of barrier to the vega, and amidst which lav the 
golden region of Cibao. On entering this 
vaunted country, the whole character of the 
scenery changed, as if nature delighted in 
contrarieties, and displayed a miser-like 
poverty of exterior when teeming with hid- 
den treasures. Instead of the soft, lux- 
uriant landscape of the vega, nothing was 
to be seen but chains of rocky and sterile 
mountains, scantily clothed with pines. 
The very name of the country bespoke the 
nature of the soil ; Cibao, in the language 
of the natives, signifying a stone. But what 
consoled the Spaniards for the asperity of 
the soil, was to observe particles of gold 
among the sands of the streams, which they 
regarded as earnests of the wealth locked 
up in the mountains. 
Choosing a situation in a neighborhood that seemed to abound 
in mines, Columbus began to build a fortress, to which he gave the 
name of St. Thomas, intended as a pleasant, though pious, reproof 
of Firniin Cado and his doubting adherents, who had refused to 
believe that the island contained gold, until they should behold it 
with their eyes, and touch it with their hands. 

While the admiral remained superintending the building of 
the fortress, he dispatched a young cavalier of Madrid, named Juan 
de Luxan, with a small band of armed men, to explore the prov- 
ince. Luxan returned after a few days, with the most satisfactory 
accounts. He found many parts of Cibao more capable of cultiva- 




COLUMBUG BUILDS THE FORT ST THOMAS IN THE GOLDEN REGIONS 
OF ClfiAO. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



221 



tion than those that had been seeu by the admiral. The forests 
appeared to abound with spices; the trees were overnin witli vines 
bearing clusters of grapes of pleasant flavor; while ever}- valley 
and glen had its stream, 3'ielding more or less gold, and showing 
the universal prevalence of that precious metal. 

The natives of the surrounding countr}- likewise flocked to 
the fortress of St. Thomas, bringing gold to exchange for European 
trinkets. One old man brought two pieces of virgin ore weighing 
an ounce, and thought himself richly repaid on receiving a hawk's 
bell. On remarking the admiration of the admiral at the size of 
these specimens, he assured him that in his country, which lay at 
half a day's distance, pieces were found as big as an orange. Others 
spoke of masses of ore as large as the head of a child, to be met 
with in their neighborhood. As usual, however, these golden 
tracts were always in some remote valley, or along some rugged 
and sequestered stream ; and the wealthiest spot was sure to lie at 
the greatest distance — for the land of promise is ever beyond the 
mountain. 




CHAPTER XXI. 




CUSTOMS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIVES. 

HE fortress of St. Thomas being nearly com- 
pleted, Columbus left it in command of Pedro 
Margarite, a native of Catalonia, and knight of 
the order of Santiago, with a garrison of fift}'- 
six men, and set out on his return to Isabella. 
He paused for a time in the vega to establish 
routes between the fortress and the harbor ; 
during which time he sojourned in the villages, 
that his men might become accustomed to the 
food of the natives, and that a mutual good-will 
might grow up between them. 

Columbus had alread}/ discovered the error of one of his opin- 
ions concerning these islanders, formed during his first voyage. 
They were not so entirely pacific, nor so ignorant of warlike arts, 
as he had imagined. The casual descents of the Caribs had com- 
pelled the inhabitants of the sea-coast to acquaint themselves with 
the use of arms; and Caonabo had introduced something of his own 
warlike spirit into the center of the island. Yet, generally speak- 
ing, the habits of the people were mild and gentle. Their relig- 
ious creed was of a vague 3-et simple nature. 
They believed in one Supreme Being, who in- 
habited the sky, who was immortal, omnipotent, 
and invisible; to whom they ascribed an origin, 
having had a mother, but no father. They 
never addressed their worship directly to him, but 
to inferior deities, called zemes, a kind of mes- 



MB' 




INDIAN FASH ONING A BOW 



{222) 



OF COLl'MBUS. 



223 




sengers, or mediators. Each cacique, each famil}-, and each indi- 
vidual, had a particular zemi as a tiitelary or protecting genius ; 
whose image, generally of a hideous form, was 
placed about their houses, carved on their furni- 
ture, and sometimes bound to their foreheads 
when they went to battle. They believed their 
zemes to be transferable, with all their benelicial 
powers ; the}-, therefore, often stole them from each 
other, and, when the Spaniards arrived, hid them 
away, lest the}- should be taken by the strangers. 

They believed that these zemes presided over 
every object in nature. Some had sway over the elements, causing 
sterile or abundant years, sending whirlwinds and tempests of rain 
and thunder, or sweet and temperate breezes, and prolific showers. 
Some governed the seas and forests, the s])rings and fountains, like 
the nereids, the dryads, and satyrs of antiquity. They gave success 
in hunting and fishing ; they guided the mountain streams into safe 
channels, leading them to meander peacefully through the plains ; 
or, if incensed, they caused them to burst lortli into floods and 
torrents, inundating and laying waste the valleys. 

The Indians were well acquainted with the medicinal proper- 
ties of trees and vegetables. Their butios, or priests, acted as physi- 
cians, curing diseases 
with simples, but making 
use of many mysterious 
rites ; chanting and 
burning a light in the 
chamber of the patient, N 
and pretending to exor- 
cise the malady, and to 
send it to the sea or to 
the mountain. They 
practiced also many de- 
ceptions, making the 
idols to speak with 
oracular voice, to en- 
force the orders of the 
caciques. 



FOUND IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE WEST INDIES, 
USUALLY FASHIONED FROM STONE. 







INDIAN HUT IN THE ANTILLES. 



(BESTOBATION FROM DATA OSTAINED FROM SUCH, AS MAY STILL BE SEEN ON THE COAST OF THE NEIGHBOfllNO 

CONTINENT.) 



2 24 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Once a year, each cacique held a festival in honor of his zemi, 
when his subjects formed a procession to the temple, the married 
men and women decorated with their most precious ornaments ; 
the young females entirely naked, carrying baskets of cakes, or- 
namented with flowers, and singing as they advanced, while the 
cacique beat time on an Indian drum. After the cakes had been 
offered to the zemi they were broken and distributed among the 
people, to be preserved in their houses as charms against all ad- 
verse accidents. The young females then danced to the cadence 
of songs in praise of their deities, and of the heroic actions of their 
ancient caciques ; and the whole ceremon}- concluded by a grand 
invocation to the zemi to watch over and protect the nation. 

The natives believed that their island of Hayti was the earliest 
part of creation, and that the sun and moon issued out of one of 
its caverns to give light to the universe. This cavern still exists 
near Cape Francois, and the hole in the roof maj' still be seen from 
whence the Indians believed the sun and moon had sallied forth to 
take their places in the sky. It was consecrated as a kind of tem- 
ple ; two idols were placed in it, and the walls were decorated with 
green branches. In times of great drought the natives made pil- 
grimages and processions to it, with songs and dances, and offerings 
of fruit and flowers. 

The}' ascribed to another cavern, the origin of the human race 
believing that the large men issued forth from a great aperture, 
but the little men from a little cranny. For a long time they dared 
venture from the cavern onl}- in the night, for the sight of the siin 
was fatal to them, producing wonderful transformations. One of 
their number, having lingered on a river's bank, where he was fish- 
ing, until the sun had risen, was turned into a bird of melodious 
note, which yearly, about the time of his transformation, is heard 
singing plaintively in the night bewailing his misfortune. This 
is the same bird which Columbus mistook for a nightingale. 

When the human race at length emerged from the cave, they 
for some time wandered about disconsolately without females, until, 
coming near a small lake, thev beheld certain animals among the 
branches of the trees, which proved to be women. On attempting 
to catch them, however, they were found to be as slippery as eels, 
so that it was impossible to hold them, until they employed certain 
men whose hands had been rendered rough by a kind of lepros}'. 



OF COLUMBUS. 225 

These succeeded in securing four of them ; and from these slippery 
females the world was peopled. 

Like most savage nations, they had a tradition concerning the 
deluge, equally fanciful with the preceding. They said that there 
once lived in the island a might}- cacique, whose onlj- son conspiring 
against him, he slew him. He afterwards preserved his bones in a 
gourd, as was the custom of the natives with the remains of their 
friends. On a subsequent day, the cacique and his wife opened 
the gourd to contemplate the bones of their son, when, to their sur- 
prise, several fish leaped out. Upon this the discreet cacique 
closed the gourd, and placed it on the top of his hut, boasting that 
he had the sea shut up within it, and could have fish whenever he 
pleased. Four brothers, however, children of the same birth, and 
curious intermeddlers, liearing of this gourd, came during the ab- 
sence of the cacique to peep into it. In their carelessness they 
sufferedit to fall upon the ground, where it was dashed to pieces; 
when, lo ! to their astonishment and dismay, there issued forth a 
mighty flood, with dolphins and sharks, and tumbling porpoises, 
and great spouting whales ; and the water spread until it overflowed 
the earth, and formed the ocean, leaving only the tops of the 
mountains uncovered, which are the present islands. 

They had singular modes of treating the dying and the dead. 
When the life of a cacique was despaired of, they strangled him, 
out of a principle of respect, rather than suffer him to die like the 
vulgar. Common people, in like situation, were extended in their 
hammocks, bread and water placed beside them, and they were then 
abandoned to die in solitude. Sometimes they were carried to the 
cacique, and if he permitted them the distinction, they were stran- 
gled. The body of the deceased was sometimes consumed with 
fire in his habitation : sometimes the bones were retained, or the 
head, or a limb, and treasured up among the family relics. After 
the death of a cacique, his bod}- was opened, dried at a fire, and 
preserved. 

They had confused notions of the existence of the soul when 
separated from the bod}-, and believed in apparitions of the deceased. 
They had an idea that the spirits of good men after death were re- 
united to the spirits of those they had most loved, and to those of 
their ancestors ; they were transported to a happy region, generally 
supposed to be near a lake, in the beautiful province of Xaragua, 



226 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



in the western part of the island. Here they lived in shady and 
blooming bowers, with lovely females, and banqueted on delicious 
fruits. 

The dances to which the natives were so addicted were not 
mere idle pastimes, but were often ceremonials of a religious and 
mystic nature. In these were typified their historical events and 
their projected enterprises, whether of war or hunting. They were 




INDIAN DANCE. 

DRAWING MADE FROM DATA OBTAINED FROM PETER MARTYR. AND DESCRIPTIONS FURNISHED BY EARLY NAVIGATORS. 

performed to the chant of certain metres and ballads handed down 
from generation to generation ; some of a sacred character, contain- 
ing their notions of theology and their religious fables ; others 
heroic and historic, rehearsing the deeds of their ancestors. These 
rhymes they called areytos, and sang them to the accompaniment 
of rude timbrels, made from the shells of certain fishes, or to the 
sound of a drum made from a hollow tree. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



227 



The natives appeared to the Spaniards to be an idle and im- 
provident race, and indifferent to most of the objects of hnman 
anxiety and toil. They were impatient of all kinds of labor, 
scarceh' giving themselves the trouble to cultivate the yuca root, 
the maize, and the sweet potato, which formed their main articles 
of food. They loitered away existence under the shade of their 
trees, or amusing themselves occasionally with their games and - 
dances. 

In fact, they were destitute of all powerful motives to toil, 
being free from most of those wants which doom mankind, in 
civilized life, and in less genial climes, to inces- 
sant labor. In the soft region of the vega, the 
circling seasons brought each its store of 
fruits, and while some were gathered in full 
maturity, others were ripening on the 
boughs, and buds and blossoms gave promise 
of still succeeding abundance. What need 
was there of garnering vip and anxiously 
providing for coming days, to men who 
lived amid a perpetual harvest? What need, 
too, of toilfully spinning or laboring at the 
loom, where a genial temperature prevailed 
throughout the year, and neither nature 
nor custom prescribed the necessity of 
clothing? 

The hospitality which characterizes 
men in such a simple and easv mode of ex- 
istence, was evinced toward Columbus and 
his followers, during their sojourn in the 
vega. Wherever the}- went, it was a con- 
tinual scene of festivitj- and rejoicing, and 
the natives hastened from all parts to lay the treasures of their 
groves, and streams, and mountains, at the feet of beings whom 
they still considered as descended from the skies, to bring bless- 
ings to their island. 

As we accompany Columbus, in imagination, on his return to 
the harbor, over the rocky height from whence the vega first broke 
upon the eye of the Spaniards, we can not help pausing, to cast 
back a look of mingled pity and admiration, over this beautiful but 




NATIVES OF HAYTI. 



REDRAWN FROM THE DESCRIPTIONS FURNISHED BV TH 
NAVIGATORS. 



228 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



devoted region. The dream of natural liberty and ignorant con- 
tent was as yet unbroken, but the fiat had gone forth; the white 
man had penetrated into the land; avarice, and pride, and ambition, 
and sordid care, and pining labor, were soon to follow, and the in- 
dolent paradise of the Indian was about to disappear for ever. 




CHAPTER XXII. 



SICKNESS AND DISCONTENT AT THE SETTLEMENT OF ISABELLA. 
COLUMBUS FOR A VOYAGE TO CUBA. 11494.) 



PREPARATIONS OP 




OLUMBUS had scarcely returned to the 
harbor, when a messenger arrived from 
Pedro Margarite, the commander at Fort 
St. Thomas, informing him that the 
Indians of the vicinity had abandoned 
their villages, and broken off all inter- 
course, and that he vmderstood Caonabo 
was assembling his warriors to attack 
the fortress. From what the admiral had 
seen of the Indians in the interior, and the 
awe in which they stood of the white men 
and their horses, he felt little apprehensions 
^^ from their hostility, and contented himself with 
sending a reinforcement of twent}' men to the fortress, 
and detaching thirty more to open the road between 
it and the port. What gave him most anxiety was the 
distress which continued to increase in the settlement. 
The heat and humidity of the climate, which gave won- 
derful fecundity to the soil, and rapid growth to all 
European vegetables, were fatal to the people. The exhalations from 
uudrained marshes, and a vast continuity of forest, and the action 
of the sun upon a reeking vegetable soil, produced intermittent 
fevers, and those other violent maladies so trying to European con- 
stitutions in the uncultivated countries of the tropics. The greater 
part of the colonists were either confined by illness, or reduced to 



13 



(129) 



230 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



FHIAH eOYLE RECEIVES THE 
NEWS THAT HIMSELF AND AS- 
SOCIATES ARE INCLUDED IN THE 
ORDER " TO BE PUT UPON AL- 
tOWANCE," WITH IRRITATION. 



great debility. The stock of medicines was exhausted; European 
provisions began to fail, much having been spoiled and much 
wasted. To avert an absolute famine, it was necessary' to put the 
people upon allowance ; this immediately caused loud murmurs, in 
which man}- in office, who ought to have supported Columbus in 
his measures for the common safety, took a leading part, x-lmong 
the number was Friar Boyle, who was irritated when informed that 
himself and his household would be put on the same allowance with 
the rest of the community. 

It was necessary, also, to construct a mill immediately, to grind 

the corn, as all the flour was exhausted. 
Most of the workmen, however, were ill, 
and Columbus was obliged to put every 
healthy person in requisition, not even 
excepting cavaliers and gentlemen of 
rank. As many of the latter refused to 
compl}-, he enforced their obedience by 
compulsor}' measures. This was another 
cause of the deep and lasting hostilities 
that sprang up against him. He was in- 
veighed against, both by the cavaliers 
in the colony and their families in Spain^ 
as an upstart foreigner, inflated with 
sudden authority, and who, in pursuit of 
his own profit and aggrandizement, 
trampled upon the dignity of Spanish 
gentlemen, and insulted the honor of 
the nation. 



The fate, in truth, of many of the young 
cavaliers who had come out in this expedition, deluded by romantic 
dreams, was lamentable in the extreme. Some of them, of noble and 
opulent connections, had been brought up in ease and indulgence, 
and were little calculated to endure the hardships and privations of a 
new settlement in the wilderness. When they fell ill, their case soon 
became incurable. They suffered under the irritation of wounded 
pride, and the morbid melancholy of disappointed hope ; their sick- 
bed was destitute of the tender care and soothing attention to 
which they had been accustomed, and they sank into the grave in 
all the sullenness of despair, cursing the day that they had left 




OF COLUMBUS. 231 

their country. So strong an effect had the untimeh' and dreary 
death of these cavaliers upon the public mind, that, man}- years 
afterwards, when the settlement of Isabella was abandoned, and had 
fallen to ruins, its deserted streets were said to be haunted by their 
spectres, walking about in ancient Spanish dresses, saluting the 
wayfarer in stately and mournful silence, and vanishing on being 
accosted. Their melancholy story was insidiously made use of b}' 
the enemies of the admiral, for it was said that they had been 
seduced from their homes by his delusive promises, and sacrificed 
b}' him to his private interests. 

Columbus was desirous of departing on a voyage to explore 
the coast of Cuba, but it was indispensable, before sailing, to place 
the affairs of the island in such a state as to insure tranquillity. 
For this purpose he determined to send all the men that could be 
spared from the concerns of the city, or the care of the sick, into 
the interior, where they could subsist among the natives, and 
become accustomed to their diet, while their force would overawe 
the machinations of Caonabo, or any other hostile cacique. A lit- 
tle army was accordingU- mustered of two lumdred and fifty cross- 
bow-men, one hundred and ten arquebusiers, sixteen horsemen, and 
twenty officers. These were to be commanded bv Pedro Margarite, 
while Ojeda was to succeed him in the command of Fort St. 
Thomas. 

Columbus wrote a long and earnest letter of instructions to 
Margarite, desiring him to make a militar}- tour, and to explore the 
principal parts of the island ; but enjoining on him the strictest 
discipline of his arm}-, and the most vigilant care to protect the 
rights of the Indians, and cultivate their friendship. Ojeda set off 
at the head of the little army for the fortress ; on his way he learnt 
that three Spaniards had been robbed of their effects by five Indi- 
ans, at the ford of one of the rivers of the vega, and that the delin- 
quents had been sheltered b}^ their cacique, who had shared their 
booty. Ojeda was a quick and impetuous soldier, whose ideas were 
all of a military kind. He seized one of the thieves, ordered his 
ears to be cut off in the public square of the village, and sent the 
cacique, with his son and nephew, in chains to the admiral, who, 
after terrifying them with preparations for a public execution, pre- 
tended to yield to the tears and entreaties of their friends, and set 
them at liberty. 



232 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Having thus distributed his forces about the island, and taken 
measures for its tranquillity, Columbus formed a junto for its gov- 
ernment, of which his brother Don Diego was president, and Father 
Boyle, Pedro Fernandez Coronal, Alonzo Sanchez Caravajal, and 
Juan de Luxan, were counsellors. Leaving in the harbor two of his 
largest ships, which drew too much water to explore unknown coasts 
and rivers, he set sail on the 24th of x'lpril, with the Nina or Santa 
Clara, the San Juan, and the Cordera. 




A PUBLIC EXECUTION 




CHAPTER XXIII. 

CRUISE OF COLUMBUS ALONG THE SOUTHERN COAST OF CUBA. (l494.) 

HE plan of the present expeilitiou of CohiinbtLs was, to 
revisit Cuba at the poiut where he had abandoned it ou 
his first voyage, and thence to explore it on the sotithern 
side. As has already been observed, he supposed it to 
be a continent, and the extreme end of Asia; and if so, 
bv following its shores in the proposed direction, he 
trusted to arrive at Mangi, and Catliay, and other rich 
and commercial, thottgh semi-barbarous countries, form- 
ing part of the territories of the Grand Khan, as de- 
g^i scribed bv ?\Iandeville and Marco Polo. 
Having arrived, on the 29th of Ajn'il, at the eastern end of 
Cuba, to which in his preceding voyage he had given the name of 
Alpha and Omega, but which is now known as Cape INIa^'si, he 
sailed along the southern coast, touching once or twice in the har- 
bors. The natives crowded to the shores, gazing with astonishment 
at the ships as they glided gently along at no great distance. They 
held up fruits and other provisions, to tempt the Spaniards to land, 
while others came off in canoes, offering various refreshments, not 
in barter, but as free gifts. On inquiring of them for gold, they 
uniformly pointed to the south, intimating that a great island lay 
in that direction, where it was to be found in abundance. On the 
3d of May, therefore, Columbus turned his prow directly south, and 
abandoning the coast of Cuba for a time, steered in quest of this 
reported island. He had not sailed many leagues before the blue 
summits of Jamaica began to rise above the horizon. It was two 
days and a night, however, before he reached it, filled with admira- 



(«33) 



234 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

tion as he gradually drew near, at its vast extent, the beauty of its 
mountains, the majesty of its forests, and the great number of 
villages which animated the whole face of the countr3^ 

He coasted the island from about the center to a port at the 
western end, which he called the gulf of Buentiempo. He found 
the natives more ingenious as well as more warlike than those of 
Cuba and Hayti. Their canoes were constructed with more art, 
and ornamented at the bow and stern with carving and painting. 
Many were of great size, though formed of the hollow trunks of 
single trees, often a species of the mahogany. Columbus measured 
one which proved to be ninety-six feet long and eight broad; it 
was hollowed out of one of those magnificent trees which rise like 
verdant towers amidst the rich forests of the tropics. Every cacique 
possessed a large canoe of the kind, which he seemed to regard as 
his galle}' of state. The Spaniards at first were treated with hos- 
tility, and were compelled to skirmish with the natives, but a 
friendl}' intercourse succeeded. 

Columbus being disappointed in his hopes of finding gold in 
Jamaica, and the breeze being fair for Cuba, he determined to return 
thither. Just as he was about to sail, a young Indian came off to 
the ship, and begged that the Spaniards would take him with them 
to their countr}'. He was followed b}- his relatives and friends, 
supplicating him to abandon his purpose. For some time he was 
distracted between concern for their distress, and an ardent desire 
to see the home of the wonderful strangers. Curiosity, and the 
youthful propensity to rove, at length prevailed ; he tore himself 
from the embraces of his friends, and took refuge in a secret part 
of the ship, from the tears and entreaties of his sisters. Touched by 
this scene of natural affection, and pleased with the confiding spirit 
of the youth, Columbus ordered that he should be treated with es- 
pecial kindness. 

It would have been interesting to have known something more 
of this curious savage, and of the effect which the first sight of the 
land of the white men had upon his mind, whether it equaled his 
hopes ; or whether, as is usual with savages, he pined, amidst the 
splendors of cities, for his native forests; and whether he ever re- 
turned to the arms of his family. The vSpanish voyagers, however, 
were indifferent to these matters ; no further mention is made in 
their narratives of this vouthful adventurer 



OF COLUMBUS. 



235 



Having steered again for Cnba, Colnmbns, on the iSth of May, 
arrived at a great cape, to which he gave the name of Cabo de la 
Cruz, which it still retains. Coasting to the west, he soon got en- 
tangled in a complete labyrinth of small islands and keys; some of 
them were low, naked, and sandy, others covered with verdure, and 
others tufted with lofty and beautiful forests. To this archipelago, 
which extended as far as the eye could reach, and, in a manner, 
enamelled the face of the ocean with variegated verdure, he gave 
the name of the Queen's Garden. He persuaded 
himself that these were the islands mentioned 
by Sir John Alandeville, and Marco Polo, as fring- 
ing the coast of Asia; if so, he must soon arrive 
at the dominions of the Grand Khan. 

There was much in the character of the 
scenerv to favor the idea. As the ships glided 
along the smooth and glassy channels which 
separated the islands, the magniiicence of their 
vegetation, the soft odors wafted from flowers, 
and blossoms, and aromatic shrubs, the splen- 
did plumage of scarlet cranes, flamingoes, and 
other tropical birds, and tlie gaudy clouds of 
butterflies, all resembled what is described of 
oriental climes. 

Emerging from the labyrinth of the Queen's 
Garden, Columbus pursued his voyage with a 
prosperous breeze along that part of the 
southern side of Cuba, where, for nearlj- thirty- 
five leagues, the navigation is free from banks 
and islands; to his left was the broad and open 
sea, whose dark-blue color gave token of ample 
depth ; to his right extended a richly-wooded 
country, called Ornofay, with noble mountains, 
frequent streams, and numerous villages. The appearance of 
the ships spread wonder and joj- along the coast. The na- 
tives came off swimming, or in canoes, to offer fruits and other 
presents. After the usual evening shower, when the breeze 
blew^ from the shore, and brought off the sweetness of the land, it 
bore with it also the distant songs of the natives, and the sound of 
their rude music, as they were probably celebrating, with their na- 




FIR5T MAP OF CUBA 



236 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



tional chants and dances, the arrival of these wonderful strangers 
on their coasts. 

Animated by the delusions of his fancy, Columbus continued 
to follow up this supposed continent of Asia ; plunging into another 
wilderness of kej'S and islets towards the western end of Cuba, and 
exploring that perplexed and lonely coast, whose intricate channels 
are seldom visited, even at the present day, except by the lurking 
bark of the smuggler and the pirate. 

In this na\igation he had to contend with almost incredible 
difnculties and perils ; his vessels having to be warped through 
narrow and shallow passages, where they frecjuently ran aground. 
He was encouraged to proceed by information which he received, 
or fancied he received, from the natives, concerning a country 
farther on called Mangon, where the people wore clothing, and which 
he supposed must be Mangi, the rich Asiatic province described 
by Marco Polo. He also iinderstood from them, that among the 
mountains to the west there was a powerful king, who reigned 
in great state over many populous provinces ; that he wore a 
white garment wliich swept the ground, that he was called a 
saint, and never spoke, but communicated his orders to his 
subjects by signs. In all this we see the busy imagination 
of Columbus interpreting the imperfectly understood com- 
munications of the Indians into unison with his precon- 
ceived ideas. This fancied king with a saintly title was 
probably conjured iip in his mind by some descriptions which 
he thought accorded with what he had read of that mysterious 
potentate Prester John, who had long figured, sometimes as a 
monarch, sometimes as a priest, in the narrations of all 
eastern travelers. His crews seem to have partaken of his 

delusion. One day a party being 
sent on shore for Avood and water, 
while they were emplo3-ed in cutting 
wood and filling their water casks, 
an archer strayed into the forest, 
with his crossbow, in search of game, 
but soon returned, flying in breath- 
less terror. He declared that he 
had seen through an opening glade 
a man dressed in long white robes, 




THE EXPEDaiON IN QUEST OF THE INHABITANTS OF MANGON. 




THE EMPEROR MONTEZUMA. 

THE POWERFUL KING MENTJOKEO TO COLUMBUS BY THE NATIVES OF CUBA, AS THE POTENTATE WHO REIGNED AMONG THE MOUNTAINS TO THE WEST. 

THE PICTURE RECONSTRUCTED FROM THE DATA FURNISHED BY THE RAMIREZ MSS- AND CLAVIGERO'S RESEARCH 



(237) 



238 



THE LIKE AND VOYAGES 



followed by two others in white tunics reaching to their knees, and 
that they had complexions as fair as Europeans. 

Columbus was rejoiced at this intelligence, hoping that he had 
found the clothed inhabitants of Mangon. Two parties were des- 
patched, well armed, in quest of these people in white ; the first re- 
turned unsuccessful ; the other brought word of having tracked the 
footprints of some large animal with claws, supposed by them to 
have been either a lion or a griffin ; but which most probably was 
an alligator. Dismayed at the sight, they hastened back to the sea- 
side. As no tribe of Indians wearing clothing was ever discovered 
in Cuba, it is probable the men in white were nothing else than a 
flock of cranes, seen by the wandering archer. These birds, like 
the flamingoes, feed in company, with one stationed at a distance 
as a sentinel. When seen through an opening of the woodlands, 
standing in rows in a shallow glassy pool, their height and erect- 
ness give them, at first glance, the semblance of human figures. 




CHAPTER XXIV. 



RETURN VOYAGE. 11494 1 



|OLr]\IBUS now hoped, b}' contin- 
uing on, to arrive ultimately at 
the Aura Chersonesus* of the 
ancients; doubling which, he 
might make his way to the Red 
Sea, thence to Joppa, and so by 
the jMediterranean to Spain; or 
might circumnavigate Africa, 
pass triumphantly by the Portu- 
guese as they were groping along 
coast of Guinea, and after having 
thus circumnavigated the globe, furl 
his adventurous sails at the Pillars of 
Hercules,! the ne j>Ius ultra of the 
ancient world. But, though his fel- 
low-voyagers shared his opinion that 
they were coasting the continent 
of Asia, they were far from sharing his enthusiasm, and shrunk 
from the increasing perils of the voyage. The ships were strained 
and crazed by frequently running aground. The cables and rigging 
were much worn, the provisions nearly exhausted, and the crews 
worn out and disheartened by incessant labor. The admiral, there- 

*The golden Peninsula. The ancients understood by that the modern island of 
Malacca. 

t Pillars of Hercules. The God Hercules is supposed to'have erected columns as boun- 
dary marks to indicate the terminal points of his travels. 




THE CAPH10LO PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. 

FROM AN ITALIAN WORK PUBLISHED IN ROME 

IN 1^96 



f»1«1 



240 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



fore, was finally persuaded to abandon all further prosecution of 
the voyage; but, before he turned back, he obliged the whole of 
the officers and seamen to sign a deposition, declaring their perfect 
conviction that Cuba was a continent, the beginning and the end 
of India. This singular instrument was signed near that deep bay 
called by some the ba}' of Philipina, by others, of Cortes. At this 
very time, a ship-boy from the mast-head might have overlooked 
the group of islands to the south, and have beheld the open sea 

H; ; \ beyond. Had Columbus continued 



on for two or three da^'S longer, 
he would have passed round the 
extremity of Cuba; his illusion 
would have been dispelled, and 
an entirely different course might 
have been given to his subsequent 
discoveries. 

Returning now towards the east, 
the crews suffered excessively 
from fatigue, and a scarcity of 
provisions. At length, on the 
7th of Jul}', the}' anchored at the 
mouth of a fine river, in a genial 
and abundant countr\', which the}' 
had previously visited, as the}' 
had come down along the coast. 
Here the natives brought them 
provisions of various kinds. It 
was a custom with Columbus to 
erect crosses in all remarkable 
places, to denote the discovery of 
the country, and its subjugation to the true faith. This was done on 
the banks of this river, on a Sunday morning, with great ceremony. 
Columbus was attended by the cacique, and by his principal favor- 
ite, a venerable Indian, fourscore years of age. While mass was 
performed in a stately grove, the natives looked on with awe and 
reverence. When it was ended, the old man of fourscore made a 
speech to Columbus in the Indian manner. "I am told," said he, 
" that thou hast lately come to these lauds with a mighty force, and 




A CUBAN CACIQUE ADDRESSES COLUMBUS ON THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL. 




(=4U 



OF COLUMBUS. 243 

hast" subdued many countries, spreading great fear among the peo- 
ple ; but be not therefore vain-glorious. Know that, according to 
our belief, the souls of men have two journeys to perform after 
they have departed from the bod}-; one to a place dismal, foul, and 
covered with darkness, prepared for such as have been unjust and 
cruel to their fellow-men; the other full of delight, for such as 
have promoted peace on earth. If, then, thou art mortal, and dost 
expect to die, beware that thou hurt no man wrongfully, neither do 
harm to those -who have done no harm to thee." 

When this speech was explained to Columbus by his inter- 
preter, he was greatly moved by the simple eloquence of this untu- 
tored savage, and rejoiced to hear his doctrine of a future state of 
the soul, having supposed that no belief of the kind existed among 
the inhabitants of these countries. He assured the old man that 
he had been sent by his sovereigns to teach them the true religion, 
to protect them from harm, and to subdue their enemies the Car- 
ibs. The venerable Indian was exceedingly astonished to learn that 
the admiral, whom he had considered so great and powerful, was 
yet but a subject ; and when he was told by the interpreter vi^ho had 
been in Spain, of the grandeur of the Spanish monarchs, and of 
the wonders of their kingdom, a sudden desire seized him to em- 
bark with the admiral, and accompany him to see this wonderful 
country, and it was with diihculty the tears and remonstrances of 
his wife and children could dissuade him from his purpose. 

After leaving this river, to which, from the solemn mass per- 
formed on its banks, Columbus gave the name of Rio de la Misa, 
he continued on to Cape Cruz, and then stood over to Jamaica, to 
complete the circumnavigation of that island. For nearly a month 
he continued beating to the eastward along its southern coast, com- 
ing to anchor every evening under the land, and making but slow 
progress. Anchoring one evening in a great bay, he was visited by 
a cacique with a numerous train, who remained until a late hour 
conversing with the Lucayan interpreter, who had been in Spain, 
about the Spaniards and their country, and their prowess in van- 
quishing the Caribs. 

On the following morning, when the ships were under weigh, 
they beheld three canoes issuing from among the islands of the 
bay. The center one was large, and handsomely carved and painted. 
In it were seated the cacique and his family, consisting of two daugh- 



244 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




PLUS ULTRA. 

THE DiSCOveRY OF AMERICA. 

AN ALLEGORY IN MARBLE, REPRESENTING 

THE SPANISH LION TAKING POSSESSION OF 

AMERICA AND BRINGING IT UNDER THE 

DOMINION OF THE CROSS. 

ESCURIAL, MADRID. 



ters, young and beautiful, two sons, and five brothers. They were 
all arrayed in their jewels, and attended by the officers of the chief- 
tain, decorated with plumes and mantles of variegated feathers. 
The standard-bearer stood in the prow with a fluttering white ban- 
ner, while other Indians, fancifully painted, beat upon tabors, or 
sounded trumpets of fine black wood ingeniously carved. The ca- 
cique, entering on board of the ship, distributed presents among 
the crew, and approaching the admiral, " I have heard," said he, 
" of the irresistible power of thy sovereigns, and of the many na- 
tions thou hast subdued in their name. Thou hast destroyed the 
dwellings of the Caribs, slaying their warriors, and carrying their 
wives and children into captivity. All the islands are in 
dread of thee, for who can withstand thee, now that thou 
knowest the secrets of the land, and the weakness of the 
people ? Rather, therefore, than thou shouldst take away 
my dominions, I will embark with all my household in 
thy ships, and will go to render homage to thy king and 
queen, and behold thy country, of which I hear such 
wonders." 

When this speech was interpreted to Columbus, and 
he beheld the wife, the sons, and daughters of the cacique, 
and considered to what ills they they would be exposed, 
he was touched with compassion, and determined not to 
take them from their native land. He received the cacique 
under his protection, as a vassal of his sovereigns, but 
informed him that he had many lands yet to visit, before 
he should return to his own country. He dismissed 
him, therefore, for the present, promising that at some 
future time he would gratif}^ his wishes. 

On the 19th of August, Columbus lost sight of the eastern 
extremity of Jamaica, and on the following day made that long 
peninsula of Hayti, since called Cape Tiburon, but to which he gave 
the name of San Miguel. He coasted the whole of the southern 
side of the island, and had to take refuge in the channel of Saona, 
from a violent storm which raged for several days, during which 
time he suffered great anxiety for the fate of the other vessels, 
which remained at sea, exposed to the fury of the tempest. Being 
rejoined by them, and the weather having moderated, he set sail 
eastward with the intention of completing the discovery of the 



OF COLUMBUS. 



245 



Caribbee Islands, but his physical strength did not correspond to 
the efforts of his spirit. The extraordinary fatigues which he had 
suffered, both in mind and body, during this harassing voyage, 
which had lasted for five months, had secretly preyed upon his 
health. He had shared in all the hardships and privations of the 
common seamen, and he had cai^es and trials from which they were 
exempt. When the sailor, worn out with the labors of his watch, 
slept soundly, in spite of the howling of the storms, the anxious 
commander maintained his painful vigil, through long sleepless 
nights, amidst the pelting of the tempest and the drenching surges 
of the sea, for the safety of the ships depended upon his watchful- 
ness. During a great part of the voyage, he had been excited by 
the hope of soon arriving at the known parts of India, he was 
afterwards stimulated by a conflict with hardships and perils, as he 
made his way back against contrary winds and currents. The mo- 
ment he was relieved from all solicitude, and found himself in a 
tranquil sea, which he had already explored, the excitement sud- 
denly ceased, and mind and body sunk exhausted by almost super- 
human exertions. He fell into a deep lethargy, resembling death 
itself His crew feared that death was really at hand. They aban- 
doned, therefore, all farther prosecution of the voyage, and spread- 
ing their sails to a favorable breeze from the east, bore Columbus 
back, in a state of complete insensibility, to the harbor of Isabella. 




CHAPTER XXV. 



EVENTS IN THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA. INSURRECTIONS OF THE NATIVES. EXPEDITION OF 

OJEDA AGAINST CAONABO. (l494.) 



JOYFUL and heartfelt sur- 
prise awaited Columbus 
on his arrival, in finding, 
at his bedside, his 
brother Bartholomew, 
the companion of his 
youth, his zealous co- 
adjutor, and, in a man- 
ner, his second self, 
from whom he had been 
separated for several 
3'ears. It will be recollect- 
ed, that about the time of the 
admiral's departure for Portugal, 
he commissioned Bartholomew 
to repair to England, and offer his 
p r o j e c t of discoverv "***=^^^^ to Henry the Seventh. Various 
circumstances occurred to delay this application. There is reason 
to believe that, in the interim, he accompanied Bartholomew Diaz 
in that celebrated voyage, in the course of which the Cape of Good 
Hope was discovered. On his way to England, also, Bartholomew 
Columbus was captured by a corsair, and reduced to extreme pov- 
erty. It is but justice to the memorj' of Henry the Seventh to say, 
that when, after a lapse of several years, the proposition was event- 
ually made to him, it met with a more prompt attention than it had 
received from any other sovereign. An agreement was actually 




(246) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



247 



made with Bartholomew, for the prosecution of the enterprise, and 
the latter departed for Spain in search of his brother. On reach- 
ing Paris, he received intelligence that the discovery was 
already made, and that his brother was actually at the 
Spanish court, enjoying his triumph, and pre- ^- .,^^^^^ _ 
paring to sail on a second expedition , tv-r r'"^*!^ "^=^i>^^'^^'^, <yv~ 
He hastened to rejoin him, and was fui- fi- ^Vp-^k^ 4 «( | lb r.-JC ^^Jjly^^ 
nished by the French monarch, Charles 
the Eighth, with a hundred crowns to de- 
fray the expenses of the journey. He 
reached Seville just as his brother had 
sailed ; but beinc' an accomplished navi- 
gator, the sovereigns gave him the d.rt 
command of three ships, freighted 
with supplies for the colony, and sent 
him to aid his brother in his enterprises 
He again arrived too late, reaching the 
settlement of Isabella just after the depait- 
ure of the admiral for the coast of Cuba. 

The sight of this brother was an inex- 
pressible relief to Columbus, disabled as he "^ '■S^v^!!:^ '-'^^'? 

was by sickness, overwhelmed with cares, and ^*" 

surrounded by strangers. His chief dependence had hitherto been 
upon his brother, Don Diego ; but the latter was of a mild and 
peaceable disposition, with an inclination for a clerical life, and was 
but little fitted to manage the affairs of a factious colon}'. Bar- 
tholomew was of a diitcrent and more efficient character. He was 
prompt, active, decided, and of a fearless spirit ; whatever he deter- 
mined he carried into instant execution, without regard 
to difficulty or danger. His person corresponded tc 
mind ; it was tall, muscular, vigorous, and command- 
ing. He had an air of great authority, but some- 
what stern, wanting that sweetness and benignity 
which tempered the authoritative demeanor of 
the admiral. Indeed, there was a certain asperity 
in his temper, and a dryness and abruptness in 
liis manners, which made him many enemies ; 
3-et, notwithstanding these external defects, he 
was of a generous disposition, free from arrogance 
or malevolence, and as placable as he was brave. 




14 




SEAL OF CHARLES VIII. 



248 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

He was a thorough seaman, both in theory and practice, having 
been formed, in a great measure, under the eye of the admiral, to 
whom he was but little inferior in science. He was acquainted with 
Latin, but does not appear to have been highly educated ; his knowl- 
edge, like that of his brother, being chiefly derived from a long 
course of varied experience and attentive observation, aided by the 
studies of maturer vears. Equally vigorous and penetrating in in- 
tellect with the admiral, but less enthusiastic in spirit and soaring 
in imagination, and with less simplicity of heart, he surpassed him 
in the adroit management of business, was more attentive to pecu- 
niarv interests, and had more of that worldly wisdom which is so 
important in the ordinary concerns of life. His genius might never 
have excited him to the sublime speculation which led to the dis- 
covery of a world, but his practical sagacity was calculated to turn 
that discovery to more advantage. 

Anxious to relieve himself from tlie pressure of public busi- 
ness, during his present malady, Columbus immediately invested 
his brother with the title and authority of adelantado,* an office 
equivalent to that of lieutenant-governor. He felt the importance 
of his assistance in the present critical state of the colony; for, 
during the few months that he had been absent, the whole island 
had become a scene of violence and discord. A brief retrospect is 
here necessary, to explain the cause of this confusion. 

Pedro Margarite, to whom Columbus, on his departure, had 
given orders to make a military tour of the island, set forth on his 
expedition with the greater part of the forces, leaving Alonzo de 
Ojeda in command of Fort St. Thomas. Instead, however, of pro- 
ceeding on his tour, Margarite lingered among the populous and 
hospitable villages of the vega, where he and his soldiery, by their 
licentious and oppressive conduct, soon roused the indignation and 
hatred of the natives. Tidings of their excesses reached Don Diego 
Columbus, who, with the concurrence of the council, wrote to Mar- 
garite, reprehending his conduct, and ordering him to depart on 
his tour. Margarite replied in a haughty and arrogant tone, pre- 
tending to consider himself independent in his command, and above 
all responsibility to Don Diego or his council. He was supported 
in his tone of defiance by a kind of aristocratical party com- 

* Adelantado, formerly governor of a province ; now a title of honor of some Spanish 
families. 



OF COLUMBUS. 249 

posed of the idle cavaliers of the colony, who had been deeply wound- 
ed in the pundonor, the proud punctilio so jealously guarded by a 
Spaniard, and affected to look down with contempt upon the newly- 
coined nobility of Don Diego, and to consider Columbus and his 
brothers mere mercenary and upstart foreigners. In addition to 
these partisans, ]\Iargarite had a powerful ally in his fellow-coun- 
tryman, Friar Boyle, the apostolical vicar for the new world, an 
intriguing man, who had conceived a violent hostility against the 
admiral, and had become disgusted with his mission to the wilder- 
ness. A cabal was soon formed of most of those who were disaf- 
fected to the admiral, and discontented with their abode in the 
colony. Margarite and Friar Boyle acted as if possessed of para- 
mount authority ; and, without consulting Don Diego or the council, 
took possession of certain ships in the harbor, and set sail for Spain, 
with their adherents. They were both favorites of the king, and 
deemed it would be an easy matter to justify their abandonment of 
their military and religious commands, by a pretended zeal for the 
public good, and a desire to represent to the sovereigns the disas- 
trous state of the colony, and the t3'ranny and oppression of Co- 
lumbus and his brothers. Thus the first general and apostle of the 
new world set the flagrant example of unauthorized abandonment 
of their posts. 

The departure of Margarite left the army without a head ; the 
soldiers now roved about in bands, or singly, according to their 
caprice, indulging in all kinds of excesses. The natives, indignant 
at having their hospitality thus requited, refused any longer to 
furnish them with food ; the Spaniards, therefore, seized upon pro- 
visions wherever they could be found, committing, at the same time, 
many acts of wanton violence. At length the Indians were roused 
to resentment, and, from confiding and hospitable hosts, were con- 
verted into vindictive enemies. They slew the Spaniards wherever 
they could surprise them singly or in small parties ; and Guati- 
guana, cacique of a large town on the Grand River, put to death 
ten soldiers who were quartered in his town, set fire to a house in 
which forty sick Spaniards were lodged, and even held a small fort- 
ress called Magdalena, recently built in the vega, in a state of siege, 
insomuch, that the commander had to shut himself up within its 
walls, until relief should arrive from the settlement. 

The most formidable enemy of the Spaniards was Caonabo, the 



250 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Carib cacique of the mountains. He had natural talents for war, 
great sagacity, a proud and daring spirit to urge him on, three val- 
iant brothers to assist him, and ? numerous tribe at his command. 
He had been enraged at seeing the fortress of St. Thomas erected 
in the very center of his dominions ; and finding by his spies that 
the garrison was reduced to but fifty men, and the army of Marga- 
rite dismembered, he thought the time had arrived to strike a sig- 
nal blow, and to repeat the horrors which he had wreaked upon La 
Navidad. 

The wily cacique, however, had a different kind of an enemy 
to deal with in the commander of St. Thomas. Alonzo de Ojeda 
deserves particular notice as a specimen of the singular characters 
which arose among the Spanish discoverers. He had been schooled 
in Moorish warfare, and of course versed in all kinds of militarv 
stratagems. Naturally of a rash and fiery spirit, his courage w. 
heightened by superstition. Having never received a wound in his 
numerous quarrels and encounters, he considered himself under 
the special protection of the holy Virgin, and that no weapon had 
power to harm him. He had a small Flemish painting of the Vir- 
gin, which he carried constantly with him ; in his marches he bore 
it in his knapsack, and would often take it out, fix it against a tree, 
and address his prayers to liis militar}- patroness. In a word, he 
swore by the Virgin ; he invoked the Virgin either in brawl or bat- 
tle ; and under favor of the Virgin he was ready for any enterprise 
or adventure. Such was Alonzo de Ojeda, bigoted in devotion, 
reckless in life, fearless in spirit, like manv of the roving Spanish 
cavaliers of those days. 

Having reconnoitered the fortress of St. Thomas, Cao- 
nabo assembled ten thousand warriors, armed 
with war clubs, bows and arrows, and lances, 
hardened in the fire, and led them secretlv 
through the forests, thinking to surprise 
Ojeda; but found him waril}- drawn up within 
his fortress, which was built upon a hill, and 
nearl}^ surrounded bv a river. Caonabo then 
held the fortress in siege for thirty days, and 
reduced it to great distress. He lost many of 
his bravest warriors, however, by the impetu- 
ous sallies of Ojeda; others grew weary of the 




OK COLUMBUS. 



251 



siege and returned home. He at length relinquished the attempt, 
and retired, filled with admiration of the prowess of Ojeda. 

The restless chieftain now endeavored to form a league of the 
principal caciques of the island to unite their forces, surprise the 
settlement of Isabella, and massacre the Spaniards wherever they 
could be found. To explain this combination, it is necessarv to 
state the internal distribution of the island. It was divided into 
five domains, each governed by a sovereign cacique of absolute and 
hereditary powers, having many inferior caciques tributary to him. 
The most important domain comprised the middle part of the royal 
vega, and was governed by Guarionex. The second was Marion, 
under the swav of Guacanagari, on whose coast Columbus had been 
wrecked. The third was ]\Iaguana, which included the gold mines 
of Cibao, and was under the sway of Caonabo. The fourth was 
Xaragua, at the western end of the 
island, the most populous and ex- 
tensive of all. The sovereign was 
named Behechio. The fifth domain 
was Higue}', and occupied the whole 
eastern part of the island, but had 
not as yet been visited by the 
Spaniards. The name of the cacique 
was Cotabanama. 

Three of these sovereign ca- 
ciques readily entered into the 
league with Caonabo, for the profligate conduct of the Spaniards 
had inspired hostilit}' even in remote parts of the island, which had 
never been visited by them. The league, however, met with unex- 
pected opposition from the fifth cacique, Guacanagari. He not 
merely refused to join the conspiracy, Init entertained a hundred 
Spaniards in his territory, supplying all their wants with his ac- 
customed generosity. This drew upon him the odium and hostility 
of his fellow-caciques, who inflicted on him various injuries and 
indignities. Behechio killed one of his wives, and Caonabo carried 
another away captive. Nothing, however, could shake the devotion 
of Guacanagari to the Spaniards; and as his dominions lay immedi- 
ately adjacent to the settlement, his refusal to join in the conspir- 
acy prevented it from being immediately carried into effect. 

Such was the critical state to which the affairs of the island 



IIISPANIOLA 

And Provinces 
according to the 
Native Divisions 




252 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

had been reduced, and such the bitter hostility engendered among 
its kind and gentle inhabitants, during the absence of Columbus. 
Immediately on his return, and while he was yet confined to his 
bed, Guacanagari visited him, and revealed to him all the designs 
of the confederate caciques, offering to lead his subjects to the field, 
and to fight b}- the side of the Spaniards. Columbus had always 
retained a deep sense of the ancient kindness of Guacanagari, and 
was rejoiced to have all suspicion of his good faith thus effect- 
ually dispelled. Their former amicable intercourse was renewed, 
and the chieftain ever continued to evince an affectionate reverence 
for the admiral. 

Columbus considered the confederacy of the caciques as bvit 
imperfectly formed, and trusted that, from their want of skill and 
experience in warfare, their plans might easily be disconcerted. 
He was too ill to take the field in person, his brother Diego was 
not of a military character, and Bartholomew was yet a stranger 
among the Spaniards, and regarded with jealousy. He determined, 
therefore, to proceed against the Indians in detail, attacking some, 
conciliating others, and securing certain of the most formidable 
by stratagem. 

A small force was accordingly sent to relieve Fort Magdalena, 
which was beleaguered by Guatiguana, the caciqne of the Grand 
River, who had massacred the Spaniards quartered in his town. 
He was driven from before the fortress, his country laid waste, and 
many of his warriors slain, but the chieftain made his escape. As 
he was tributary to Guarionex, the sovereign of the royal vega, 
care was taken to explain to that powerful cacique that this was an 
act of mere individual punishment, not of general hostility. Gua- 
rionex was of a quiet and placable disposition; he was easily 
soothed and won to friendship ; and, to link him in some degree to 
the Spanish interest, Columbus prevailed upon him to give his 
daughter in marriage to the converted Lucayan, who had been bap- 
tized in Spain by the name of Diego Colon, and who was devoted 
to the admiral. He gained permission from him also to erect a 
fortress in the midst of his territories, which he named Fort Con- 
ception. 

The most formidable enemy remained to be disposed of, which 
was Caonabo ; to make war upon this fierce and subtle chieftain in 
the depths of his wild woodland territory, and among the fastnesses 



OF COLUMBUS. 253 

of his mountains, would have been a work of time, peril, and uncer- 
tain issue. In the mean while, the settlements would never be safe 
from his secret combinations and daring enterprises, nor could the 
mines be worked with securit}-, as they la}- in his neighborhood. 
While perplexed on this subject, Columbus was relieved b}' a prop- 
osition of Alonzo de Ojeda, who undertook to bring the Carib chief- 
tain either a friend or captive to the settlement. 

Choosing ten bold and hardy followers, well armed and well 
mounted, and invoking the protection of his patroness the Virgin, 
Ojeda plunged into the forest, and making his wa}' above sixty 
leagues into the wild territories of Caonabo, appeared fearlessh- be- 
fore the cacique in one of his most populous towns, professing to 
come on an amicable embassy from the admiral. He was well re- 
ceived by Caonabo, who had tried him in battle, and had conceived a 
warrior's admiration of him. The free, dauntless deportment, great 
personal strength and agility, and surprising adroitness of Ojeda in 
all manly and warlike exercises, were calculated to charm a savage, 
and soon made him a favorite with Caonabo. He used all his influence 
to prevail upon the cacique to repair to Isabella, and enter into a 
treaty with Columbus, offering him, it is said, as an inducement, the 
bell of the chapel at the harbor. This bell was the wonder of the 
island. When its melody sounded through the forests, as it rung for 
mass, the Indians had noticed that the Spaniards hastened from all 
parts to the chapel. At other times, when it gave the vesper-peal, they 
beheld the Spaniards pause in the midst of their labors or amuse- 
ments, and, taking off their hats, repeat a prayer with great devo- 
tion. They imagined, therefore, that this bell had some mysterious 
power; that it had come from the "Turey," or the skies, and was 
the zemi of the white men ; that it talked to them, and they obej-ed 
its orders. Caonabo had longed to see this bell, and when it was 
proffered to him as a present of peace, he found it impossible to 
resist the temptation. 

He agreed to visit the admiral at the harbor ; but when the 
time came to depart, Ojeda beheld with surprise a powerful army 
ready to march. He remonstrated on taking such a force on a 
mere friendly visit, to which the cacique proudly replied, " that 
it was not befitting a great prince like him to go forth scantily 
guarded." Ojeda feared some sinister design, and, to outwit the 
cacique, had resort to a stratagem which has the air of a romantic 



254 THE L1"K AND VOYAGES 

fable, but is recorded b}- all the contemporary historians, and ac- 
cords with the adventurous and extravagant character of the man, 
and the wild stratagems incident to Indian warfare. 

As the army had halted one day near the river Yegua, Ojeda 
produced a set of manacles of polished steel, so highly burnished 
that they looked like silver. These he assured Caonabo were orna- 
ments worn by the Castilian monarchs on high festivities, and were 
sent as a present to him. He proposed that Caonabo should bathe 
in the river, after which he should be decorated with these orna- 
ments, mounted on the horse of Ojeda, and conducted back in the 
state of a Spanish monarch to astonish his subjects. The cacique 
was dazzled with the splendor of the shackles, and pleased with the 
idea of bestriding one of those tremendous animals so dreaded by 
his countrymen. He bathed in the river, mounted behind Ojeda, 
and the shackles were adjusted. The Spaniards then pranced among 
the astonished savages, and made a wide sweep into the forest, un- 
til the trees concealed them from sight. They then drew their 
swords, closed round Caonabo, and threatened him with instant 
death, if he made the least noise or resistance. They bound him 
with cords to Ojeda, to prevent his falling or effecting an escape ; 
then putting spurs to their horses, they dashed across the Yegua, 
made off through the woods with their prize, and after a long, rug- 
ged, and perilous journey, entered Isabella in triumph; Ojeda bring- 
ing the wild Indian chieftain bound behind him a captive. 

Columbus could not refrain from expressing his great satisfac- 
tion when this dangerous foe was delivered into his hands. The 
haughty Carib met him with a lofty and unsubdued air, disdaining 
to conciliate him by submission, or to deprecate his vengeance for 
his massacre of the garrison of La Navidad. He even boasted 
that he had secretly reconnoitered Isabella, with the design of 
wreaking on it the same destruction. He never evinced the least 
animosity against Ojeda for the artifice by which he had been cap- 
tured. He looked upon it as the exploit of a master spirit, to 
pounce upon him, and bear him off in this hawk-like manner, from 
the very midst of his fighting men, for there is nothing that an 
Indian more admires in warfare than a deep-laid and well-executed 
stratagem. Whenever Columbus entered the prison of Caonabo, 
all present rose, according to custom, and paid him reverence. 
The cacique alone remained sitting. On the contrary, when Ojeda 




i^35) 



OF COLUMBUS. 257 

entered, though small in person, and without external state, Cao- 
nabo immediately rose and saluted him with profound respect. On 
being asked the reason of this, the proud Carib replied that the 
admiral had never dared to come personally to his dominions and 
capture him; it was oulj' through the valor of Ojeda he was 
his prisoner; to the latter alone, therefore, he should pay rev- 
erence. 

Columbus, though struck with the natural heroism of this savage, 
considered him too dangerous an enemy to be left at large. He 
maintained him, therefore, a close prisoner in a part of his own 
dwelling, until he could be shipped to Spain, but treated him with 
great kindness and respect. One of the brothers of the cacique 
assembled an army in hopes of surprising the fortress of St. 
Thomas, and capturing a number of Spaniards, for whom he might 
obtain Caonabo in exchange ; but Ojeda received intelligence of his 
design, and coming upon him suddenly, attacked him with his 
little troop of horse, routed his army, killed many of his warriors, 
and took him prisoner. 








3" 
O 

3 
P 
C 

CJq' 









p 
cr 



C/l 



crq 



r^ cm ^ 

"T* '-^ -r' ns 



(T 



P? a. 

o ^ 

C ET 

O 3 



n 



O 

c 

3 

o 



P oq 
3 -n 

O. P 



o 

If 

1 3 

t/i crq 

n- o 

3- w 

re o 



X 
p 

3 
D. 
re 



3" 






3 
P 

3 



fcd 

O > 
S ^ 






o 



o 

o 



W 



o 
> o 

O H^ 



a- 



a. o' 






P 



i=P « 5 3 



C TO -^ o" 

;;! =^ S s 



O ™ Oi 



Ci a O -73 

- 5- 2 r^ 



•^ m o Pi 









:r- <"'• 


^ 


a- '^ 


3 


rt 


e. 



O 3 



=! O 



„ ^ TO C- 



^ 1 -^ o 



3 2 



3 



3 



CL 3 



O- "^ =- 



^ 


=r 


:i^ 


O 


*-< 




;_f" 


-t 




^ 


o 






^ 


w 




TQ 




3 


O 


■-1 




1 — . 


D 



a. ci. Q, a. 



;:; o 



o 
o 

3 
Q 

g 

o 

5 

3 



o 

'. TO 






3 



< 

o 



T3 
•-t 






rD -^ 3 

^ O TO 

« 2. -J 

3 ^ C 

a. o "■ 

p o 

?r 3 a- 



o 



w p 
p 3 



n 2. 



n 5 






O^ G- -1 „ 
"T? ^ S- P 



TO 

O 

o 

CL 



o 
o 



TO 
O 
CL 



. P 
C 

3 
TO 

Q 



c- o 
o o 



P X 

Cl * 
n 



31 re 



CL 

n CL 



re 



TO 

O 
CL P 



S- 3 
3- O 



O 
D- P 

o o_ 

3 >^ 

r^ rr 

o n 



a. o 

■ a- 



O re 
=; 3 



-I -I 

cr <^ 



g-^ 



p 

c 



p 



« g 

3- n 
o 



^ ° 



3- 
n 

3 



P 
3 
CL 



3- 
o 



re ^ 
„ O 

3" T-! 



o 



re P 
CL^ 

S =^ 
P 

a. 

re re ^ 

>" ■— o 

O fe rt" 

O r^ 

3- "H. S 3- 

re re re re 



<: 3 
re TO' 
r, re 



o- 

o ^ 
c o 



O -1 

< re 

CL O 

re ^ 

HH re 



re 

° r 

>^ 
-o 

o cr 

?? p 

p :i 

— re 



re 



re C, 
3-§ 

o 2 

re 3' 

r „ 

o 3- 
re re 

£ *3 
-J p 
o- ;:!. 
a- "■ 



p 

re 



a 



^ ^ n 



3- 
re 



re Jj 



CL 
P 


. 


'•< 





0' 


v: 




3 


^ 







R- 


P^ 


a 

(SI 





Ff" 


n ^ 


^ 


•t3 

re 


P 


re 


'.'W 





re 




3 


a * 




p 


■^ 





r 




'j'j 


re 


X t^ 




CL 


Pi- 


C/) 


X 3 


f^ 


T) 


re 




7^ 




3 


P 





:<' 


►Tj 




CL 



TT 3> CL 

2 S S 

^ re K^ 

fe ^ 3 

o -■ 



o p 

re TO 
3 
p 

ri cr. 

P o 



m 



P Ji 3 3 



S " 5 

'^ r; 0" 
3-33 

re j:i • 

O) -' 

[J- O P 

'^/3- = 

3 re 

— ' ^ "^ 

;s n re 



P 



re 



3 O „ 

3 3 >^ 

CL » 

re -■ 



re 



re 



o 

J-' 3 CL 

O 

3- CL 3 

p^ 5' 
c, ^ " 

3 O crq 

3-1 
3 CL 3 



P H-( 



o c: 



3 

^ o 
5' 



2 "S 



CL 3 

■ ■ n 

-> O, 3- 

3^ ^ p 

p "^ -< 

— ^ re 



3" 
re 



O 
-I 
re 

cr 
re 
re 



3 „ 
CL o 



3 3 



D- 

P 



re re 
., 3 



re p 



o 
c 

3 
CL 



3 
CL 

2 3 

3 CL 



O S- 



3 a- 

p 



b ~' 



» 



p 
, , •-( 

— CL 
m <9 



^ I— ( 



3" '-I O 

re "■ 

O" "' O 

re '^ ■^ 

A re P 

P ri) M 

v; - CL 

CL ^ re 

'<' 2. p 
333 
re TO ^ 



TO 



O li O 

3- 3 ^ =5 K^ 



3 
p. 

ft " 

Ul — ■ 

3 

„ 3! 3 

C- ^ o 

g CL 3. 



3- 
re 



re 



P 



O^ 3- 

3 p 

3 "- 

re O 



^g 

ITT- "^ 

-^ 



« s- o 

p o q. 

^ 3 ^ 

re - re 



ft 



q O 

ST 3 

fe 

"P 3" 

3- re 
P 

"■ "O 

-■ O 



(=S8) 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



BATTLE OF THE VEGA. IMPOSITION OF TRI BUTE. (l494.) 

I 

HE arrival of four ships about this time, 
commanded by Antonio Torres, bring- 
ing out a physician and apothecary, va- 

y2C'^i^^5^^^^^i<///^^?^^^^\\\ ''^*^^^^ mechanics, millers, and husband- 
u<^S^/* ^^^^vi'im iU v^^r^l men, and an ample supply of provisions, 
/(i',*=*j)« v»s^ n:s='=v» 'ly 'iiff^s^^ universal joy among the suffer- 
ra/)^ii§S^ ^^vc^^^ ^^8' Spaniards. Columbus received a 
v_/ IIUW _ c^JKwc ^<~y highly flattering letter from the sover- 
eigns, approving of all that he had done, 
informing him that all differences with 
Portugal had been amicably adjusted, 
and inviting him to return to Spain, or 
to .send some able person in his place, 
furnished with maps and charts, to be 
^ present at a convention for adjusting the 
dividing line of discovery between the two pow- 
ers. Columbus hastened the return of the ships, 
sending his brother Diego to attend the convention, and to counter- 
act the misrepresentations which he was aware had been sent home 
of his conduct, and which would be enforced by Margarite and 
Friar Boyle. He remitted, by the ships, all the gold he could col- 
lect, with specimens of fruits and valuable plants, and five hundred 
Indian captives, to be sold as slaves in Seville. It is painful to 
find the glory of Columbiis sullied by such violations of the laws 
of humanity, but the customs of the times must plead his apology. 
In the recent discoveries along the coast of Africa, the traflSc in 




(»S9) 




:at (natural sizei time 
ferdinand and isabella. 



260 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

slaves had formed one of the greatest sources of profit ; and in the 
wars with the enlightened and highly civilized Moors of Granada, 
the Spaniards were accustomed to make slaves of their prisoners. 
Columbus was goaded on, likewise, by the misrepresentations of his 
enemies, to try every means of indemnifj-ing the sovereigns for 
the expenses of his enterprises, and to produce them a revenue 
from the countries he had discovered. 

The admiral had now recovered his health, and the colonists 
were in some degree, refreshed and invigorated by the supplies 
brought by the ships, when Guacanagari brought intelligence that 
the allied caciques, headed by Manicaotex, brother and successor 
to Caonabo, had assembled all their forces in the vega, within 
two days' march of Isabella, with an intention of making a grand 
assault upon the settlement. Columbus immediatel}^ determined 
to carry the war into the territories of the enenty, rather than wait 
for it to be brought to his door. 

The whole sound and effective force he could muster, in the 
present sickh' state of the colony, did not exceed two hundred in- 
fantr}', and twentv horse. There were twenty blood-hounds also, 
animals scarcely less terrible to the Indians than the horses, and 
infinitel}^ more destructive. Guacanagari, also, brought his people 
into the field, but both he and his subjects were of an unwarlike 
character; the chief advantage of his co-operation was, that it com- 
pletely severed him from his fellow caciques, and secured him as an 
ally. 

It was on the 27th of March, 1495, that Columbus issued forth 
from Isabella with his little armj^ accompanied b}^ his brother, the 
adelantado, and advancing by rapid marches, arrived in the neigh- 
borhood of the enemy, who were assembled in the vega, near to 
where the town of Santiago has since been built. The Indians 
were confident in their number, which is said to have amounted to 
one hundred thousand ; this is evidently an exaggeration, but the 
number was nndoubtedl}^ ver^^ great. The adelantado arranged the 
mode of attack. The infantry, divided into small detachments, ad- 
vanced suddenh' from various quarters, with great din of drums 
and trumpets, and a destructive discharge of firearms. The Indians 
were struck with panic. An army seemed pressing upon them from 
ever}' quarter. Many were slain by the balls of the arquebuses, 
which seemed to burst with thunder and lightning from the forests. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



261 



In the height of their confusion, Alonzo de Ojeda charged impetu 
ously on their main body with his cavalry, bearing down and tram^ 
ling them under foot, and dealing deadly 
blows with lance and sword. The blood- 
hounds were, at the same time, let loose, and 
rushed upon the naked savages, seizing them 
bv the throat, dragging them to the earth, 
and tearing out their bowels. The battle, if 
such it might be called, was of short duration. 
The Indians, overwhelmed, fled in every di- 
rection, with yells and bowlings. Some clam- 
bered to the tops of rocks and precipices, from 
whence the}' made piteous supplications and 
promises of submission. Many were slain, 
man}' made prisoners, and the confederacy 
was, for the time, completel}' broken up. 

Guacanagari had accompanied the Span- 
iards into the field, but he was little more 
than a spectator of the battle. His participa- 
tion in the hostilities of the white men, how- 
ever, was never forgiven by the other caciques; 
and he returned to his dominions followed by 
the hatred and execrations of his countrymen. 

Columbus followed up his victory by 
making a military tour through various parts of the island, which 
were soon reduced to subjection. He then exercised what he con- 
sidered the right of a conqueror, and imposed tributes on the van- 
quished provinces. In those which possessed mines, each individ- 
ual, above the age of fourteen years, was obliged to render, every 
three months, the measure of a Flemish hawk's bell of gold dust.* 
The caciques had to pay a much larger amount for their personal 
tribute. jManicaotex, the brother of Caonabo, rendered in, every 
three months, half a calabash of gold. In those provin 
ces which produced no gold, each individual was obliged 
to furnish twenty-five pounds of cotton every three 
months. A copper medal, suspended about the neck, 
was a proof that an Indian had paid his tribute ; any 
one found without such a certificate was liable to arrest 

* Equal in value to fifteen dollars at the present time. 





262 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



and punishment. Various fortresses were erected in the most im- 
portant places, so as to keep the Indians in complete subjection. 

In this way the yoke of servitude was fixed upon the island, 
and its thraldom completel}^ insured. Deep despair now fell upon 
the natives, for they found a perpetual task inflicted upon them, 
enforced at stated and frequently recurring periods. Weak and 
indolent by nature, and brought up in the untasked idleness of their 
soft climate, and their fruitful groves, death itself seemed prefera- 
ble to a life of toil and anxiety. The}- saw no end to this harassing 
evil, which had so suddenly fallen upon them ; no prospect of re- 
turn to that roving independence and ample leisure, so dear to 
the wild inhabitant of the forest. The pleasant life of the island 
was at an end ; — the dream in the shade by day ; the slumber, 
during the sultr}' noontide heat, b}- the fountain or the stream, or 
under the spreading palm tree ; and the song, the dance, and the 
game in the mellow evening, when summoned to their simple 
amusements by the rude Indian drum. Or, if they occasionally 
indulged in a national dance, after a da}- of painful toil, the ballads 
to which they kept time were of a melancholy and plaintive charac- 
ter. They spoke of the times that were past, 
before the white men had introduced sorrow, 
and slavery, and weary labor anion 
the}- rehearsed prophecies pretended to be 
handed down from their ancestors, foretelling 
that strangers should come into their island 
clothed in apparel, with 
swords capable of cleaving 
a man asunder at a blow, 
under whose yoke their race 
should be subdued and pass 
away. These ballads, or 
areytos, thej' sang with 
mournful tunes and doleful 
voices, bewailing the loss of 
their liberty and their pain- 
ful servitude. 

The}^ had flattered them- 
selves, for a time, that the 
visit of the strangers would 




IDYLLIC LIFE OF THE NATIVES OF HAyTI 



uF coll"-.:j;lS. 



263 









y 



,.y--..^^ 



'■^^r^^if^ 



THE CRUEL AND RELENTLESS PURSUIT OF THE FAMISHED INDIANS. WiTh 
THEY ARE PURSUED TO THEIR MOUNTArN FASTNESS. 



be but temporary, and that, spreading their ample sails, their 

ships would soon waft them back to their home in the sky. In 

their simplicity they had repeatedly inquired of the Spaniards 

when they intended to return to Turey, or the heavens. All 

such hope was now at an _.,,-. . / 

end; and, finding how vain • . -~>Si3^'' . ^r""- '■'' ^j? ^^' 

was every attempt to deliver 

themselves from their in 

vaders by warlike ni 

they now resorted to a lui- •o4^iic-"--fTi 

lorn and desperate alterna- sM^^^'^f^^^'^k^W^^'^h^^M^'^l/^^'^ 



tive. Knowing that the 
Spaniards depended, in a 
great measure, for subsist- 
ence on the supplies which 
they furnished them, they 
endeavored to produce a 
famine. For this purpose, 
they destroyed their fields of maize, stripped the trees of their fruit, 
pulled up the yuca and other roots, and then fled to the mountains. 

The Spaniards were indeed reduced to much distress, but were 
partially relieved by supplies from Spain. The}- pursued the na- 
tives to their mountain retreats, hunting them from one dreary 
fastness to another, until thousands perished in dens and caverns 
of famine and sickness, and the survivors, yielding themselves up to 
despair, submitted humbly to the 3-oke. So deep an awe did the^' 
conceive of their conquerors, that it is said that a Spaniard might 
go singly and securely all over the island, and the natives would 
even transport him from place to place on their shoulders. 

Before jiassing on to other events, it may be proper here to 
notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further appearance 
in the course of this history. His friendship for the Spaniards 
severed him from his countr3'men, but it did not exonerate him 
from the general woes of the island. At a time when Columbus 
was absent, the Spaniards exacted a tribute from him, which his 
people, with the common repugnance to labor, found it difficult and 
distressing to pay. Unable to bear the nuirmurs of his subjects, 
the hostilities of his fellow caciques, the extortions of his ungrate- 
ful allies, and the sis;ht of the various miseries which he felt as if 



FIRE AND SMOKE 



264 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



he had invoked upon his race, he retired to the mountains, where 
it is said he died obscurely and in misery. 

An attempt has been made by a Spanish historian to defame 
the character of this Indian prince ; but it is not for Spaniards to 
excuse their own ingratitude by casting a stigma upon his name. 
He appears . to have always manifested towards them that true 
friendship which shines brightest in the dark days of adversity. He 
might have played a nobler part, in making a stand, with his 
brother caciques, to drive those intruders from his native soil ; but 
he appears to have been blinded by his admiration of them, and his 
personal attachment to Columbus. He was bountiful, hospitable, 
affectionate, and kind-hearted ; competent to rule a gentle and un- 
warlike people in the happier days of the island, but unfitted, 
through the mildness of his nature, for the stern turmoil which 
followed the arrival of the white men. 




CHAPTER XXVII. 




ARRIVAL OF THE COMMISSIONER AGUADO. DISCOVERY OF THE GOLD MINES OF HAYNA. 'l49 6.) 

'HILE Columbus was endeavoring to rem- 
edy the evils produced by the misconduct 
of Margarite and his followers, that recreant 
commander, and his politic coadjutor Friar 
Boyle, were busily undermining his repu- 
tation in the court of Spain. The}- accused 
him of deceiving the sovereigns and the pub- 
lic by extravagant descriptions of the coun- 
tries he had discovered ; and of tyranny and 
oppression towards the colonists, compelling 
excessive labor during a time of sickness and 
debility ; inflicting severe punishments for the 
most trifling offense, and heaping indignities on 
Spanish gentlemen of rank. They said nothing, however, of the 
exigencies which had called for unusual labor; nor of the idleness 
and profligacy of the commonalty, which called for coercion and 
chastisement ; nor of the contumacy and cabals of the cavaliers, 
who had been treated with indulgence rather than severity. These 
representations, being supported by many factious and discontented 
idlers who had returned from the colony, and enforced by people of 
rank connected with the cavaliers, had a baneful effect upon the 
popularity of Columbus, and his favor with the sovereigns. 

About this time a measure was adopted, which shows the de- 
clining influence of the admiral. A proclamation was made on the 
loth of April, giving general permission to native-born subjects to 
settle in the island of Hispaniola, and to go on private voyages of 
discovery and traffic to the new world. They were to pay certain 

15 



(265) 



266 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



proportions of their profits to the crown, and to be subject to cer- 
tain regulations. The privilege of an eighth part of the tonnage 
was likewise secured to Columbus, as admiral ; but he felt himself 
exceedingly aggrieved at this permission being granted without 
his knowledge or consent, considering it an infringement of his 
rights, and a measure likely to disturb the course of regular dis- 
covery by the licentious and predatory enterprises of reckless ad- 
venturers. 

The arrival of the ships commanded b}' Torres, bringing ac- 
counts of the voyage along the southern coasts of Cuba, supposed 
to be the continent of Asia, and specimens of the gold, and the veg- 
etable and animal productions of the country, counterbalanced in 
some degree these unfavorable representations of Margarite and 
Boyle. Still it was determined to send out a commissioner to in- 
quire into the alleged distress of the colon}', and the conduct of 
Columbus, and one Juan Aguado was appointed for the purpose. 
He had already been to Hispaniola, and on returning had been 
strongly recommended to royal favor bj^ Columbus. In appointing 
a person, therefore, for whom the admiral appeared to have a re- 
gard, and who was under obligations to him, the sovereigns thought, 
perhaps, to soften the harshness of the measure. 

As to the five hundred slaves sent home in the ships of Torres, 

Isabella ordered a consulta- 
tion of pious theologians to 
determine whether, having 
been taken in warfare, 
their sale as slaves would 
be justifiable in the sight 
of God. Much difference of 




THE JUNTA OF PIOUS THEOLOGIANS DISCUSSING THE SUBJECT OF HUMAN SLAVESY. 



opinion arose among the di- 
vines on this important question ; whereupon the Queen decided it 
according to the dictates of her conscience and her heart, and or- 
dered that the Indians should be taken back to their native country. 
Juan de Aguado set sail from Spain towards the end of August 
with four caravels freighted with supplies, and Don Diego Colum- 
bus returned in this squadron to Hispaniola. Aguado was one of 
those weak men whose heads are turned by the least elevation. 
Though under obligations to Columbus, he forgot them all, and 
forgot even the nature and extent of his own commission. Finding 



OF COLUMBUS 267 

Columbus absent in the interior of the island, on his arrival, he 
acted as if the reins of government had been transferred into his 
hands. He paid no respect to Don Bartholomew, who had been 
placed in command by liis brother during his absence, but pro- 
claiming his letter of credence by sound of trumpet, he proceeded 
to arrest various public officers, to call others to rigorous account, 
and to invite ever}^ one, who had wrongs or grievances to complain 
of, to come forward boldly and make them known. He already re- 
garded Columbus as a criminal, and intimated, and perhaps thought, 
that he was keeping at a distance through fear of his investigations. 
He even talked of setting off at the head of a body of horse to ar- 
rest him. The whole community was in confusion; the downfall 
of the family of Columbus was considered as arrived, and some 
thought the admiral would lose his head. 

The news of the arrival and of the insolent conduct of Aguado 
reached Columbus in the interior of the island, and he immediately 
hastened to Isabella to give him a meeting. As every one knew 
the lofty spirit of Columbus, his high sense of his services, and his 
jealous maintenance of his official dignity, a violent explosion was 
anticipated at the impending interview. The natural heat and im- 
petuosity of Columbus, however, had been subdued b}- a life of trials, 
and he had learnt to bring his passions into subjection to his judg- 
ment; he had too true an estimate of his own dignity to enter into 
a contest with a shallow boaster like Aguado: above all, he had a 
profound reverence for the authoritv' of his sovereigns ; for, in his 
enthusiastic spirit, prone to deep feelings of reverence, loyalty was 
inferior only to religion. He received Aguado, therefore, with the 
most grave and punctilious courtesy, ordered his letter of credence 
to be again proclaimed by sound of trumpet, and assured him of 
his readiness to acquiesce in whatever might be the pleasure of his 
sovereigns. 

The moderation of Columbus was regarded by man}-, and by 
Aguado himself, as a proof of his loss of moral courage. Every 
dastard spirit who had any li:rking ill will, any real or imaginary 
cause of complaint, now hastened to give it utterance. It was a 
time of jubilee for offenders: every culprit started up into an ac- 
cuser; every one who b\' negligence or crime had incurred the 
wholesome penalties of the laws was loud in his clamors of oppres- 
sion; and all the ills of the colony, however produced, were as- 
cribed to the mal-administratiou of the admiral. 



268 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Aguado listened to every accusation with ready credulity, and 
having collected information sufficient, as he thought, to insure 
the ruin of the admiral and his brothers, prepared to return 
to Spain. Columbus resolved to do the same; for he felt that 
it was about ime to appear at court, to vindicate his conduct 
from the misrepresenta ions of his enemies, and to explain the 
causes of the distresses .f the colony, and of the disappointments 
with respect to revenue, which he feared might discourage the 
prosecution of his discoveries. 

When the ships were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept 
the island; it was one of those awful whirlwinds which occasionally 
rage within the tropics, and which were called ' Uricans ' * by the 
Indians, a name which they still retain. Three of the ships at an- 
chor in the harbor were sunk by it, with all who were on board ; 
others were dashed against each other, and driven mere wrecks 
upou the shore. The Indians were overwhelmed with astonish- 
ment and dismay, for never in their memory, or in the traditions 
of their ancestors, had they known so tremendous a storm. They 
believed that the Deity had sent it in punishment of the cruelties 
and crimes of the white men, and declared that this people moved 
the verj' air, the water, and the earth to disturb their tranquil life, 
and to desolate their island. 

The departure of Columbus, and of Aguado, was delayed until 
one of the shattered vessels, the Nina, could be repaired, and an- 
other constructed out of the fragments of the wrecks. In the mean 
time, information was received of rich mines in the interior of the 
island. A young Arragonian, named Miguel Diaz, in the service 
of the adelantado, having wounded a companion in a quarrel, fled 
from the settlement, accompanied by five or six comrades, who had 
either been engaged in the affray, or were personally attached to 
him. Wandering about the island, they at length came to an In- 
dian village, on the banks of the Ozema, where the city of San 
Domingo is at present situated ; they were received with kindness 
by the natives, and resided for some time among them. The 
village was governed by a female cacique, who soon conceived a 
strong affection for the young Arragonian. A connection was 
formed between them, and they lived for some time very happily 

*Orkan, German; ouragan, French; hurricane, English. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



269 



together. At length the remembrance of his conntr^' and his 
friends began to hannt the mind of the Spaniard ; he longed to 
return to the settlement, but dreaded the austere justice of the 
adelantado. His Indian bride observing him frequently lost in 
gloomy thought, drew from him the cause of his melancholy. Fear- 
ful that he would abandon her, and knowing the influence of gold 
over the white men, she informed him of certain rich mines in the 
neighborhood, and 




urged him to persuade 
his countrymen to aban- 
don Isabella, and to re- 
move to that part of the 
island, to the fertile 
banks of the Ozema, 
promising that they 
should be hospitably 
received by her nation. 

Diaz was rejoiced 
at this intelligence, and 
hastened with it to the 
settlement, flattering 
himself that it would 

make his peace with the adelantado. He was not mistaken. 
No tidings could have come more opportunely, for, if true, 
they would furnish the admiral with the most effectual means 
of silencing the cavils of his enemies. 

The adelantado immediately set out in company with Diaz 
and his Indian guides. He was conducted to the banks of 
a river called the Hayna, where he found gold in greater 
quantities and larger particles than even in the rich province 
of Cibao, and observed several excavations, where it appeared 
as if mines had 
been worked in 
ancient times. 
Columbus w a s 
overjoyed at tli- 
sight of thesi- 
specimens, bro't 
back by the adc- 




^J'-^vi^'TJ 



COLUMBUS ON THE EVE OF OEPAHTURE OVERTAKEN 6V A HURRICANE. (SEE PAGE 208.) 



270 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



lantado, and was surprised to hear of the excavations, as the In- 
dians possessed no knowledge of mining, and merely picked up 
the gold from the surface of the soil, or the beds of the rivers. 
The circumstance gave rise to one of his usual veins of visionary- 
speculation. He had already surmised that Hispaniola might be 
the ancient Ophir ; he now fancied he had discovered the iden- 
tical mines from whence King Solomon had procured his great 
supplies of gold for the building of the temple of Jerusalem. He 
gave orders that a fortress should be immediately erected in the 
vicinity of the mines, and that they should be diligently worked ; 
and he now looked forward with confidence to his return to Spain, 
the bearer of such golden tidings. 

It may not be uninteresting to mention that Miguel Diaz re- 
mained faithful to his Indian bride, who was baptized by the name 
of Catalina. They were regularly married and had two children. 







::=^~7/l 



i^. 



J-kSAi^ft 













^lEW OF THE CITV Ot 



r, ^o:.;::.-u- IHL lu,.I tnECTED QY C0LUM3US ON THE BANKS Of THE 02EMA 
IN THE FOREGROUND. 
REPRODUCED FROM A PRINT OF THE 16TH CENTUHr. 



^^\=.' 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 



RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. PREPARATIONS FOR A 
THIRD VOYAGE. (l496.) 

HE new caravel, the Santa Cruz, being finished, 
and the Nina repaired, Columbus gave the com- 
mand of the island during his absence to his 
brother, Don Bartholomew, with the 
title of adelantado. He then em- 
barked on board of one of the cara- 
/els, and Aguado in the other. The 
vessels were crowded with two hun- 
Ired and twenty-five passengers, the 
sick, the idle, the profiigate and fac- 
tious of the colony. Never did a 
more miserable and disappointed 
crew return from a land of 
promise. 
^ There were thirty 
Indians also on 
board, and among them 
the once redoubtable 
Caonabo, together 
with one- 
o f his 
brothers, 
and a 
nephew. 
The ad- 
miral had 
promised 
to restore 
the m to 
t h e i r 
c ountry 
and their 
power, af- 
t e r hav- 
i n g pre- 
s e n ted 




NATIVES OF THE ISLAND OF GUADALOUPE. 



(27") 



272 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

them to the sovereigns ; trusting by kind treatment, and a display 
of the wonders of Spain, to conquer their hostility, and convert 
them into important instruments for the quiet subjugation of the 
island. 

Being as j-et but little experienced in the navigation of these 
seas, Columbus, instead of working up to the northward, so as to 
fall in with the track of westerly winds, took an easterly course on 
leaving the island. His voyage, in consequence, became a toilsome 
and tedious struggle against the trade winds* and calms which pre- 
vail between the tropics. Though he sailed on the loth of March, 
yet on the 6th of April he was still in the vicinity of the Caribbee 
Islands, and had to touch at Guadaloupe to procure provisions. 
Here skirmishes occurred with the fierce natives, both male and 
female; for the women were perfect Amazons, of large and power- 
ful frame and great agility. Several of the latter were taken pris- 
oners ; they were naked, and wore their hair loose and flowing 
upon their shoulders, though some decorated their heads with tufts 
of feathers. Their weapons were bows and arrows. Among them 
was the wife of a cacique, a woman of a proud and resolute spirit. 
On the approach of the Spaniards she had fled with an agilit}' 
that soon distanced all pursuers, excepting a native of the Canary 
Islands, noted for swiftness of foot. She would have escaped even 
from him, but perceiving that he was alone, and far from his com- 
panions, she suddenly turned upon him, seized him by the throat, 
and would have strangled him, had not the Spaniards arrived and 
taken her, entangled like a hawk with her pre}-. 

When Columbus departed from the island, he dismissed all the 
prisoners with presents. The female cacique alone refused to go 
on shore. She had conceived a passion for Caonabo, having found 
out that he was a Carib, and she had been won by the stor\-, gath- 
ered from the other Indians, of his great valor and his misfortunes. 
In the course of the voyage, however, the unfortunate Caonabo ex- 
pired. He maintained his haught}' nature to the last, for his death 
is principally ascribed to the morbid melancholy of a proud but 
broken spirit. His fate furnishes on a narrow scale a picture of 
the fallacy of human greatness. When the Spaniards first arrived 
on the coast of Hayti, their imaginations were inflamed with 

* Trade winds are the steadily blowing east winds between the tropics. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



273 



rumors of a magnificent prince among the mountains, the lord of 
the golden house, the sovereign of the mines of Cibao; but a short 
time had elapsed, and he was a naked and moody prisoner on the 
deck of one of their caravels, with none but one of his own wild 
native heroines to sympathize in his misfortunes. All his impor- 
tance vanished with his freedom ; scarce any mention is made of him 
during his captivity; and with innate qualities of a high and 
heroic nature, he perished with the obscurity of one of the vulgar. 
Columbus left Guadaloupe on the 20th of April, still working 
his way against the whole current of the trade winds. By the 20th 
of May but a portion of the voyage was performed, yet the provi- 
sions were 
so much 
exhausted 
that every 
one was put 
on an allow- 
ance of six 
ounces of 
bread and a 
pint and a 
half of wa- 
ter. By the 
beginning 
of June 
there was 
an absolute 
famine o n 
board of the 

ships, and some proposed that they should kill and eat their Indian 
prisoners, or throw them into the sea as so many useless mouths. 
Nothing but the absolute authority of Columbus prevented this 
last counsel from being adopted. He represented that the Indians 
were their fellow-beings, some of them Christians like themselves, 
and all entitled to similar treatment. He exhorted them to a little 
patience, assuring them they would soon make land, as, according 
to his reckoning, they could not be far from Cape St. Vincent. 
They scoffed at his words, for they believed themselves as yet far 
from their desired haven. The next morning, however, proved the 




DE»TH OF THE CACiaUE CAON»BO ON BOARD OF THE CARAVEL SANTA CRUZ, BEWAILED ONL» BV ONE OF 
HIS OWN WILD NATIVE HEROINES. 



274 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



correctness of his calculations, for they made the very land he had 
predicted. 

On the nth of June the vessels anchored in the bay of Cadiz. 
The populace crowded to witness the landing of the gay and bold 
adventurers, who had sailed from this very port animated by the 
most sanguine expectations. Instead, however, of a joyous crew, 
bounding on shore, flushed with success, and rich with the spoils 
of the golden Indies, a feeble train of wretched men crawled forth, 
emaciated by the diseases of the colony and the hardships of the 
voyage ; who carried in their yellow countenances, says an old 

af writer, a mockery of that 



gold which had been the ob- 
ject of their search ; and 
who had nothing to relate 
of the new world but tales 
of sickness, poverty, and dis- 
appointment. 

The appearance of Co- 
lumbus himself was a kind 
of comment on his fortunes. 
Either considering himself 
in disgrace with the sover- 
eigns, or having made some 
penitential vow, he was clad 
in the habit of a Franciscan 
monk, girded with a cord, 
and he had suffered his beard 
to grow like the friars of 
that order. But however 
humble he might be in his 
own personal appearance, he 
endeavored to keep alive the 
public interest in his dis- 
coveries. On his way to 
Burgos to meet the sover- 
eigns, he made a studious 
display of the coronets, col- 
lars, bracelets and other 
ornaments of gold, which he 




COLUMBUS, CLAC IN Tr^ 



HABIT OF A FRANCISCAN MONK, MAKES HIS ENTRV INTO BURGOS ON 
HIS RETURN FROM HIS SECOND VOYAGE. 



OF COLUMBUS. 275 

had brought from the new world. He carried with him, also, 
several Indians, decorated with glittering ornaments, and among 
them the brother of Caonabo, on whom he put a massive collar 
and chain of gold, weighing six hundred castillanos,* as being 
cacique of the golden country of Cibao. 

The reception of Columbus by the sovereigns was different 
from what he had anticipated, for he was treated with distinguished 
favor ; nor was any mention made either of the complaints of Mar- 
garite and Boyle, or the judicial inquiries conducted by Aguado. 
However these may have had a transient effect upon the minds of 
the sovereigns, they were too conscioiis of his great deserts, and of 
the extraordinary difficulties of his situation, not to tolerate what 
they may have considered errors on his part. 

Encouraged by the interest with which the sovereigns listened 
to his account of his recent voyage along the coast of Cuba, border- 
ing, as he supposed, on the rich territories of the Grand Khan, and 
of his discovery of the mines of Hayna, which he failed not to rep- 
resent as the Ophir of the ancients, Columbus now proposed a fur- 
ther enterprise, by which he promised to make yet more extensive 
discoveries, and to annex a vast and unappropriated portion of the 
continent of Asia to their dominions. All he asked was eight ships, 
two to be despatched to Hispaniola with supplies, the remaining six 
to be put under his command for the voj^age. 

The sovereigns readilv promised to comply with his request, 
and were probably sincere in their intentions to do so ; but in the 
performance of their promise Columbus was doomed to meet with 
intolerable delay. The resources of Spain at this moment were 
tasked to the utmost by the ambition of Ferdinand, who lavished 
all his revenues in warlike enterprises. While maintaining a con- 
test of deep and artful policy with France, with the ultimate aim 
of grasping the sceptre of Naples, he was la3ang the foundation of 
a wide and powerful connection, by the marriages of the royal chil- 
dren, who were now maturing in years. At this time rose that 
family alliance which afterwards consolidated such an immense em- 
pire under his grandson and siiccessor, Charles the Fifth. 

These widely extended operations both of war and amity put 
all the land and naval forces into requisition, drained the royal 
treasury, and engrossed the time and thoughts of the sovereigns. 

* Equivalent to 3195 dollars of the present time. 



276 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

It was not until the spring of 1497, that Isabella could find leisure 
to enter fully into the concerns of the new world. She then took 
them up with a spirit that showed she was determined to place 
them upon a substantial foundation, as well as clearly to define the 
powers and reward the services of Columbus. To her protecting 
zeal all the provisions in favor of the latter must be attributed, for 
the king began to look coldly on him, and Fonseca, who had most 
influence in the aff'airs of the Indies, was his implacable enemy. 
As the expenses of the expeditions had hitherto exceeded the re- 
turns, Columbus was relieved of his eighth part of the cost of 
the past enterprises and allowed an eighth of the gross proceeds 
for the next three years, and a tenth of the net profits. He was 
allowed also to establish a mayorazgo, or entailed estate,* in his 
family, of which he immediately availed himself, devising his estates 
to his male descendants, with the express charge that his successor 
should never use any other title in signature than simply " The 
Admiral." As he had felt aggrieved by the royal licence for general 
discovery, granted in 1495, it was annulled as far as it might be 
prejudicial to his interests, or to the previous grants made him by 
the crown. The titles and prerogatives of adelantado were likewise 
conferred upon Don Bartholomew, though the king had at first 
been displeased with Columbus for investing his brother with dig- 
nities which were only in the gift of the sovereign. 

While all these measures were taken for the immediate gratifi- 
cation of Columbus, others were adopted for the good of the colony. 
The precise number of persons was fixed who were to be sent to His- 
paniola, among whom were several females ; and regulations were 
made for their payment and support, and for the distribution of 
lands among them to be diligently cultivated. The greatest care 
was enjoined likewise by Isabella in the religious instruction of the 
natives, and the utmost lenity in collecting the tributes imposed 
upon them. With respect to the government of the colony, also, 
it was generally recommended that, whenever the public safety did 
not require stern measures, there should be manifested a disposi- 
tion to indulgent and easy rule. 

When every intention was thus shown on the part of the crown 
to despatch the expedition, unexpected difficulties arose on the part 
of the public. The charm was dispelled which, in the preceding 

* Entailed estate, descending to a single heir, free from government tax. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



277 



voyage, had made every adventurer crowd into the service of Co- 
lumbus ; the new-found world, instead of a region of wealth and 
enjoyment, was now considered a land of poverty and disaster. To 
supply the want of voluntary recruits, therefore, Columbus pro- 
posed to transport to Hispaniola, for a limited term of years, all 
criminals condemned to banishment or the galleys, excepting such 
as had committed crimes of an atrocious natiire. This pernicious 
measure shows the desperate alternative to which he was reduced 
by the reaction of public sentiment. It proved a fruitful source 
of misery and disaster to the colony ; and having frequently been 
adopted by various nations, whose superior experience should have 
taught them better, has proved the bane of many a rising settle- 
ment. 

Notwithstanding all these expedients, and the urgent repre- 
sentations of Columbus, of the sufferings to which the colony must 
be reduced for want of supplies, it was not until the beginning of 
149S, that the two ships were despatched to Hispaniola, under the 
command of Pedro Fernandez Coronal. A still further delay oc- 
curred in fitting out the six ships that were to bear Columbus on 
his voyage of discovery. His cold-blooded enemy Fouseca, who was 
now bishop of Badajoz, having the superintendence of Indian 
affairs, was enabled to impede and retard all his plans. Th 
various officers and agents employed in the concerns of th 
armament were most of them dependents and minions of 
bishop, and sought to gratify him, by throwing all kinds 
difficulties in the way of Columbus, treating him with th 
arrogance which petty and ignoble men in place are prone 
exercise, when they think they can do so with impunity. S 
wearied and disheartened did he become by these delays, aU' 
by the prejudices of the fickle public, that he at one time 
thought of abandoning his discoveries altogether. 

The insolence of these worthless men harassed him to 
the last moment of his sojourn in Spain, and followed him 
to the water's edge. One of the most noisy and presuming 
was one Ximeno de Breviesca, treasurer of Fouseca, a 
converted Jew or Moor, and a man of impudent front 
and unbridled tongue, who, echoing the sentiment of his 
patron the bishop, had been loud in his abuse of the ad- 
miral and his enterprises. 




278 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



COLUMBUS 
STRI 



At the very time that Columbus was on the point of embark- 
ing, he was assailed by the insolence of this Ximeno. Forgetting, 
in the hurr}^ and indignation of the moment, his usual 
self-command, he struck the despicable minion to the 
earth, and spurned him with his foot, venting in this 
unguarded paroxysm the accumulated griefs and vexa- 
tions which had long rankled in his heart. This trans- 
01 1 of passion, so unusual in his well-governed tem- 
per, \\as artfull}' made use of b}' Fonseca, and others of 
his enemies, to injure him in the royal favor. The per- 
nstiijatiou of a public officer was represented as a 
flagrant instance of his vindictive temper, 
and a corroboration of the charges of cruelty 
and oppression sent home from the colony; 
and we are assured that certain humiliat- 
ing measures, shortly afterwards adopted 
towards him, were in consequence of the 
effect produced upon the sovereigns by 
these misrepresentations. Columbus him- 
self deepl}' regretted his indiscretion, and 
foresaw the invidious use that would be 
made of it. It would be difficult to make, 
with equal brevity, a more direct and af- 
fecting appeal than that contained in one 
of his letters, wherein he alludes to this affair. He entreats the 
sovereigns not to let it be wrested to his injury in their opinion ; 
but to remember, when any thing should be said to his disparage- 
ment, that he was "absent, envied, and a stranger." 




PERSONALLY CASTIGATES A MINION OF BISHOP FONSECA, B 
KING THE DESPICABLE DEPENDENT TO THE GROUND. 




CHAPTER XXIX. 



THE DISCOVERY 3f TRINIDAD AND THE COAST OF PARIA. ARRIVIL AT SAN DOMINGO. 

(1498. 



N the 30tli of May, 1498, Columbus 
set sail from the port of San 
\ Lucar de Barrameda*, with 
1/ a squadron of six vessels, on 
his third voyage of discovery. 
^ From various considerations, 
he was induced to take a dif- 
ferent route from that pur- 
sued in his former expeditions. 
He had been assured by per- 
sons who had traded to the East, 
that the rarest objects of commerce, 
such as gold, precious stones, drugs, and 
spices, were chiefly to be found in the 
regions about the equator, where the 
inhabitants were black or darkly colored ; and that, until he arrived 
among people of such complexions, it was not probable he would 
find those articles in great abundance. 

Columbus expected to iind such people more to the south and 
southeast. He recollected that the natives of Hispaniola had 
spoken of black men who had once come to their island from the 
south, the heads of whose javelins were of guanin, or adulterated 
gold. The natives of the Caribbee Islands, also, had informed 
him that a great tract of the main land la}^ to the south ; and in 
his preceding \ovage he had remarked that Cuba, which he sup- 

* On the Guadalquivir. 




(279) 



2So THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

posed to be the continent of Asia, swept off in that direction. He 
proposed, therefore, to take his departure from the Cape de Verde 
Islands, sailing to the southwest until he should come under the 
equinoctial line, then to steer directly westward, with the favor of 
the trade winds. 

Havine touched at the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira, to 
take in wood and water, lie continued his course to the Canary 
Islands, from whence he despatched three of his ships direct for 
Hispaniola, with supplies for the colony. With the remaining 
three he prosecuted his voyage towards the Cape de Verde Islands. 
The ship in which he sailed was decked, the other two were 
merchant caravels. As he advanced witliin the tropics, the change 
of climate, and the close and sultry weather, brought on a severe 
attack of the gout, accompanied by a violent fever; but he still 
enjoyed the full possession of his faculties, and continued to keep 
his reckoning and make his observations with his usual vigilance 
and minuteness. 

On the 5th of Jul}-, he took his departure from the Cape de 
Verde Islands, and steered to the southwest until he arrived, ac- 
cording to his observations, in the fifth degree of north latitude. 
Here the wind suddenly fell, and a dead sultry calm succeeded. 
The air was like a furnace, the tar melted from the sides of the 
ships, the seams yawned, the salt meat became putrid, the wheat 
was parched as if with fire, some of the wine and water casks burst, 
and the heat in the holds of the vessels was so suffocating that no 
one could remain below to prevent the damage that was taking 
place among the sea stores. The mariners lost all strength and 
spirits. It seemed as if the old fable of the torrid zone was about 
to be realized, and that they were approaching a fier_y region, where 
it would be impossible to exist. It is true, the heavens became 
overcast, and there were drizzling showers, but the atmosphere was 
close and stiiling, and there was that combination of heat and moist- 
ure which relaxes all the energies of the human frame. 

A continuation of this weather, together with the remonstrances 
of his crew, and his extreme suffering from the gout, ultimately in- 
duced him to alter his route, and stand to the northwest, in hopes 
of falling in with the Caribbee Islands, where he might repair his 
ships, and obtain water and provisions. After sailing some distance 
in this direction, through an ordeal of heats and calms, and murky, 



OF COLUMBUS. 



281 



stifling atmosphere, the ships all :.t once emerged into a genial 
region ; a pleasant, cooling breeze pla3-ed over the sea, and gently 
filled their sails ; the sky became serene and clear, and the sun 
shone forth with all its splendor, but no longer with a burning 
heat. 

On the 31st of July, when there was not above a cask of water 
remaining in each ship, a mariner, named Alonzo Perez, descried, 
from the mast-head, three moiintains rising above the horizon. As 
the ships drew nearer, these mountains proved to be united at the 
base. Columbus, therefore, from a religious association of ideas, 
gave this island the name of 
La Trinidad (or the Trinit}'), 
which it continues to bear at 
the present da}-. 

Shaping his course for this 
island, he approached its 
eastern extremity, to which 
he gave the name of Punta 
de Galera, from a rock in the 
sea which resembled a galley 
under sail. He then coasted 
along the southern shore, be- 
tween Trinidad and the main 
land, which he beheld on the 
south, stretching to the dis- 
tance of more than twenty 
leagues. It was that low tract 
of coast intersected by the 
numerous branches of the 
Orinoco, but the admiral, 
supposing it to be an island, 
gave it the name of La Isla 
Santa ; little imagining that 
he now, for the first time, be- 
held that continent, that Terra 
Firma, which had been the ob- 
ject of his earnest search. 

He was for several days 
coasting the island of Trini- 




16 



:_LUMEuS NEARLY SWEPT FROM HIS ANCHORS BY A SUOOEN HUSH AND SWELL OF 
THE SEA. 'SEE PAGE 262.) 



282 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

dad, and exploring the great gulf of Paria, which lies behind it, fancy- 
ing himself among islands, and that he must find a passage to the 
open ocean by keeping to the bottom of the gulf. During this time, 
he was nearl}' swept from his anchors and thrown on shore by a sud- 
den rush and swell of the sea, near Point Arenal, between Trinidad 
and the main land, caused, as is supposed, by the swelling of one 
of the rivers which flow into the gulf. He landed on the inside of 
the long promontory of Paria, which he mistook for an island, and 
had various interviews with the natives, from whom he procured 
great quantities of pearls, man}- of a fine size and quality. 

There were several phenomena that surprised and perplexed 
Columbus in the course of his voj-age along this coast, and which 
gave rise to speculations, some ingenious and others fanciful. He 
was astonished at the vast bod}- of fresh water continualh- flowing 
into the gulf of Paria, so as apparently to sweeten the whole sur- 
rounding sea, and at the constant current which set through it, 
which he supposed to be produced by some great river. He re- 
marked, with wondering, also the difference between the climate, 
vegetation, and people of these coasts, and those of the same par- 
allel in Africa. There the heat was insupportable, and the land 
parclied and sterile ; the inhabitants were black, with crisped wool, 
ill sliapen, and of dull and brutal natures. Here, on the contrary, 
although the sun was in Leo, he found the noontide heat moderate, 
the' mornings and evenings fresh and cool, the country green and 
fruitful, covered with beautiful forests, and watered by innumer- 
able streams and fountains ; the people fairer than even those in 
the lands he had discovered further north, with long hair, well- 
proportioned and graceful forms, liveh^ minds, and courageous 
spirits. In respect to the vast bod}* of fresh water, he made one 
of his simple and great conclusions. Such a mighty stream could 
not be produced by an island ; it must be the outpouring of a con- 
tinent. He no^v supposed that the various tracts of land which he 
had beheld about the gulf were connected together, and continued 
to an immense distance to the south, far beyond the equator, into 
that hemisphere hitherto unknown to civilized man. As to the 
mild temperature of the climate, the fresh verdure of the country, 
and the comparative fairness of the inhabitants, in a parallel so 
near to the equator, he attributed it to the superior elevation of 
this part of the globe ; for, from a variety of circumstances, inge- 



OF COLUMBUS. 2S3 

niously but erroneously reasoned upon, he inferred that philoso- 
phers had been mistaken in the form of the earth, which, instead 
of being a perfect sphere, he now concluded to be shaped like a 
pear, one part more elevated than the rest, rising into the purer 
regions of the air, above the heats, and frosts, and storms of the 
lower parts of the earth. He imagined this apex to be situated 
about the equinoctial line, in the interior of this vast continent, 
which he considered the extremity of the East ; that on this sum- 
mit, as it were, of the earth, was situated the terrestrial paradise; 
and that the vast stream of fresh water, which poured into the gulf 
of Paria, issued from the fountain of the tree of life, in the midst 
of the garden of Eden. Extravagant as this speculation may seem 
at the present dav, it was grounded on the writings of the most 
sage and learned men of those times, among whom the situation of 
the terrestrial paradise l;ad long been a subject of discussion and 
controversy, and by several of whom it was supposed to h:- on a 
vast mountain, in the remote parts of the East. 

The mind of Columbus was so possessed bv these theories, 
and he was so encouraged by the quantities of pearls which he had 
met with, for the first time in the new world, that he would gladly 
have followed up his discovery, not doubting that the country 
would increase in the value of its productions as he approached 
the equator. The sea stores of his ships, however, were almost 
exhausted, and the various supplies with which the\' were freighted 
for the colony were in danger of spoiling. He was suffering, also, 
extremely in his health. Besides the gout, which liad rendered 
him a cripple for the greater part of the voyage, he was afflicted 
by a complaint in his eyes, caused by fatigue and overwatching, 
which almost deprived him of sight. He determined, therefore, to 
hasten to Hispaniola, intending to repose there from his fatigues, 
and recruit his health, while he should send his brother, the ade- 
lantado, to complete this important discovery. 

On the 14th of August, therefore, he left the gulf, by a narrow 
strait between the promontory of Paria and the island of Trinidad. 
This strait is beset with small islands, and the current which sets 
through the gulf is so compressed between them as to cause a 
turbulent sea, with great foaming and roaring, as if rushing over 
rocks and shoals. The admiral conceived himself in imminent 
danger of shipwreck when passing through this strait, and gave it 



284 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



the name of La Boca del Drago, or the Mouth of the Dragon. 
After reconnoitering the coast to the westward, as far as the islands 
of Cubaga and Margarita, and convincing himself of its being a 
continent, he bore away for Hispaniola, for the river Ozema, where 
he expected to find a new settlement, which he had instructed his 
brother to form in the neighborhood of the mines. He was borne 
far to the westward by the currents, but at length reached his de- 
sired haven, where he arrived, haggard, emaciated, and almost 
blind, and was received with open arms by the adelantado. The 
brothers were strongly attached to each other ; Don Bartholomew 
had a great deference for the brilliant genius, the enlarged mind, 
and the commanding reputation of his brother; while the latter 
placed great reliance, in times of difficulty, on the worldly knowl- 
edge, the indefatigable activity, and the lion-hearted courage of the 
adelantado. They had both, during their long separation, experi- 
enced the need of each other's sympathy and support. 




CHAPTER XXX. 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE ADELANTADO 




OLUMBUS had anticipated a temporary repose 
from liis toils on arriving at Hispaniola; 
but a new scene of trouble and anxiety 
opened upon him, which was destined to 
affect all his future fortunes. To explain 
this, it is necessarj' to state the occur- 
rences of the island during his long deten- 
tion in Spain. 

When he sailed for Europe in March, 
1496, his brother, Don Bartholomew, im- 
mediately proceeded to execute his in- 
structions with respect to the gold mines of 
Hayna. He built a fortress in the neigh- 
borhood, which he named St. Christoval, 
and another 



A TAMEMES, OH INDIAN PORTER. 



fortress not 
far off, on 
the eastern 
bank of the 
Ozema, in the 
vicinity of the village inhabited by the 
female cacique who had first given in- 
telligence of the mines to Miguel Diaz. 
This fortress was called San Domingo, 
and was the origin of the city which 
still bears that name. 



V^*Vn 




MODERN PLAN OF THE CITY OF S. DOMIN&O 



U85) 



286 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Having garrisoned these fortresses, and made arrangements 
for working the mines, the indefatigable adelantado set out to visit 
the dominions of Behechio, which had not as yet been reduced to 
obedience. This cacique, as has been mentioned, reigned over 
Xaragua, a province comprising almost the whole of the west end 
of the island, including Cape Tiburon. It was one of the most 
populous and fertile districts. The inhabitants 
were finely formed, had a noble air, a more agree- 
able elocution, and more soft and graceful man- 
ners, than the natives of the other part of the 
island. The Indians of Hayti generally placed 
their elysium, or paradise of happy spirits, in 
the delightful valleys that bordered the great 
lake of Xaragua. 

With Behechio resided his sister Anacaona, 
wife of the late formidable Caonabo, one of the 
most beautiful females in the island, of great 
natural grace and dignity, and superior intelli- 
gence ; her name in the Indian language 
signified Golden Flower. She had 
taken refuge with her brother, after 
the capture and ruin of her hus- 
band, but appears never to have 
entertained any vindictive feelings 
against the Spaniards, whom she 
regarded with great admiration as 
almost superhuman beings. On the 
contrary, she counseled her brother, 
over whom she had great influence, 
to take warning by the fate of her 
husband, and to conciliate their 
friendship. 

Don Bartholomew entered the 
province of Xaragua at the head 
of an armed band, putting his cavalry in the advance, and march- 
ing with banners displayed, and the sound of drum and trumpet. 
Behechio met him with a numerous force, but being assured that 
he came merely on a friendly visit, he dismissed his army, and con- 
ducted the adelantado to his residence in a large town, near a deep 
bay called at present the bight of Leagon. 




INHABITANTS OF THE PROVINCE OF XARAGUA. 

I FROM PHOTOS OF THE CARIBS ON EXHIBITION IN 1892 IN THE JARDIN Q-ACCLIMA- 
TION, PARIS. AND DATA OBTAINED FROM PETER MARTYR. 




< 

O 

< 

a: 
< 

X 

b 
O 

a. 
u 

^ 

o 

.J 

b 
Z 

u 

Q 

O 
O 



« -J 



Q 
> 

5 

o 

w 
a: 

(0 

D 

a 

S 
3 

o 
o 



S == 

O o 

J =■ 

K 5 

< 5 

» S 

S " 

Q * 



(2S7J 



OF COLUMBUS. , 289 

As they approached, thirt}' young females, of the cacique's 
household, beautifully formed, came forth to meet them, waving 
palm branches, and dancing and singing their areytos, or tradition- 
ary ballads. When they came before Don Bartholomew, they knelt 
and laid their palm branches at his feet. After these came the 
beautiful Anacaoua, reclining on a litter, borne by six Indians. 
She was lightly clad in a robe of various colored cotton, with a 
fragrant garland of red and white flowers round her head, and 
wreaths of the same round her neck and arms. She received the 
adelantado with that natural grace and courtesy for which she was 
celebrated. 

For several days Don Bartholomew remained in Xaragua, en- 
tertained by the cacique and his sister with banquets, national 
games, and dances, and other festivities ; then having arranged for 
a periodical tribute to be paid in cotton, hemp, and cassava bread, 
the productions of the surrounding country, he took a friendly 
leave of his hospitable entertainers, and set out with his little army 
for Isabella. 

He found the settlement in a sickly state, and suffering from 
a scarcity of provisions ; he distributed, therefore, all that were too 
feeble to labor or bear arms into the interior, where they might 
have better air and more abundant food; and at the same time he 
established a chain of fortresses between Isabella and San Domineo. 
Insurrections broke out among the natives of the vega, caused by 
their impatience of tribute, by the outrages of some of the Span- 
iards, and by a severe punishment inflicted on certain Indians for 
the alleged violation of a chapel. Guarionex, a man naturally 
moderate and pacific, was persuaded by his brother caciques to take 
up arms, and a combination was formed among them to rise sud- 
denly upon the Spaniards, massacre them, and destroy Fort Con- 
ception, which was situated in the vega. By some means the gar- 
rison received intimation of the conspiracy. They immediately 
wrote a letter to the adelantado, imploring prompt assistance. 
How to convey the letter in safety was an anxious question, for the 
natives had discovered that these letters had a wonderful power of 
communicating intelligence, and fancied that the}' could talk. An 
Indian undertook to be the bearer of it. He inclosed it in a staff, 
and set out on his journey. Being intercepted, he pretended to be 
dumb and lame, leaning upon his staff for support. He was suf- 



290 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



fered to depart, and limped forward until out of sight, whetx he 
resumed his speed, and bore the letter safely and expeditiously to 
San Domingo. 

The adelantado, with his accustomed promptness, set out 
with a body of troops for the fortress. By a rapid and well- 
concerted stratagem he surprised the leaders in the night, in a 
village in which they were sleeping, and carried them all off cap- 
tive, seizing upon Guarionex with his own hand. He completed his 
enterprise with spirit, sagacity, and moderation. Informing himself 
of the particulars of the conspiracy, he punished two caciques, the 

principal movers of it, with death, and par- 
doned all the rest. Finding, moreover, that 
Guarionex had been chiefly incited to hos- 
tility by an outrage committed by a Spaniard 
on his favorite wife, he inflicted punishment 
on the offender. The heart of Guarionex 
was subdued by the unexpected clemency of 
the adelantado, and he made a speech to his 
subjects in praise of the Spaniards. They 
listened to him with attention, and when he 
had concluded bore him off on their shoul- 
ders with songs and shouts of joy, and for 
some time the tranquillity of the vega was 
restored. 

About this time, receiving information 
from Behechio, cacique of Xaragua, that his 
tribute in cotton and provisions was ready 
for delivery, the adelantado marched there, 
at the head of his forces, to receive it. 
So large a quantity of cotton and cassava bread was collected 
together, that Don Bartholomew had to send to the settlement 
of Isabella for a caravel to be freighted with it. In the mean- 
time, the utmost kindness was lavished upon their guests by these 
gentle and generous people. The troubles which distracted the 
other parts of devoted Hayti had not yet reached this pleasant 
region ; and when the Spaniards regarded the fertility and sweet- 
ness of the country, bordering on a tranquil sea, the kindness of 
the inhabitants, and the beauty of the women, they pronounced it 
a perfect paradise. 




THE ADELANTADO SETS OUT WITH A BODV OF TROOPS FOH THE RELIEF 

OF FQ«T CONCEPTION. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



291 



When the caravel arrived on the coast, it was regarded by 
Anacaona and her brother with awe and wonder. Behechio visited 
it with his canoes; bnt his sister, with their female attendants, 
were conveyed on board in the boat of the adelantado. As they 
approached, the caravel fired a salute. At the sound of the cannon, 
and the sight of the volumes of smoke, bursting from the side of 
the ship and rolling along the sea, Anacaona, overcome with dis- 
niav, fell into the arms of the adelantado, and her attendants would 
have leaped overboard but were reassured b_v the cheerful words of 
Don Bartholomew. As they drew nearer the vessel, several instru- 
ments of martial music struck up, 
with which the}' were greatly de- 
lighted. Their admiration in- 
creased, on entering on board ; but 
when the anchor was weighed, the 
sails filled by a gentle breeze, and 
tliev beheld this vast mass veering 
from side to side, apparently by its 
own will, and playing like a huge 
monster on the deep, the brother and 
sister remained gazing at each other 
in mute astonishment. Nothing 
seems ever to have filled the mind of 
the savage with more wonder than 
that beautiful triumph of human in- 
genuity — a ship under sail. 

While the adelantado was thus 
absent quelling insurrections, and ^ 
making skillful arrangements for the 
prosperity of the colony, and the advantage of the crown, new mis- 
chiefs were fermenting in the factious settlement of Isabella. The 
prime mover was Francisco Roldan, a man who had been raised by 
Columbus from poverty and obscurity, and promoted from one 
office to another, until he had appointed him alcalde mayor, or chief 
judge of the island. He was an uneducated man, but of strong 
natural talents, great assiduit}-, and intrepid impudence. He had 
seen his benefactor return to Spain, apparently under a cloud of 
disgrace, and, considering him a fallen man, began to devise how 
he might profit by his downfall. He was intrusted with an office 




OCEAN BOAT, END OF THE 15lH CENTURr, TACKING BEFORE THE WIND. 



292 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



inferior onl}^ to that of the adelantado ; the brothers of Columbus 
were highly unpopular ; he imagined it possible to ruin them, both 
with the colonists and with the government at home, and by dex' 
terous management to work his way into a command of the colony. 
For this purpose he mingled among the common people, threw out 
suggestions that the admiral was in disgrace, and would never 
return ; railed at the adelantado and Don Diego as foreigners, who 
took no interest in their welfare, but used them merely as slaves to 
build houses and fortresses for them, or to swell their state, and 
secure their power as they marched about the island, enriching 
themselves with the spoils of the caciques. By these seditious in- 
sinuations, he exasperated their feelings to such a degree, that they 
at one time formed a conspiracy to assassinate the adelantado, but 
it was happily disconcerted by accident. 

When the caravel returned from Xaragua, laden with pro- 
visions, it was dismantled by order of Don Diego, and drawn upon 
the beach. Roldan immediately seized upon this circumstance to 
awaken new suspicions. He said the true reason for dismantling 
the caravel was to prevent au}^ of the colonists returning in it to 
Spain, to represent the oppressions under which they suffered. He 
advised them to launch and take possession of the vessel, as the 
only means of regaining their independence. They might then 

throw off the tj^ranny of these upstart for- 
eigners, and might lead a life of ease and 
quiet, employing the Indians as slaves, and 
enjoying unlimited indulgence with respect 
to the Indian women. 

Don Diego was informed of these sedi- 
tious movements, but he was of a mild, pacific 
y nature, and deficient in energy. Fearing to 
come to an open rupture in the mutinous 
state of the colony, he thought to divert 
Roldan from his schemes by giving him dis- 
tant and active employment. He detached 
him suddenly, therefore, with a small force, to 
overawe the Indians of the vega, who had 
shown a disposition to revolt. Roldan made 
use of this opportunity to organize an 
armed faction. He soon got seventy well- 




FRANCISCO HOLOAN. 



OF COLUMBUS. 293 

armed aud resolute men at his command, disposed to go all 
desperate lengths with him, and he made friends and parti- 
sans among the discontented caciques, promising to free them 
from tribute. He now threw off the mask, and openly set the 
adelantado and his brother at defiance, as men who had no au- 
thority from the crown, but were appointed by Columbus, who 
was himself in disgrace. He pretended always to act in his official 
capacity, and to do every thing from loyal motives, and every act 
of open rebellion was accompanied with shouts of "Long live the 
king!" Having endeavored repeatedly to launch the caravel, but 
in vain, he broke open the royal stores, and supplied his followers 
with arms, clothing, and provisions, and then marched off to the 
vega, and attempted to surprise and get possession of Fort Con- 
ception, but was happily foiled by its commander, Miguel Ballester, 
a stanch old soldier, both resolute aud wary, who kept the enemy at 
bay until succor should arrive. 

The conspiracy had attained a formidable head during the ab- 
seuce of the adelantado, several persons of consequence having 
joined it, among whom was Adrian de Moxica, and Diego de Esco- 
bar, the latter being alcayde of the fortress of La Madelena. Don 
Bartholomew was perplexed at first, and could not act with his 
usual vigor and decision, not knowing in whom he could confide, 
or how far the conspiracy had extended. On receiving tidings, 
however, from Miguel Ballester, of the danger of Fort Conception, 
he threw himself, with what forces he could collect, into that fort- 
ress, and held a parley with Roldan from one of the windows, 
ordering him to surrender his staff of office as alcalde mayor,* and 
submit peaceably to superior authority. All threats and remon- 
strances, however, were vain; Roldan persisted in his rebellion. 
He represented the adelantado as the tyrant of the Spaniards, the 
oppressor of the Indians ; and himself as the redresser of wrongs 
and champion of the injured. He sought, by crafty emissaries, to 
corrupt the garrison of Fort Conception, and seduce them to de- 
sert, and laid plans to surprise and seize upon the adelantado, 
should he leave the fortress. 

The affairs of the island were now in a lamentable situation. 
The Indians, perceiving the dissensions among the Spaniards, and 

* Equivalent to our justice of the peace, but with greater powers. German, schulze, 
dorfrichter. 



294 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

encouraged by the protection of Roldan, ceased to send in their 
tributes, and threw off allegiance to the government. Roldan's 
band daily gained strength, and ranged insolently and at large 
about the country ; while the Spaniards, who remained loyal, fearing 
conspiracies among the natives, had to keep under shelter of the 
forts. Munitions of all kinds were rapidly wasting, and the spirits 
of the well-affected were sinking into despondency. The adelan- 
tado himself remained shut up in Fort Conception, doubtful of the 
fidelity of his own garrison, and secretly informed of the plots to 
capture or destroy him, should he venture abroad. Such was the 
desperate state to which the colony was reduced by the long deten- 
tion of Columbus in Spain, and the impediments thrown in the 
way of all his endeavors to send out supplies and reinforcements. 
Fortunately, at this critical juncture, the arrival of two ships, under 
command of Pedro Hernandez Coronal, at the port of San Domingo, 
with troops and provisions, strengthened the hands of Don Bar- 
tholomew. The royal confirmation of his title and authority of 
adelantado at once put an end to all question of the legitimacy of 
his power, and secured the fidelity of his soldiers ; and the tidings 
that the admiral was in high favor at court, and on the point of 
coming out with a powerful squadron, struck consternation into 
the rebels, who had presumed upon his having fallen into disgrace. 

The adelantado immediately hastened to San Domingo, nor 
was there any attempt made to molest him on his march. When 
he found himself once more secure, his magnanimity prevailed 
over his indignation, and he sent Pedro Hernandez Coronal, to 
offer Roldan and his band amnesty for all offenses, on condition of 
instant obedience. Roldan feared to venture into his power, and 
determined to prevent the emissary from communicating with his 
followers, lest they should be induced to return to their allegiance. 
When Coronal approached the encampment of the rebels, there- 
fore, he was opposed in a narrow pass by a body of archers with 
their cross-bows levelled. "Halt there, traitor!" cried Roldan: 
" had you arrived eight days later, we should all have been united." 

It was in vain that Coronal endeavored to win this turbulent 
man from his career. He professed to oppose only the tyranny 
and misrule of the adelantado, but to be ready to submit to the 
admiral on his arrival, and he and his principal confederates wrote 
letters to that effect to their friends in San Domingo. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



295 



When Coronal returned Avith accounts of Roldan's contnmacy, 
the adelautado proclaimed him and his followers traitors. That 
shrewd rebel, however, did not snffer his men to remain within the 
reach either of promise or menace. He proposed to them to march 
ofiF, and establish themselves in the remote province of Xaragua. 
The Spaniards who had been there, had given the most alluring 
accounts of the country and its inhabitants, and above all of the 
beauty of the women, for they had been captivated by the naked 
charms of the danciny nymphs of Xaragua. In this delightful 
region, emancipated from the iron rule of the adelantado, and re- 
lieved from the necessity' of irksome labor, they might lead a life 
of perfect freedom and indulgence, with a world of beautv at their 
command. In short, Roldan drew a picture of loose sensual enjoy- 
ment, such as he knew to be irresistible with men of idle and dis- 
solute habits. His followers acceded with jo}- to his proposition ; 
so, putting himself at their head, he marched awa}^ for Xaragua. 

Scarcel}' had the rebels departed, when fresh insurrections 
broke out among the Indians of the vega. The cacique Guarionex, 
moved by the instigations of Roldan, and forgetful of his gratitude 
to Don Bartholomew, entered into a new league to destroy the 
Spaniards, and surprise Fort Conception. The plot exploded be- 
fore its time, and was defeated ; and Guarionex, hearing that the 
adelantado was on the march for the vega, fled to the mountains 
of Ciguay, with his famil}-, and a small band of faithful followers. 
The inhabitants of these mountains were the most robust and 
hard}' tribe of the island, and the same who had skirmished with the 
Spaniards in the Gulf of Samana, in the course of the first voyage of 
Columbus. The reader ma\- remember the frank and confiding faith 
with which their cacique trusted himself on board of the caravel of 
the admiral, the day after the skirmish. It was to this same cacique, 
named Mayonabex, that the fugitive chieftain of the vega applied 
for refuge, and he received a 
promise of protection. 

Indignant at finding his for- 
mer clemency of no avail, the 
adelantado pursued Guarionex 
to the mountains, at the head of 
ninety men, a few cavalr}-, and J/' 
a body of Indians. It was a 




THE PURSUIT OF THE CACIQUE GUARIONEX 



296 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



rugged and difficult enterprise ; the troops had to climb rocks, wade 
rivers, and make their way through tangled forests, almost impervious 
to men in armor, encumbered with targets, crossbows, and lances. 
They were continually exposed, also, to the ambushes of the Indians, 
who would rush forth with furious yells, discharge their weapons, and 
then take refuge again among rocks and thickets, where it was in 

vain to follow them. Don Bartholomew ar- 
rived, at length, in the neighborhood of Cape 
Cabron, the residence of Mayonabex, and sent 
a messenger, demanding the surrender of 
Guarionex, promising friendship in case of 
compliance, but threatening to lay waste his 
territor\ with fire and sword, in case of refusal. 
" Tell the Spaniards," said the cacique, in re- 
ply, ' that they are tyrants, usurpers, and 
shedders of innocent blood, and I desire 
lot their friendship. Guarionex is agood 
man, and my friend. He has fled to me 
for refuge ; I have promised him protec- 
tion, and I will keep nty word." 

The cacique, in fact, adhered to his 

promise with admirable faith. His vil- 

^ lages were burnt, his territories were 

ravaged, himself and his family 

driven to dens and caves of the 

mountains, and his sub- 

jects assailed him with 

clamors, urging him to 

give up the fugitive, 

who was bringing such 

ruin upon their tribe. 

It was all in vain. He 

was ready, he declared, 

to abide all evils, rather 

than it should ever be 

said Mayonabex be- 

tra3'ed his guest. 

For three months the 
adelantado hunted these 

A MOUNTAINEER OF CIGUAY. 

fiEORAWN FROM PHOTOS OF THE CaRIBS ON EXHIBITION IN THE JARDIN D'ACCLIMATION, PARIS, 1892, AND 
DATA OBTAINED FROM PETER MARTVR- 




OF COLUMBUS. 



297 



caciques among the mountains, during which time he and his 
soldiers were almost worn out with toil and hunger, and exposures 
of all kind. The retreat of Alaj-onabex was at length discovered. 
Twelve Spaniards, disguising themselves as Indians, and wrapping 
their swords in palm leaves, came upon him secretly, and surprised 
and captiired him, with his wife and children, and a tew attendants. 
The adelantado returned, with his prisoners, to Fort Conception, 
where he afterwards released them all, excepting the cacique, whom 
he detained as a hostage for the submission of his tribe. The unfor- 
tunate Guarionex still lurked among the caverns of the mountains, 
but was driven, by hunger, to venture down occasionally into the 
plain, in quest of food. His haunts were discovered, he was way- 
laid and captured by a party of Spaniards, and brought in chains 
to Fort Conception. After his repeated insurrections, and the ex- 
traordinary zeal displayed in his pursuit, he anticipated death from 
the vengeance of the adelantado. Don Bartholomew, however, 
though stern in his policy, was neither vindictive nor cruel ; he 
contented himself with detaining him a prisoner, to insure the 
tranquillity of the vega; and then returned to San Domingo, where, 
shortly afterwards, he had the happiness of welcoming the arrival 
of his brother, the admiral, after a separation of nearly two years 
and a half. 





ROLDAN'S SHAMELESS RABBLE, WITH THE INDIAN SLAVES DISTRIBUTED AMONG THEM, MOVE INTO THEIR 
NEW HOMES IN BONAO AND THE VEGA ROYAL. (See Page 305.) 



(»98) 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



HEBTLLION OF ROLOAN. (1498.) 




NE of the first measures of Columbus 
on his arrival, was to issue a 
proclamation, approving of 
all that the adelantado had 
done, and denouncing Roldan 
and his associates. That tur- 
bulant man had proceeded to 
Xaragua, where he had been 
kindly received by the natives. 
A circumstance occurred to add 
to his party and his resources. The 
three caravels detached by Columbus from 
the Canary Islands, and freighted with supplies, having been car- 
ried far west of their reckoning by the currents, arrived on the coast 
of Xaragua. The rebels were at first alarmed lest there should be 
vessels despatched in pursuit of them. Roldan, who was as saga- 
cious as he was bold, soon divined the truth. Enjoining the ut- 
most secrecy on his men, he went on board, and pretending to be in 
command at that end of the island, succeeded in procuring a ."^npply 
of arms and military stores, and in making partisans anior.g the 
crews, many of whom were criminals and vagabonds from Spanish 
prisons, shipped in compliance with the admiral's ill-judged propo- 
sition. It was not until the third day that Alonzo Sanchez de 
Carvajal, the most intelligent of the three captains, discovered the 
real character of the guests he had entertained, but the mischief 
was then effected. 



17 



?99) 



300 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



As the ships were detained by contrary winds, it was arranged 
among the captains that a large number of the people should be 
conducted by land to San Domingo, by Juan Antonio Colombo, cap- 
tain of one of the caravels, and a relation of the admiral. He ac- 
cordingly landed with forty men, well armed, but was astonished to 
find himself suddenly deserted by all his party excepting eight. 
The deserters joined the rebels, w^ho received them with shouts of 
exultation. Juan Antonio, grieved and disconcerted, returned on 
board with the few who remained faithful. Fearing further deser- 
'•^ns, the ships immediately put to sea; but Carvajal, giving his 
vessel in charge to his officers, laiaded and remained with the 
rebels, fancjdng he had perceived signs of wavering in Rol- 
dan and some of his associates, and that, by earnest 
persuasion, he might induce them to return to their 
allegiance. The certainty that Colum- 
bus was actually on the way to the isl- 
and, with additional forces, and aug- 
mented, authority, had, in fact, 
/^. operated strongly on their minds; 
but all attempts to produce imme- 
diate submission were in vain. 
Roldan promised that the 
moment he heard of the ar- 
rival of Columbus, he would 
repair to the neighborhood 
of San Domingo, to be at 
hand to state his grievances, 
and to enter into a negotia- 
tion for the adjustment of 
all differences. He wa'ote a 
letter to the same purport 
to be delivered to the ad- 
miral. With this Carvajal 
departed, and was escorted 
to within six leagues of San 
Domingo, by six of the reb- 
els. On reaching that place 
he found Columbus already 
arrived, and delivered to 




THE TRUSTY ALONZO SANCHEZ DE CARVAJAL LANDS AMONG THE REBELS IN 
ORDER TO RECONCILE THEM TO THE ADMIRAL. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



301 



him the letter of Roldan, expressing at the same time an opinion, 
that the insurgents might easily be brought to their allegiance by 
an assurance of amnesty. In fact, the rebels soon began to assemble 
at the village of Bonao, in a fine valley of the same name, about 
twenty leagues from San Domingo, and ten from Fort Conception. 
Here they made their headquarters at the house of Pedro Re- 
guelme, one of the ringleaders. 

Columbus immediately wrote to Miguel Ballester, the com- 
mander of Fort Conception, advising him to be on his guard. He 
empowered him to have an interview with Roldan, to offer him full 
pardon on condition of his immediate return to duty, and to invite 
him to repair to San Domingo to treat with the admiral, under a 
solemn, and, if required, a written assurance of personal safety. At 
the same time he issued a proclamation, offering free passage to all 
who wished to return to Spain, in five vessels about to be put to 
sea, hoping, by this means, to relieve the colony from all the idle 
and disaffected. "^^ 

Ballester was an old and 
venerable man, grayheaded, and 
of a soldier-like demeanor ; he 
was loyal, frank, and virtuous, 
of a serious disposition, and 
great simplicity of heart. His 
appearance and character com- 
manded the respect of the reb- 
els ; but the}' treated the prof- 
fered pardon with contempt, 
made many demands of an arrogant nature, and declared tliat in all 
further negotiations, they would treat with no mediator but Car- 
vajal, having had proofs of his fairness and impartiality in the 
course of their late communications with him at Xaragua. 

This insolent reply was totally different from what the admiral 
had been taught to expect. He now ordered the men of San Do- 
mingo to appear under arms, that he might ascertain the force with 
which he could take the field in case of necessity. A report was 
immediately circulated that they were to be led to Bonao, against 
the rebels ; some of the inhabitants had relations, others friends, 
among the followers of Roldan ; almost all were disaffected to the 
service ; not above seventy men appeared under arms ; one affected 
to be ill, another lame ; there were not forty to be relied upon. 




MEETING OF MIGUEL BALLESTER WITH THE OUTPOSTS OF THE REBELS. 



302 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Columbus saw that a resort to arms would only serve to betray 
his own weakness, and the power of the rebels ; it was necessary to 
temporize, therefore, however humiliating such conduct might be 
deemed. His first care was to despatch the five ships which he 
had detained in port, until he should receive the reply of Roldan. 
He was anxious that as many as possible of the discontented colo- 
nists should sail for Spain, before any commotion should take place. 
He wrote to the sovereigns an account of his late voyage, giving an 
enthusiastic description of the newly-discovered continent, accom- 
panied by a chart of the coast, and specimens of the pearls which 
he had procured from the natives. 

He informed the sovereigns, also, of the rebellion of Roldan ; 
and as the latter pretended it was only a quarrel between him and 
the adelantado, he begged the matter might be investigated by their 
majesties, or by persons friendly to both parties. Among other 
jiidicious requests, he entreated that a man learned and experienced 
in the law, might be sent out to officiate as judge over the island. 

By this opportunity Roldan and his friends likewise sent let- 
ters to Spain, endeavoring to justify their rebellion, by charging 
Columbus and his brothers with oppression and injustice, and paint- 
ing their whole conduct in the blackest colors. It would naturally 
be supposed, that the representations of such men would have little 
weitjht in the balance ay-ainst the tried merits and exalted services 
of Columbus ; but they had numerous friends and relations in Spain 
to back them ; Columbus was a foreigner, without influence in the 
court, and with active enemies near the sovereigns, ever ready to 
place his conduct in an unfavorable light. 

The ships being despatched, the admiral resumed his negotia- 
tion with the rebels. As the burden of their complaint was the 
strict rule of his brother, who was accused of dealing out justice 
with a rigorous hand, he resolved to try the alternative of extreme 
lenity, and wrote a letter to Roldan, calling to mind past kind- 
nesses, and entreating him, for the sake of his own reputation, 
which stood well with the sovereigns, not to persist in his present 
insubordination. He again repeated his assurance, that he and his 
companions might come to treat with him at San Domingo, under 
the faith of his word, for the inviolability of their persons. 

There was a difiiculty as to who should be the bearer of this 
letter. The rebels had declared that they would receive no media- 




OF COLUMBUS. 303 

tor but Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. Strong suspicions existed in 
the minds of many as to the integrity of that officer, from his 
transactions with the rebels at Xaragua, and his standing so high 
in their favor. Cohimbus, however, discarded all those suspicions, 
and confided implicitly in Carvajal, nor had he ever any cause to 
repent of his confidence. 

A painful and humiliating negotiation was now carried on for 
several days, in the course of which Roldan 
had an interview with Columbus at San 
Domingo, and several letters passed between 
them. The rebels felt their power, and 
presumed, in consequence, to demand the 
most extravagant concessions. Miguel 
Ballester wrote at the same time to the 
admiral, advising him to agree to whatever 
they might demand. He represented their cabv.jal delivers the letter of the admir.i. to the bebels, who 

r , • n . • 11 DEMAND THE MOST EXTRAVAGANT CONCESSIONi. 

lorces as continually augmenting, and that 

the soldiers of his garrison were daily deserting to them, and gave 
it as his opinion, that unless some compromise was speedily effected, 
and the rebels shipped off for Spain, not merely the authority, but 
even the person of the admiral would be in danger ; for though the 
hidalgos and the immediate officers and servants about him, would 
doubtless die in his service, yet he feared that the common people 
were but little to be depended upon. 

Thus urged b}- veteran counsel, and compelled by circumstan- 
ces, Columbus at length made an arrangement with the rebels, by 
which it was agreed, that Roldan and his followers should embark 
for Spain, from the port of Xaragua, in two ships which should be 
fitted out and victualled within fifty days. That thej' should each 
receive from the admiral a certificate of good conduct, and an order 
for the amount of their pay up to the actual date ; that slaves 
should be given them, as had been given to colonists, in considera- 
tion of services performed; and that such as had wives, natives of 
the island, might take them with them in place of slaves ; that 
satisfaction should be made for property of some of the company, 
which had been sequestered, and for live stock which had belonged 
to Francis Roldan. 

It was a grievous circumstance to Columbus, that the vessels 
which should have borne his brother to explore the nawly-discov- 



304 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



ered continent, had to be devoted to the transportation of this tur- 
.bulent and worthless rabble; but he consoled himself with the idea 
that, the faction being once shipped off, the island would again be 
restored to tranquilHt}^ The articles of arrangement being signed, 
Roldan and his followers departed for Xaragua, to await the arrival 
of the ships ; and Columbus, putting his brother Don Diego in 
temporary command, set off with the adelantado on a tour to visit 
the various fortresses, and restore every thing to order. 

In the meanwhile unavoidable delays took place in fitting out 
the ships, and they encountered violent storms in their voyage from 
San Domingo to Xaragua, so as to arrive there long after the stip- 
ulated time, and that in a damaged condition. The followers of 
Roldan seized upon this as a pretext to refuse to embark, affirming 
that the ships had been purposely delayed, and eventually sent in a 

state not seaworthy, and 
short of provisions. New 
negotiations were there- 
fore set on foot, and new 
terms demanded. It is 
probable that Roldan 
feared to return to 
Spain, and his follow- 
ers were loth to give up 
their riotous and licen- 




THE RIOTOUS AND LICENTIOUS LIFE OF THE FOLLOWERS OF ROLDAN. 



tious life. In the midst of his perplexities, Columbus received a 
letter from Spain, in reply to the earnest representations which he 
had made of the distracted state of the colony, and of the outrages 
of these licentious men. It was written by his invidious enemy, 
the Bishop Fonseca, superintendent of Indian affairs. It informed 
him that his representations of the alleged rebellion had been re- 
ceived, but that the matter must be suffered to remain in suspense, 
as the sovereigns would investigate and remedy it presently. 

This cold reply had the most disheartening effect upon Colum- 
bus, while it increased the insolence of the rebels, who saw that his 
complaints had little weight with the government. Full of zeal, 
however, for the prosecution of his discoveries, and of fidelity to 
the interests of the crown, he resolved, at any sacrifice of pride or 
comfort, to put an end to the troubles of the island. He departed, 
therefore, in the latter part of August, with two caravels, to the 



OF COLUMBUS. 305 

port of Azna, accompanied by several of the most important per- 
sonages of the colon}', to give Roldan a meeting. The latter, in 
this interview, conducted himself more like a conqueror exacting 
terms, than a delinquent seeking pardon. Among other things, he 
demanded that such of his followers as chose to remain in the isl- 
and, should have lands assigned them, and that he should be rein- 
stated in his office of alcalde maj-or, or chief judge. The mind 
grows wearied and impatient with recording, and the heart of the 
generous reader must burn with indignation at perusing, this pro- 
tracted and ineffectual struggle, of a man of the exalted merits and 
matchless services of Columbus, in the toils of such contemptible 
miscreants. Surrounded by doubt and danger, a foreigner among 
a jealous people, an unpopular commander in a mutinous island, 
distrusted and slighted bj- the government he was seeking to serve, 
and creating suspicions by his very services, he knew not where to 
look for faithful advice, efficient aid, or candid judgment. He was 
alarmed, too, by symptoms of seditions among his own people, who 
talked of following the examples of the rebels, and seizing upon 
the province of Higue}-. Thus critically situated, he signed a hu- 
miliating capitulation with the rebels, trusting he should afterwards 
be able to convince the sovereigns it had been compulsorv, and 
forced from him by the perils that threatened himself and the 
colony. 

When Roldan resumed his office of alcalde mayor, he displayed 
all the arrogance to be expected from one who had intruded him- 
self into power by profligate means. Columbus had a difficult and 
painful task in bearing with the insolence of this man, and of the 
shameless rabble that returned, under his auspices, to San Domingo. 
In compliance with the terms of agreement, he assigned them lib- 
eral portions of laud, and numerous Indian slaves, taken in the 
w'ars, and contrived to distribute them in various places, some in 
Bonao, others in different parts of the vega. He made an arrange- 
ment, also, by which the caciques in their vicinity, instead of pay- 
ing tribute, should furnish parties of their subjects, at stated times 
to assist in the cultivation of their lands ; a kind of feudal service, 
which was the origin of the repartimientos, or distributions of free 
Indians among the colonists, afterwards generally adopted and 
shamefully abused throughout the Spanish colonies, and which 
greatly contributed to exterminate the natives from the island of 
Hispaniola. 



3o6 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Having obtained such ample provisions for his followers, Rol- 
dan was not more modest in making demands for himself. Besides 
certain lands in the vicinity of Isabella, which he claimed, as having 
belonged to him before his rebellion, he received a royal farm, 
called La Esperanza, in the vega, and extensive tracts in Xaragua, 
with live stock and repartimientos of Indians. 

One of the first measures of Roldan as alcalde mayor was to 
appoint Pedro Reguelme, one of his most active confederates, alcalde 
of Bonao, an appointment which gave great displeasure to Colum- 
bus, being an assumption of power not vested in the office of Rol- 
dan. The admiral received private information, also, that Re- 
guelme, under pretext of erecting a farm-house, was building a 
strong edifice on a hill, capable of being converted into a fortress ; 
this, it was whispered, was done in concert with Roldan, by way of 
securing a stronghold in case of need. The admiral immediately 
sent peremptory orders for Reguelme to desist from proceeding 
with the construction of the edifice. 

Columbus had proposed to return to Spain, having experi- 
enced the inefficiency of letters in explaining the affairs of the isl- 
and ; but the feverish state of the colony obliged him to give up 
the intention. The two caravels were despatched in October, tak- 
ing such of the colonists as chose to return, and among them sev- 
eral of the partisans of Roldan, some of whom took Indian slaves 
with them, and others carried away the daughters of caciques, 
whom they had beguiled from their homes and families. 

Columbus wrote by this opportunity to the sovereigns, giving 
it as his opinion that the agreement he had made with the rebels 
was by no means obligatory on the crown, having been, in a man- 
ner, extorted by violence. He repeated his request that a learned 
man might be sent out as judge, and desired, moreover, that dis- 
creet persons might be appointed to form a council, and others for 
certain fiscal employments ; entreating, however, that their powers 
might be so limited and defined as not to interfere with his digni- 
ties and privileges. Finding age and infirmity creeping upon him, 
he began to think of his son Diego as an active coadjutor, being 
destined to succeed to his offices. He was still a page at court, 
but grown to man's estate, and capable of entering into the im- 
portant concerns of life ; he begged, therefore, that he might be 
sent out to assist him. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

VISIT OF OJEOA TO THE WEST END OF THE ISLAND. CONSPIRACY OF MOXICA. (l499.) . 




BOUT this time reports were 
brought to Columbus that four 
ships had anchored at the west- 
ern part of the isl- 
^ and, a little below 
_ Jacquemel, apparently 

mK^^^^ with the design of 
•^Ig^ Jk cutting dye woods 
k ^fel and carrying off the 
natives for slaves. 
They were c o m - 
manded by Alonzo 
de Ojeda, the same 
hot-headed and 
bold-hearted cava- 
lier who had dis- 
tinguished him- 
self by the capt- 
u r e of Caonabo. 
Knowing the dar- 
ing and advent- 
urous spirit of 
this man, the ad- 
miral was disturbed 
at his visiting the 
island in this clandes- 
tine manner. To call 



AMERIGO VFSPUCCI. 



(307) 



3oS 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




ROLDAN fNTERCEPTS OJEDA. 



him to account, however, required a man of spirit and address. 
No one seemed fitter for the purpose than Roldan. He was as 
daring as Ojeda, and of a more crafty character. An expedition of 
this kind would occupy the attention of himself and his partisans, 
and divert them from any schemes of mischief. 

Roldan gladly undertook the enterprise. He had nothing fur- 
ther to gain by sedition, and 
was anxious to secure his ill- 
gotten possessions by public 
services, which should atone 
for past offenses. Departing 
from San Domingo, with two 
hf^^ caravels, he arrived, on the 
26th of September, within 
two leagues of the harbor 
where the vessels of Ojeda 
were anchored. Here, laud- 
ing with five-and-twenty res- 
olute men, he intercepted 
Ojeda, who was on an excursion several leagues from his ships, 
and demanded his motives for landing on that remote and lonely 
part of the island, without first reporting his arrival to_ the- ad- 
miral. Ojeda replied, that he had been on a voyage of discovery, 
and had put in there in distress, to repair his ships and obtain 
provisions. On further inquiry, it appeared that Ojeda had 
happened to be in Spain at the time that the letters arrived 
from Columbus, giving an account of his discovery of the coast 
of Paria, accompanied by specimens of the pearls to be found 
there. Ojeda was a favorite with Bishop Fonseca, and obtained 
a sight of the letter, and the charts and maps of the route of 
Columbus. He immediately conceived the idea of an expedition 
to those parts, in which he was encouraged by Fonseca, who 
furnished him with copies of the papers and charts, and granted 
him a letter of license, signed by himself, but not by the sov- 
ereigns. Ojeda fitted out four ships at Seville, assisted by many 
eager and wealthy speculators; and in this squadron sailed 
Amerigo Vespucci,* a Florentine merchant, well acquainted with 



* Amerigo Vespucci, born in Florence in 1451 ; undertook his first sea voyage in 1499, to 
the coast of Surinam. In 1501 he undertook his second voyage to the newly-discovered 




(i"9) 



OK COLUMBUS. 



311 



\vho eventually gave his name to the 
The expedition sailed in May, 1499. 



AmeriV 



geography and navigation, 
whole of the new world. 
The adventurers 
arrived on the 
southern conti- 
nent, and ranged 
along it, from 
two hundred 
leagues east of 
the Orinoco to 
theGulfof Paria. 
Guided by the 
charts of Colum- 
bus, the}' passed 
through this 
gulf, and through 
the Boca del 
Drago, and kept 
along westward 
to Cape de la 

Vela, visiting the island of Margarita, and the adjacent continent, 
and discovering the Gulf of Venezuela. They subsequently touched 
at the Caribbee Islands, where they fought with the fierce natives, 
and made many captives, with the design of selling them in the 
slave markets of Seville. From thence they sailed for Hispaniola, 
to procure supplies, having performed the most extensive voyage 
hitherto made along the shores of the new world. 

Ojeda assured Roldan that he intended, as soon as his ships 
were ready, to go to San Domingo and pay his homage to the admi- 
ral. Trusting to this assurance, and satisfied with the information 
he had obtained, Roldan sailed for San Domingo to make his report. 



Nuc i^o Sch^ partes funt latfus lufiratJc/S^ alia, 
quarta pars per Americu Vefputiucvt in fequeiid 
bus audietur)inuenta eft/qua noil video cur quis 
iure vetet ab Americo inuentorc fagacis ingcni) vi 
ro Amerigen quafi Amend terra /liuc Americam 
dicendatcu 8c Europa 8C Afia a mulicribus fua for 
tita fiiitnomina.Eius fitu 8c gentis mores ex bis bi 
Tiis Amend nauigationibus quae fequuntUqoide 
intelligidatur. 

Or, in English: — "But now ihese parts have been more extensively explored and anothei 
fourth part has been discovered by Americus Vespucius (as will appear in what follows) : where- 
fore I do not see what is rightlv to hinder us from calling it Amerige or America, i. e. the land 
of Americus. after its discoverer Americus, a man of sagacious mind, since both Europe and 
Asia have got their names from women. Its situation and the manners and customs of it3 pcnpla 
will be clearly understood from the twice two voyages of Americus which follow." 

FAC-SIMILE OF PAGE OF COSMOCRA=HI* INTRODUCTIO BY MARTIN WALDSEeMULLER, WHO UNDER THE ASSUMCP TiTLt »• 

" HYLACOMvLAS.-' FiBST SlGGESTED AMERICA AS THE NAME OF THE NEW WORLD. PRINTED BY PETER DIHO. 

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF BENE, DUKE OF LORAINE, IN 1507. EARLIEST KNOWN EDITION OF 

THIS PUBLICATION IN LIBRARY OF VATICAN, NO. 9688. 



world, and in 1503 his third. On this last voyage he explored a considerable part of the 
coast of Brazil. 



Ji, Vpj&^QiC:^* i'^'2^'^''''^ Vvn.^-y^ 



^"^ 







De vnestra revereDdisim* 
oeaorift byuiylinEiite beso las maaoa.) 

Amerrigo VespuCCi, 
pUoto m&70b 



FAC-SIMlLE OF THE LAST LINES OF A LETTER ADDRESSED BY AMERIGO VESPJCCl TO THE CARDINAL ARCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO, 

DATED SE^'ILtE, DECEMBER B, 150B. 



312 



THE LIFE AXD VOYAGES 



Nothing, however, was farther from the intention of Ojeda than to 
keep his promise. As soon as his ships were read}- for sea, he sailed 
round to the coast of Xaragua. Here he was well received bj' the 
Spaniards, resident in that province, among whom were man}- of the 
late comrades of Roldan. Knowing the rash and fearless character 
of Ojeda, and finding that there were jealousies between him and 
the admiral, they made clamorous complaints of the injustice of 
the latter, whom they accused of withholding from them the arrears 
of their pay. Ojeda, who knew the tottering state of the admiral's 
favor at court, and felt secure in the powerful protection of Fon- 
seca, immediatel}- proposed to put himself at their head, march at 
once to San Domingo, and oblige the admiral to satisfy their just 
demands. The proposition was received with transport b}- some 
of the rebels ; but others demurred, and a furious brawl ensued, iu 
which several were killed and wounded on both sides : the party 
for the expedition to San Domingo remained triumphant. 

Fortunately for the peace and safety of the admiral, Roldan, 
who had received news of the movements of Ojeda, arrived in the 

neighborhood at this critical juncture, with 
a band of resolute followers, and w-as rein- 
forced on the following day b}- his old con- 
federate, Diego de Escobar, with additional 
forces. Ojeda retired to his ships ; a long 
course of manoeuvring took place between 
these well-matched adversaries, each striving 
to gain an advantage of the other. Ojeda at 
length was obliged to abandon the coast, and 
made sail for some other island, to make up 
his cargo of Indian slaves. 

The followers of Roldan took great 
merit to themselves for their unwonted loy- 
alty in driving Ojeda from the island; and, 
like all reformed knaves, expected that their 
good conduct would be amplj^ rewarded. 
Looking upon their leader as having ever}' thing in his gift, 
they requested him to share among them the fine province of 
Cahav, adjoining to Xaragua. Roldan, who w-as now anxious to 
establish a character of adherence to the law, declined acceding 
to their washes, until sanctioned by the admiral ; but, to soothe 




O DE EiiCDb^H 



OF COLUMBUS. 



315 



their impatient rapacity, he shared among them the lands which 
had been granted to him in Xaragua. While he was remaining in 
this neighborhood, other troubles broke out, and from somewhat 
of a romantic cause. A young cavalier of noble family, named 
Hernando de Guevara, cousin to Adrian de Moxica, one of the ring- 
leaders of the late rebellion, was banished from San Domingo for 
licentious conduct, and sent to Xaragua, to embark in the ships of 
Ojeda, but arrived after their departure. He was treated with in- 
dulgence by Roldan, on account of his old comrade, Adrian de 
Moxica, and was favorably received at the house of the female 
cacique, Anacaona. That remarkable woman still retained her 
partiality to the Spaniards, notwithstanding the disgraceful scenes 
that had passed before her eyes. By her late husband, Caonabo, 
she had a daughter, named Higuenamota, just grown up, and 
greatly admired for her beauty. Guevara became enamored of 
her. He possessed an agreeable person, and winning manners, 
though he was headstrong in his passions, and destitute of prin- 
ciple. His endearments soon won the heart of the simple Indian 
girl. Anacaona, the mother, pleased with the gallant appearance 
and ingratiating manners of the youthful cavalier, favored his 
attachment ; especially as he sought her daughter in marriage. 
Roldan was himself attached to the j'oung Indian beauty, and 
jealous of her preference of his rival. He exerted his authority 
to separate the lovers, and banished Guevara to the province of 
Cahay. The latter soon returned, and concealed himself in the 
dwelling of Anacaona. Being discovered, and finding Roldan im- 
placable in his opposition to his passion, he now meditated revenge. 
He soon made a party among the old comrades of Roldan, who 
detested as a magistrate the man the}' had idolized as a leader. It 
was concerted to rise suddenlv upon him, and either to kill him or 
put out his ej-es. The plot was discovered ; Guevara was seized in 
the dwelling of Anacaona, in the presence of his intended bride ; 
seven of his accomplices were likewise arrested, and the prisoners 
were sent to the fortress of San Domingo. 

When Adrian de Moxica heard that his cousin Guevara was 
arrested, and that too by his former confederate Roldan, he was 
highly exasperated. He hastened to the old haunt of rebellion at 
Bonao, and claimed the co-operation of Pedro Reguclme, the newly- 
appointed alcalde. It was readily yielded. They went round 



3i6 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



among their late fellow-rebels, who were settled in the vega, and 
soon mustered a daring body of reckless men, ready with horse and 
weapon for any desperate enterprise. Moxica, in his fury, medi- 
tated not merely the rescue of his cousin, but the death of Roldan 
and the admiral. 

Columbus was at Fort Conception, with an inconsiderable 
force, when he heard of this dangerous plot, concerted in his very 
neighborhood. He saw that his safety depended upon prompt and 
vigorous measures. Taking with him but six or seven trusty serv- 
ants, and three esquires, all well armed, he came suddenly upon 
the conspirators in the night, seized Moxica and several of bis 
principal confederates, and bore them off to Fort Conception. Re- 
solving to set an example that should strike terror into the factious, 
he ordered that Moxica should be hanged on the top of the fortress. 

The latter entreated to be allowed a 
confessor. A priest was sent for. The 
miserable culprit, who had been so 
daring in rebellion, lost all courage at 
the near approach of death. He de- 
layed, and hesitated in his confession, 
as if hoping, by whiling away time to 
give a chance for rescue. Instead of 
confessing his own sins, he began to 
accuse others, until Columbus, losing 
all patience, in his mingled indigna- 
tion and scorn, ordered the dastard 
wretch to be flung from the battle- 
ments. 

This sudden act of severity was 
promptly followed up. Pedro Re- 




THE C0N8PIRIT0R ADRIAN OE MOXICA SUDDENLY SURPRISED AND ARRESTED. 



guelme was taken with several of his 
compeers, in his rufifian-den at Bonao, and conveyed to the fortress 
of San Domingo. The conspirators fled for the most part to Xa- 
ragua, where they were pursued by the adelantado, seconded by 
Roldan, and hunted out of all their old retreats. Thus in a little 
while the power of faction was completely subdued. 

Columbus considered this happy event as brought about by 
the especial intervention of Heaven, and gives in proof of it an 
instance of one of those visionary fancies by which he seeme to 



OF COLUMBUS. 



317 



have been visited at times, when his miud was distempered by ill- 
ness or anxiety. In the preceding winter, dnring the height of 
his cares and tronbles, he had snnk into a state of despondency. 
In one of his gloomy moods he heard, he says, a voice which tlins 
addressed him: "O man of little faith! fear nothing; be not cast 
down. I will provide for thee. The seven years of the term of 
gold are not expired.* In that and in all other things, I will take 
care of thee." On that very day, he adds, he received intelligence 
of the discovery of a nnmber of gold mines. The imaginary prom- 
ise of Divine aid appeared to liini still to be performing. The 
troubles and dangers which had surrounded him were breaking 
away, and order was coming out of confusion. He now looked 
forward to the prosecution of his grand enterprises, the exploring 
the coast of Paria, and the establishment of a pearl fishery in its 
waters. How illusive were his hopes ! at this very moment those 
events were maturing, that were to overwhelm him with distress, 
strip him of his honors, and render him comparatively a wreck for 
the remainder of his days ! 

* Alluding to his vow. th.-it uitliin beven \eais he would furnish an army for a crusade, 
from his share of the gold to be found in tlie new world. 




STATUE OF COLUMBUS IN THE CITY OF MEXICO. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



THE BISHOP OF PLACENTi*^. 



INTRIGUES AGAINST COLUMBUS IN THE SPANISH COURT. APPOINTMENT OF BOBADILLA AS 
COMMISSIONER. HIS ARRIVAL AT SAN OOMINGO. 11500.^ 



HIIvE Columbus had been involved 
in a series of difficulties in the fac- 
tious island of Hispaniola, his ene- 
mies had been but too successful in 
undermining his reputation in the 
court of Spain. Every vessel that 
returned from the new world came 
freighted with complaints, representing 
the character and conduct of Colum- 
bus and his brothers in the most odious 
point of view, and reiterating the il- 
liberal, but mischievous, insinuation that 
they were foreigners, who had nothing but 
their own interest and gratification in view. 
It was even alleged that Columbus intended 
to cast off all allegiance to Spain, and either 
himself sovereign of the coimtries he had discovered, or 
them into the hands of some other power; a slander which, 
however extravagant, was calculated to startle the 
jealous mind of Ferdinand. The bishop Fonseca, 
and other enemies of Columbus who were about the 
court, having continual access to the sovereigns, 
-ii' were enabled to place every thing urged against 
*'^ him in the strongest point of view, while they 
destroyed the force of his vindications. They 
had a plausible logic by which to convict him 



I RODRIGUEZ DE FONSECA. 




to make 
to yield 




OF COLUMBUS. 319 

of either bad management or bad faith. There was an incessant 
drain upon the mother-country for the support of the colony. Was 
this compatible, they asked, with the extravagant pictures he had 
drawn of the wealth of the island, and its golden mountains, in 
which he had pretended to find the Ophir* of ancient days, the 
source of the riches of King Solomon? They inferred that he had 
either deceived the sovereigns by exaggerations, or grossly wronged 
them by malpractices, or that he was totally incapable of the duties 
of government. 

For the purpose of irritating the pride of the king, every re- 
pining man who returned from the colony, was encouraged to put 
in claims for arrears of pay withheld by Columbus, or losses sus- 
tained in his service. A gang of the disorderly ruffians, who had 
been shipped off to free the island from their seditions, found their 
way to the court at Granada. They followed the king when he 
rode out, filling the air with complaints, and clamoring for their 
pay. About fifty of them assembled one day, in the main court 
of the Alhambra, under the roval apartments, holding up bunches 
of grapes, as the meager diet to which they were reduced by their 
poverty, and by the cruel deceits of Columbus. Seeing the two 
sons of the admiral pass by, who were pages to the queen, they 
followed them with imprecations. " There go," cried they, " the 
whelps of him who discovered the land of vanity and delusion, the 
grave of Spanish hidalgos !" 

The incessant repetition of falsehood will gradually wear its 
way into the most candid mind. Isabella herself began to enter- 
tain doubts respecting the conduct of Columbus. If he and his 
brothers were upright, they might be injudicious, and mischief is 
oftener produced in government through error of judgment than 
iniquity of design. Isabella doubted, but the jealous Ferdinand 
felt convinced. He had never regarded Columbus with real cordi- 
ality ; and ever since he had ascertained the importance of his dis- 
coveries, had regretted the extensive powers he had vested in his 
hands. He now resolved to send out some person to investigate 
the affairs of the colony, and, if necessary for its safety, to assume 
the command. This measure had actually been decided iipon, and 
the papers drawn out, early in 1499; but, from various reasons, 
had been postponed. It is probable Isabella opposed so harsh a 

* Ophir. The country is to be searched for (if at all) in Arabia or India. 



320 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



step against a man for whom she entertained an ardent gratitude 
and high admiration. The arrival of the ships with the late fol- 
lowers of Roldan, brought matters to a crisis. The king listened 
entirely to the representations of the rebels, and a circumstance 
took place, which, for a time, suspended the friendship of Isabella, 
the great safeguard of Columbus. 

The followers of Roldan brought with them a number of slaves, 
some of which Columbus had been compelled to grant them by the 

articles of capitulation, others had been 
conveyed away clandestinely. Among them 
were several daughters of caciques, who had 
been seduced from their homes by these prof- 
ligates. Some were in a state of pregnancy, 
others had new-born infants. The gifts and 
transfers of these unhappy beings were all 
represented as voluntary acts of Columbus. 
The sensibility of Isabella as a woman, and 
her dignity as a queen, were instantly in 
arms. " What right," exclaimed she, in- 
dignanth', " has the admiral to give away 
my vassals ? " She immediately ordered all 
the Indians to be restored to their homes ; 
na}', more, she commanded that those which 
had formerl}' been sent to Spain b}- the ad- 
miral should be sought out and reshipped 
to Hispaniola. Unfortunatel}- for Colum- 
bus, at this very juncture, in one of his let- 
ters, he advised the continuance of Indian 
slaver}' for some time longer, as a measure 
important to the welfare of the colony. 
This contributed to heighten the indigna- 
tion of Isabella, and induced her no longer 
to oppose the sending out a commissioner to investigate his con- 
duct, and, if necessary, to supersede him in command. 

The person chosen for this most momentous office was Don 
Francisco de Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household, and a com- 
mander of the military and religious order of Calatrava.* He is 
represented by some as a very honest and religious man ; by others, 

* A Spanish order founded in the 9lh century. 




«MAT HIGMT HAS THE ADMIRAL TO GIVE AWAY MY 



OF COLUMBUS. 



and with apparent jnstice, as nee:"\-, p:issionate, and ambitions, three 
pcwerfnl objections to his actini^' as judge in a case where the ut- 
most cantion and candor were required, and where he was to derive 
wealth and power from the conviction of one of the parties. 

Bobadilki arrived at San Domingo on the 23d of August, 1500. 
Before entering the harbor, he learnt from a canoe which came off 
from the shore, that the admiral and ilic adelantado were absent in 
the interior of the island, and Don Diego in command. He was 
told of the recent insurrection ot i\Ioxica, and the punishments 
which had followed. Seven of the rebels had been hanged that 
week, and five more were in the fortress of San Domingo, con- 
demned to suffer the same fate. Among these were Pedro Re- 
guelme, the factious alcalde of Bonao, and Fernando de Guevara, 
the young cavalier whose passion for the daughter of Anacaona, 
had been the original cause of tlie 
rebellion. As the vessels en- 
tered the river, Bobadilla beheld 
on either bank a gibbet, with the 
body of a Spaniard hanging on 
it. He considered all these cir- 
cumstances as conclusive proofs 
of the alleged cruelty of Colum- 
bus. 

The report had already circu- 
lated in the city, that a commis- 
sioner had arrived to make inquisition into the late troubles. Many 
hastened on board the ship to pay early court to this public censor; 
and as those who sought to secure his favor, were those who luid 
most to fear from his scrutiny, it is evident that the nature of their 
communications was generally unfavoral^le to the admiral. In fact, 
before Bobadilla landed, if not before he arrived, the culpability of 
the admiral was decided in his mind. He acted accordingly. He 
made proclamation at the church door, in presence of Don Diego 
and the other persons in authority, of his letters patent, author- 
izing him to investigate the rebellion, and proceed against delin- 
quents ; and in virtue of these, he demanded that Guevara, Re- 
guelme, and the other prisoners, should be delivered up to him, 
with the depositions taken in their cases. 

Don Diego declared he could do nothing of the kind without 







FRANCISCO DE BOBADILLA CAUSES HIS LETTERS PATENT TO BE PROCLAIMED 

IN FRONT OF THE CHURCH. 



322 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



the authority of the admiral, aud requested a copy of the letters 
patent, that he might send it to his brother. This Bobadilla re- 
fused, and added, that since the office he proclaimed appeared to 
have no weight, he would try what efficacy there was in the name 
of governor. On the following day, therefore, he had another ro^-al 
patent read, investing him with the government of the islands, and 
of Terra Firma; an authority which he was only to have assumed 
on absolute proof of the delinquency of Columbus. This letter be- 
ing read, he again demanded the prisoners, and was again refused ; 
Don Diego observing, that they were held in obedience to the 
admiral, to whom the sovereigns had granted letters of a higher 
nature. 

Bobadilla now produced a mandate from the crown, ordering 
Columbus aud his brothers to deliver up all fortresses, ships, and 
other royal property; and another, ordering that the arrears of 
wages due to all persons in the royal service should be immediately 
paid, and the admiral compelled to pay the arrears of those to 
whom he was individually accountable. 

This last document was received with shouts by the multitude, 
to many of whom long arrears were due, in consequence of the 
poverty of the treasury. Flushed with his growing importance 
and popularity, Bobadilla again demanded the prisoners, and re- 
ceiving the same reply, he proceeded to the fortress, and made a 
formal demand of them of the alcayde Aliguel Diaz. The latter 
refused to surrender them to any one but the admiral. Upon this, 
the whole spirit of Bobadilla was aroused. He assembled the sail- 
X ors of the ships, and the rabble of the place, marched 
them to the prison, broke open the door, 
which readily gave way, while some of his 
myrmidons* put up ladders to 
scale the walls. The alcayde 
Miguel Diaz, and Don 
Diego de Alvarado, ap- 
peared on the battle- 
ments with drawn 

* Myrmidons (rough soldiers, 
so called after a son of Jupiter, 
Myrmidon) were a people of 
Thessaly, under the govern- 
ment of Achilles. 




THE HABBL£ OF S*N DOMINGO ON THE ROAD TO THE PRISON. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



323 



swords, but offered no resistance. The fortress, having no garri- 
son, was easily carried, and the prisoners were borne off in triumph, 
and given in custody to an alguazil.* 

Such was the entrance into office of Francisco de Bobadilla, 

and he continued his career in the same spirit, _ 

acting as if he had been sent out to degrade 
the admiral, not to inquire into his 
conduct. He took up his residence 
in the house of Colum- 
bus, seized upon his 
arms, gold, plate, jewels, 
horses, books, letters, 
and most secret manu- 
scripts, giving no ac- 
count of the property 
thus seized, paying out 
of it the wages of those 
to whom the admiral 
was in arrears, and dis- 
posing of the rest as if 
already confiscated to the crown. To increase his favor with the 
people, he proclaimed a general license for twenty years, to seek 
for gold, exacting merely one-eleventh for government, instead of 
a third, as heretofore. At the same time, he i;sed the most unquali- 
fied language in speaking of Columbus, hinted that he was em- 
powered to send him home in chains, and declared, that neither he, 
nor any of his lineage, would ever again be permitted to govern the 
island. 

* AlL;ii.i/il. a Sp.ir.ish nmstable. 




RUINS OF THE CASTLE Of COtUMBUS IN HISPANIOLA. 











THE HOMENAJE; OR CASTLE OF SAN DOMINGO. AT THE MOUTH OF THE RIVER OZAMA 

FROM A PHOTOGRAPH 

IN THE UPPCR PICTURE, WHICH SHOWS THE CASTLE FROM iTS REAR. THE UPPER WINDOW IN THE TOWER IS THE ONE SHOWN TO-DAY 

AS THE PRISON OF C0LUM8US. 



(3'4) 




COLUMBUS IN CHAINS ABOARD THE GORDA. PAINTING BV MAHECHAL, PARIS bALON, 1857. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 



COLUMBUS ARRESTED AND SENT TO SPAIN. IISOO. 



(HEN Columbus received tidings at Fort 
Conception of the liigli-lianded pro- 
ceedings of Bobadilla, he considered 
them the unauthorized act of some 
rash adventurer ; but the proclamation 
of his letters patent, which immediate- 
ly took place throughout the Island, 
^•> soon convinced him he was acting under author- 
it}'. He endeavored then to persuade himself that Bobadilla was 
sent out to exercise the functions of chief judge, iu compliance 
with the request contained in one of his own letters to the sover- 
eigns, and that he was perhaps intrusted with provisional powers 
to inquire into the late troubles of the island. All be_youd these 
powers, he tried to believe were mere assumptions, and exaggera- 
tions of authority, as in the case of Aguado. His consciousness 
of I'is own services and integrity, and his faith iu the justice of 




l3»5) 




MANACLES IN USE IN THE 
FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 

MUSEUM CLUNV, PAHIS. 



326 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

the sovereigns, forbade him to think otherwise. He proceeded to 
act on this idea; writing temperate and conciliatory letters to Bo- 
badilla, cautioning him against his precipitate measures, while he 
endeavored by counter proclamations to prevent the mischief he 
was producing. Messengers soon arrived, however, who delivered 
to him a royal letter of credence, commanding him to give implicit 
faith and obedience to Bobadilla, and they gave him, at the same 
time, a summons from the latter to appear before him immediately 
at San Domingo. This laconic letter from the sovereigns struck 
at once at the root of his dignity and power ; he made no longer 
any hesitation or demur, but departed alone and almost unattended, 
to obey the peremptory summons of Bobadilla. The latter, in the 
mean time, had made a bustle of preparation, and mustered the 
troops, affecting to believe a vulgar rumor, that Columbus had called 
on the caciques of the vega, to aid him in resisting the commands 
of the government. He moreover arrested Don Diego, threw 
him in irons, and confined him on board of a caravel, without 
assigning any cause for his imprisonment. 

No sooner did he hear of the arrival of Columbus, than he 
gave orders to put him also in irons, and to confine him in the 
fortress. 

This outrage to a person of such dignified and venerable ap- 
pearance, and such eminent merit, seemed for a time to shock 
even his enemies. When the irons were brought, every^ one 
present shrunk from the task of putting them on him, either 
out of a sentiment of compassion at so great a reverse of fortune, 
or out of hal)itual reverence for his person. To fill the measure of 
ingratitude meted out to him, it was one of his own servants that 
volunteered to rivet his fetters. 

Columbus conducted himself with characteristic magnanimity 
under the injuries heaped upon him. There is a noble scorn which 
swells and supports the heart, and silences the tongue of the 
truly great, when enduring the insults of the unworth}'. Co- 
lumbus could not stoop to deprecate the arrogance of a weak and 
violent man like Bobadilla. He looked beyond this shallow agent, 
and all his pett}- tyrannv, to the sovereigns who had employed him. 
It was their injustice and ingratitude alone that could wound his 
spirit; and he felt assured that when the truth came to be known, 
they would blush to find how greatly they had wrouged him. With 



OF COLUMBUS. 327 

this proud assurance, he bore all present indignities in silence. He 
even wrote, at the demand of Bobadilla, a letter to the adelantado, 
who was still in Xaragua, at the head of an armed force, exhorting 
him to submit quietly to the will of the sovereigns. Don Barthol- 
omew immediately complied. Relinquishing his command, he 
hastened peacefull}' to San Domingo, and on arriving, experienced 
the same treatment with his brothers, being put in irons, and con- 
fined on board of a caravel. They were kept separate from each 
other, and no communication permitted between them. Bobadilla 
did not see them himself, nor did he allow others to visit them ; 
and they were kept in total ignorance of the crimes with which 
they were charged, and the proceedings that were instituted against 
them. 

The old scenes of the time of Aguado were now renewed, with 
tenfold virulence. All the old charges were revived, and others 
added, still more extravagant in their nature. Columbus was ac- 
cused of having prevented the conversion of the Indians, that the}' 
might be sold as slaves. With having secreted pearls collected on 
the coast of Paria, and kept the sovereigns in ignorance of the nat- 
ure of his discoveries there, in order to exact new privileges from 
them. Even the late tumults were turned into matters of accusa- 
tion, and the rebels admitted as evidence. The well-merited pun- 
ishments inflicted upon certain of the ringleaders were cited as 
proofs of a cruel and revengeful disposition, and a secret hatred of 
Spaniards. Guevara, Reguelme, and their fellow-convicts, were 
discharged almost without the form of a trial. Roldan, from the 
very first, had been treated with confidence by Bobadilla ; all the 
others, whose conduct had rendered them liable to justice, received 
either a special acquital or a general pardon. 

Bobadilla had now collected testimony sufficient, as he thought, 
to insure the condemnation of the prisoners, and his own continu- 
ance in command. He determined, therefore, to send home the ad- 
miral and his brothers in chains, in the vessels which were ready 
for sea, with the inquest taken in their case, and private letters en- 
forcing the charges made against them. 

San Domingo now swarmed with miscreants, just delivered 
from the dungeon and the gibbet. Ever}- base spirit which had 
been overawed bj- Columbus and his brothers, when in power, now 
hastened to revenge itself upon them when in chains. The most 



jS 



IHE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



COLUMBU 
" ALL 



S REFu 
SPAIN 



injurious slanders were loudly proclaimed in the streets, pasqui- 
nades,* and libels were posted up at the corners, and horns blown 

in the neighborhood of their 
prisons, to taunt them with 
the exultings of the rabble. 
The charge of conduct- 
ing the prisoners to Spain, 
was given to Alonzo de Vil- 
lejo, an oiScer who was in the 
employ of Bishop Fonseca. 
He was instructed, on arriv- 
ing at Cadiz, to deliver his 
prisoners into the hands of 
the bishop, which circum- 
stance has caused a belief 
that Fonseca was the secret 
instigator of all these violent 
proceedings. Villejo, how- 
ever, was a man of honorable 
character, and generoiis feel- 
ings, and showed himself 
superior to the low malignity 
of his patrons. When he 
arrived with a guard to con- 
duct the admiral from the 
prison to the ship, he found 
him in chains in a state of 
deep despondency. So vio- 
lently had he been treated, 
and so savage were the pas- 
sions let loose against him, 
he had begun to fear he 
should be sacrificed without 
an opportunity of being 
heard, and that his name would go down to posterity siillied with 
imputed crimes. 

When the officer entered with the guard, he thought it was to 
conduct him to the scaffold. "Villejo," said he, mournfully, 

*Pasquin;vdes, more witty than malicious jokes; libel. 




PLHMII THE FETTERS WITH WHICH HE IS LOADED TO BE REMOVED. 
'ITNESS THE INDIGNITIES HEAPED UPON ME." SEE PAGE 409. 




(3*9) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



331 



"whither are you taking me?" "To the ship, your Excellenc}-, to 
embark," replied the other. "To embark! " repeated the admiral, 
earnestly. " Villejo, do you speak the truth?" " B3' the life of 
your Excellency," replied the honest officer, " it is true ! " With 
these words the admiral was comforted, and felt as one restored 
from death to life. 

The caravels set sail earl}- in October, bearing off Columbus, 
shackled like the vilest of culprits, amidst the scoffs and shouts of 
a miscreant rabble, who took a brutal joy in heaping insults on his 
venerable head, and sent curses after him from the island he had 
so recentl}' added to the civilized world. Fortunatelv the voyage 
was favorable and of moderate duration, and was rendered less irk- 
some to Columbus, b}- the conduct of those to whom he was given 
in custod}'. The worthy Villejo, as well as Andreas Martin, the 
master of the caravel, felt deeply grieved at his situation, and al- 
waj-s treated him with profound respect and assiduous attention. 
They would have taken off his irons, but to this he would not con- 
sent. "No," said he, proudl}', "their majesties commanded me by 
letter to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their name ; 
by their authority he has put upon me these chains ; I will wear 
them until the}- shall order them to be taken off, and I will after 
wards preserve them as relics and memorials of the reward of my 
services." 

"He did so," adds his son Fernando, in his history; "I saw 
them always hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when 
he died the}- might be buried with him!" 




FROM THE STATUE IN GENOA. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 



ARRIVAL or COLUMBUS IN SPAIN. HIS INTERVI EW WITH THE SOVEREIGNS. APPOII^X^M ENT 
OF OVANDO TO THE GOVERNMENT OF HISPANIOLA. (1500.1 



HE arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a 
prisoner, and in chains, produced 
almost as great a sensation as his 
triumphant return from his first voy- 
age. A general burst of indignation 
arose in Cadiz, and in the powerful 
and opulent Seville, which was imme- 
diately echoed throughout all Spain. 
No one stopped to reason on the sub- 
ject. It was sufficient to be told that 
Columbus was brought home in chains from the 
world he had discovered. 

The tidings reached the court of Granada, and 
filled the halls of the Alhambra with murmurs of astonishment. On 
the arrival of the ships at Cadiz, Andreas Martin, the captain, had 
permitted Columbus to send off letters privately by express. The 
admiral, full of his wrongs, but ignorant how far they had been au- 
thorized by the sovereigns, forbore to write to them. He sent a long 
letter, however, to a lady of the court, high in favor with the queen, 
and who had been nurse to Prince Juan. It contained an ample vin- 
dication of his conduct, couched in eloquent and dignified and touch- 
ing language. When it was read to the noble-minded Isabella, and 
she found how grossly Columbus had been wronged, and the royal 
authority abused, her heart was filled with mingled sympathy and 




indignation. 



(33') 



OF COLUMBUS. 



335 



However Ferdinand might have secretly felt disposed against 
Columbus, the momentary tide of public sentiment was not to be 
resisted. He joined with his generous queen, in her reprobation 
of the treatment of the admiral. Without waiting to receive any 
documents that might arrive from Bobadilla, they sent orders to 
Cadiz that the prisoners should be instantly set at liberty, and 
treated with all distinction, and that two thousand ducats should 
be advanced to Columbus to defra}' the expenses of his journey to 
court. They wrote him a letter at the same time, expressing their 
grief at all that he had suffered, and inviting him to Granada. 

The loyal heart of Columbus was cheered by this letter from 
his sovereigns. He appeared at coiirt, not as a man ruined and 
disgraced, but richly dressed, and with an honorable retinue. He 
was received by their majesties with unqualified favor and distinc- 
tion. When the queen beheld this venerable man approach, and 
thought on all he had deserved, and all that he had suffered, she 
was moved to tears. Columbus had borne up firmly against the 
stern conflicts of the world : he had endured with lofty scorn the 
injuries and insults of ignoble- men, but he possessed strong and 
quick sensibility. When he found himself thus kindly .__,_--- 
received, and beheld tears in the benign e3'es of Isabella, 
his long suppressed feelings burst forth ; he threw him- 
self upon his knees, and for some time could not utter a 
word for the violence of his tears and sobbings. 

Ferdinand and Isabella raised him from the 
ground, and endeavored to encourage him by the 
most gracious expressions. As soon as he regained 
his self-possession, he entered into an eloquent 
and high-minded vindication of his loj-alty, and 
the zeal he had ever felt for the glory and ad- P*'' 

vantage of the Spanish crown; if, at - '^'" 

any time, he had erred, it had been, he 
said, through inexperience in the art of 
governing, and through the extraordi- 
nar\- difficulties by which he had been 
surrounded. 

There was no need of vindication on 
his part. He stood in the presence of his ! v;«a i B B aiia» w » ' *"MB8iwMi i iei 
sovereigns a deeply-injured man, and it j-_^ 'jy^j^^UT , -^ 




-^ 



-n 



-l^ 



\ss 



•^"^1 







"•■Iff "'I 



■apt^BUBlffiBEBS.'*! 



:i 



MONUMENT OF COLUMBUS IN FRONT OF THE CATHEDRAL AT SAN OOMINGO. 

THE INDIAN FEMALE FIGURE IS TO REPRESENT THE BEAUTIFUL ANACAONA. THE 
GOLDEN FLOWER OF XARAGIA. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 



336 THK LIFK AND VOYAGES 

remained for them to vindicate themselves to the world, from the 
charge of ingratitude towards their most deserving subject. They ex- 
pressed their indignation at the proceedings of Bobadilla, which they 
disavowed, as contrary to his instructions ; they promised that he 
should be immediatelv dismissed from his command, and Columbus 
reinstated in all his privileges and dignities, and indemnified for the 
losses he had sustained. The latter expected, of course, to be im- 
mediately sent back in triumph to San Domingo, as viceroy and 
admiral of the Indies ; but in this he was doomed to experience a 
disappointment, which threw a gloom over the remainder of his 
days. The fact was, that Ferdinand, however he might have disap- 
proved of the violence of Bobadilla, was secretly well pleased with 
its effects. It had produced a temporary exclusion of Columbus 
from his high offices, and the politic monarch determined, in his 
heart, that he should never be restored to them. He had long 
repented having vested such great powers and prerogatives in any 
subject, particularly in a foreigner ; but at the time of granting 
them he had no idea of the extent of the countries over which they 
would be exercised. Recent discoveries, made by various individu- 
als, showed them to be almost boundless. Vincente Yanez Pinzon, 
one of the brave and intelligent family of navigators that had sailed 
with Columbus in his first voyage, had lately crossed the line, and 
explored the shores of the southern continent, as far as Cape St. 
Augustine. Diego Lepe, another bold navigator of Palos, had doub- 
led that cape, atid beheld the continent stretching away out of sight, 
to the southwest. The report of ever}^ discoverer put it beyond a 
doubt, that these countries must be inexhaustible in wealth, as they 
appeared to be boundless in extent. Yet over all these Columbus 
was to be viceroy, with a share in their productions, and the prof- 
its of their trade, that must yield him an incalculable revenue. The 
selfish monarch appeared almost to consider himself outwitted in 
the arrangement he had made ; and every new discovery, instead 
of increasing his feeling of gratitude to Columbus, seemed only to 
make him repine at the growing magnitiide of his reward. 

Another grand consideration with the monarch was, that Co- 
lumbus was no longer indispensable to him. He had made his 
great discovery ; he had struck out the route to the new world, and 
now any one could follow it. A number of able navigators had 
sprung up under his auspices, who were daily besieging the throne 



OF COLUMBUS. 337 

with ofifers to fit out expeditions at their own cost, and to yield a 
share of the profits to the crowu. Why should he, therefore, con- 
fer princely dignities and prerogatives for that which men were 
daily offering to perform gratuitously? 

Such, from his after conduct, appears to have been the jealous 
and selfish policy which actuated Ferdinand in forbearing to rein- 
state Columbus in those dignities and privileges which had been 
solemnlv granted to him by treaty, and which it was acknowledged 
he had never forfeited by misconduct. Plausible reasons, however) 
were given for delaying his reappointment. It was observed, that 
the elements of those factions, which had recently been in arms, 
vet existed in the island, and might produce fresh troubles should 
Columbus return immediately. It was represented as advisable, 
therefore, to send some officer of talent and discretion to supersede 
Bobadilla, and to hold the government for two years, by which time 
all angry passions would be allayed, and turbulent individuals re- 
moved. Columbus might then resume the command, with comfort 
to himself, and advantage to the crown. With this arrangement 
the admiral was obliged to content himself. 

The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was Don Nicholas 
de Ovando, commander of Lares, of the order of Alcantara. He 
is described as being of the middle size, with a fair complexion, a 
red beard, a modest look, yet a tone of authority ; fluent in speech, 
courteous in manners, prudent, just, temperate, and of great hu- 
mility. Such is the picture drawn of him by some of his con- 
temporaries ; yet he appears, from his actions, to have been plausi- 
ble and subtle, as well as fluent and courteous; his humility con- 
cealed a great love of command; he was a merciless scourge to the 
Indians, and in his dealings with Columbus he was both ungener- 
ous and unjust. 

While the departure of Ovando was delayed by various cir- 
cumstances, every arrival brought intelligence of the disastrous 
state of the Island, under the administration of Bobadilla. The 
latter was not so much a bad, as an imprudent and a weak man. 
Imagining rigorous rule to be the rock on which his predecessor 
had split, he had, at the verj- outset, relaxed the reigns of justice 
and morality, and, of course, had lost all command over the com- 
munity. In a little while siich disorder and licentiousness ensued, 
that many, even of the opponents of Columbus, looked back with 



33S 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 




REPARTiMIENTOS OF 



ASHING GOLD. 



regret to the strict but wholesome rule of himself and the ade- 
lantado. 

One dangerous indulgence granted to the colonists called for 
another, and each was ceded, in its turn, by Bobadilla. He sold 

the farms and estates of the crown at low 
prices, and granted universal permission to 
work the mines, on paj-ing only an eleventh 
of the produce to government. To pre- 
vent an_v diminution in the revenues, it be- 
came necessar}' to increase the quantity of 
gold collected. He enforced, therefore, the 
repartimientos, by which the caciques Avere 
obliged to furnish parties of their sub- 
jects to work for the Spaniards in the field 
and in the mine. To carrj' these into 
more complete effect, he made an eniimeration of the natives of 
the Island, reduced them into classes, and distributed them, accord- 
ing to his favor or caprice, among the colonists. His constant 
exhortation to the Spaniards was, to produce large quantities of 
gold. "Make the most of your time," he would say, "there is no 
knowing how long it will last ;" alluding to the possibility of his 
being speedily recalled. The colonists acted up to his advice, and 
so hard did they drive the poor natives, that the eleventh yielded 
more revenue than had ever been produced b}' the third, under the 
government of Columbus. In the mean time, the unhappy Indians 
sunk under the toils imposed upon them, and the severities b}' 
which they were enforced. A capricious tyrann}' was exercised 
over them by worthless men, numbers of whom had been trans- 
ported convicts from the dungeons of Castile. These wretches as- 
sumed the tone of grand cavaliers, and insisted upon being attended 
by trains of servants ; they took the daughters and female relatives 
of caciques for their servants or their concubines. In traveling, 
they obliged the natives to transport them on their shoulders in 
litters or hammocks, while others held umbrellas of palm leaves 
over their heads, and cooled them with fans of feathers. Some- 
times the backs and shoulders of the unfortunate Indians who bore 
the litters were raw and bleeding from the task. When these arro- 
gant upstarts arrived at an Indian village, thev capriciously seized 
upon and lavished the provisions of the inhabitants, and obliged 



OF COLUMBUS. 



339 



the cacique and his subjects to dance for their amusement. They 
never addressed the natives but in the most degrading terms ; and 
for the least offense, or in a mere freak of ill humor, they would 
inflict blows and lashes, and even death itself. 

The tidings of these abuses, and of the wrongs of the natives, 
grieved the spirit of Isabella, and induced her to urge the departure 
of Ovando. He was empowered to assume the command immediately 
on his arrival, and to send home Bobadilla by the return of the fleet. 
Hispaniola was to be the metropolis of the colonial government, 
which was to extend over the islands and Terra Firma. Ovando 
was to correct the late abuses, to revoke the improper licenses 
granted by Bobadilla, to lighten the burdens imposed upon the 
Indians, and to promote 
their religious instruction. 
He was, at the same time, 
to ascertain the injury 
sustained by Columbus in 
his late arrest and im- 
prisonment, and the ar- 
rears of revenue that were 
due to him, that he might 
receive ample redress and 
compeusation. The ad- 
miral was to be allowed a 
resident agent in the 

, ^ . " WHEN ONE OF THE WRETCHED, OVERLADEN INDIANS BROKE DOWN UNDER THE INTOLERABLE BURDEN HEAPE5 

island, to attenCl to lllS upon him. from sheer exhaustion, his head was immediately chopped off, 

rr ' 1 11'* AND THE BURDEN HEAPED UPON A NOTH EH. " — LAS CaSAS. 

aiiairs and guard his in- 
terests, to which office Columbus immediately appointed Alonzo 
Sanchez de Carvajal. 

Among various decrees on this occasion, we find the first trace 
of negro slavery in the new world. It was permitted to traiisi;ort 
to the colony negro slaves born in Spain, the children and descend- 
ants of natives brought from Guinea, where the slave trade had 
for some time been carried on by the Spaniards and Portuguese. 
There are signal events in the course of history, which sometimes 
bear the appearance of temporal judgments. It is a fact worthy 
of observation, that Hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin 
against nature and humanity was first introduced into the new 
world, has been the first to exhibit an instance of awful retribution.* 

* The insurrection of the negro&s under Toussaint L'Ouverture, 1791. 




A SPANISH CAVALIER OF THE TIME TRAVELING THROUGH THE COUNTRy. 



19 



340 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



The fleet appointed to convey Ovando to his government put 
to sea on the 13th of February, 1502. It was the largest arma- 
ment that had yet sailed to the new world, consisting of thirty 
sail, of various sizes, provided with all kinds of supplies for the 
colony. Twenty-five hundred souls embarked in this fleet, many 
of them persons of rank, with their families. Ovando was allowed 
a brilliant retinue, a body guard of horsemen, and the use of silks, 
brocades, and precious stones, at that time forbidden by the sump- 
tuary laws of Spain. Such was the style in which a favorite of 
Ferdinand, a native subject of rank, was fitted oiit to enter upon 
the government withheld from Columbus. 




8AOOLE FROM THE EARLY PART OF THE XVII. CENTURY. 

ARMORY, MADRID. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 




PROPOSITION OF COLUMBUS FOR A CRUSADE. HIS PREPARATIONS FOR A FOURTH VOYAGE. 

(1500-1S01.) 



OLUMBUS remained in the city of Granada up- 
wards of nine months, awaiting employment, and 
endeavoring to retrieve his affairs from the con- 
fusion into which they had been thrown. Dur- 
ing this gloomy period, he called to mind his 
vow to furnish, within seven years from the time 
of his discovery of the new world, an army of fifty 
thousand foot and five thousand horse, for the re- 
covery of the holy sepulchre. The time had elapsed, the vow re- 
mained unfulfilled, and the expected treasures that were to pay the 
army had never been realized. Destitute, therefore, of the 
means of accomplishing his pious purpose, he con- 
sidered it his duty to incite the sovereigns to 
the enterprise ; and he felt emboldened to do 
so, from having originally proposed it as 
the great object to which the profits of his 
discoveries should be directed. He set to 
work, therefore, with his accustomed zeal, 
to prepare arguments for the purpose. Aided 
by a Carthusian friar,* he collected into a 
manuscript volume all the passages in the 

* Cirthusian. The name of an order (who obligated 
themselves to eternal silence) given to it from the name of 
the cloister situated near Grenoble, F'rance, (La Grande 
Chartreuse) which was founded by Bruno A. D. 1086. 



CARTHUSIAN FRrAR. 
(34 




342 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Sacred Scriptures and in the writings of the Fathers, which he con- 
ceived to contain mystic portents and prophecies of the discovery 
of the new world, the conversion of the Gentiles, and the recov- 
ery of the hoi}' sepulchre; three great events which he considered 
as destined to succeed each other, and to be accomplished through 
his agenc}-. He prepared, at the same time, a long letter to the 
sovereigns, written with his usual fervor of spirit and simplicit}' of 
heart, urging them to set on foot a crusade for the conquest of 
Jerusalem. It is a singular composition, which lays open the vis- 
ionarv part of his character, and shows the m3'stic and speculative 
reading with which he was accustomed to nurture his solemn and 
soaring imagination.* 

It must be recollected that this was a scheme meditated in 
melanchol}' and enthusiastic moods, in the courts of the Alhambra, 
among the splendid remains of Moorish grandeur, where, but a few 
y?ars before, he had beheld the standard of the faith elevated in tri- 
,1- .-,"i ii^ove the svmbols of infidelit}-. It was in lyiison with the 

temper of the times, when the cross 
and sword frequently went together, 
and religion was made the pretext 
for the most desolating wars. 
Whether Columbus ever presented 
this book to the sovereigns is uncer- 
tain ; it is probable that he did not, 
as his thoughts suddenly returned, 
with renewed ardor, to their wonted 
channels, and he conceived a leading 
object for another enterprise of dis- 
covery. 

Vasco de Gama had recently ac- 
complished the long attempted navi- 
gation to India by the Cape of Good 
Hope, and Pedro Alvarez Cabral, fol- 
lowing in his track, had returned 
with his vessels laden with the pre- 

*The manuscript volume, including the let- 
ter, still exists in the Columbian library of the Ca- 
thedr.il of Seville, and has been inspected with 
great interest by the writer of this history. 

VASCO DE GAMA. 

fROM THE M5S. OF PEOHO B«BETTO OE HE5ENDA, IN THE S10»NE LIBBARy OF THE 

BRITISH MUSEUM. FME COMMENTARIES OF ALFONSO DALBOgUEHOUt. 

W. OE G. BIRCH. HACKLUYT 80C. 




OF COLUMBUS. 



343 



cious merchandise of the East. The riches of Calicut were now 
the theme of every tongue. The discoveries of the savage regions of 
the new world had as yet brought but little revenue to vSpain. b"" 
this route to the East Indies was pouring in 
immediate wealth upon Portugal. 

Columbus was roused to emulation, and 
trusted he could discover a route to those ori- 
ental regions more easy and direct than that of 
Vasco de Gama. According to his own obser- 
vations, and the reports of other navigators, 
the coast of Terra Firma stretched far to the 
westward. The southern coast of Cuba, which 
he considered a part of the Asiatic continent, 
stretched onward towards the same point. The 
currents of the Caribbean Sea must pass be- 
tween these lauds. He was persuaded, there- 
fore, that a strait must exist somewhere there- 
about, opening into the Indian Sea. The 
situation in which he placed his conjectural 
strait was somewhere about what is at present 
called the Isthmus of Darien. Could he but 
discover such a passage, and thus link the new 
world he had discovered, with the opulent 
oriental countries of the old, he felt that he should make a mag- 
nificent close to his labors. 

He unfolded his plan to the sovereigns, and, though it met 
with some narrow-minded opposition on the part of certain of the 
royal councillors, it was promptly adopted, and he was empowered 
to fit out an armament to carry it into effect. He accordingly de- 
parted for Seville in the autumn of 1501, to make the necessary 
preparations ; but such were the delays caused by the artifices of 
Fonseca and his agents, that it was not until the following month 
of May that he was able to put to sea. 




COAT OF ARMS OF VASCO DE GAMA. 




SIGNATURE OF VASCA DE GAMA (AND TWO WITNESSES) ON A DOCUMENT WHEREIN HE PAYS HOMAGE TO JOHN I 



VE LISSABON. 



344 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Before sailing, he took measures to provide against an}^ mis- 
fortune that might happen 'to himself in so distant and perilous an 
expedition. He caused copies to be made and authenticated, "of all 
the royal letters patent of his dignities and privileges ; of his letter 
to the nurse of Prince Juan, containing a vindication of his con- 
duct ; and of two letters assigning to the Bank of St. George, at 
Genoa, a tenth of his revenues, to be employed in diminishing the 
duties on provisions in his native city. These two sets of docu- 




CORSO DE LAS OELICIAS. SEVILLE. 



ments he sent by different hands to his friend, Doctor Nicolo Odo- 
rigo, who had been Genoese ambassador to the court of Spain, re- 
questing him to deposit them in some safe place at Genoa, and to 
apprize his son Diego of the same. 

He wrote also to Pope Alexander the Seventh, mentioning his 
vow to furnish an army for a crusade, but informing him of his 
being prevented from fulfilling it bj' being divested of his govern- 
ment. He promised his Holiness, however, on his return from his 
present voyage, to repair immediately to Rome, and render him an 
account of all his expeditions. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 



COLUMBUS SAILS ON HIS FOURTH VOYAGE. EVENTS AT THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA. HIS 
SEARCH AFTER AN IMAGINARY STRAIT. I1S02.I 



GE was rapidly making its advances npon 
Coliunbns, when lie nndertook liis fourth 
voyage of discovery. He was now about 
sixty-six years old. His constitution, 
originall}' vigorous in the extreme, had 
been impaired by hardships and ex- 
posures in ever}- clime, and by the 
mental sufferings he had undergone. 
His intellectual powers alone retained 
their wonted energy, prompting him, 
at a period of life when most men seek 
repose, to sally forth, with youthful ardor, 
on the most toilsome and adventurous of enter- 
prises. In this arduous voyage, he was accom- 
panied bv his brother Don Bartholomew, who 
commanded one of the vessels, and by his son 
Fernando, then in his fourteenth year. 
Columbus sailed from Cadiz on the 9th of May, 1502. His 
squadron consisted of four caravels, the largest of but seventy tons 
burden, the smallest of fifty; the crews amounted in all to one hun- 
dred and fifty men. With this little armament, and these slender 
barks, he undertook the search after a strait, which, if found, must 
conduct him into the most remote seas, and lead to a complete cir- 
cumnavigation of the globe. After touching at the Canaries, he 
had a prosperous voyage to the Caribbee Islands, arriving on the 
15th of June, at Mantinino, at present called IMartinique. He had 




(345) 



346 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

originally intended to steer to Jamaica, and from thence for the 
continent, in search of the supposed strait ; but one of his vessels 
proving a dull sailer, he bore away for Hispaniola, to exchange it 
for one of the fleet which had recently taken out Ovando. This 
was contrary to his orders, which had expressly forbidden him to 
touch at Hispaniola until his return homewards, lest his presence 
should cause some agitation in the island ; he trusted, however, the 
circumstances of the case would plead his excuse. 

Columbus arrived off the harbor of San Domingo at an unpro. 
pitious moment. The place was filled with the most virulent of his 
enemies, many of whom were in a high state of exasperation from 
recent proceedings which had taken place against them. The fleet 
which had brought out Ovando lay in the harbor ready to put to 
sea ; and was to take out Roldan, and many of his late adherents, 
some of whom were under arrest, and to be tried in Spain. Boba- 
dilla was to embark in the principal ship, on board of which he 
had put an immense amount of gold, the revenue collected for the 
government during his administration, and which he confidently 
expected would atone for all his faults. Among the presents he 
intended for the sovereigns was one mass of virgin gold, which is 
famous in the old Spanish chronicles. It was said to weigh three 
thousand six hundred castillanos. Large quantities of gold had 
also been shipped in the fleet by the followers of Roldan, and other 
adventurers ; the wealth gained b}^ the sufferings of the unhappy 
natives. 

It was on the 29th of June, that Columbus arrived at the mouth 
of the river, and sent an officer on shore to explain to the governor 
the purpose of his visit ; he requested permission, moreover, to 
shelter his squadron in the river, as he apprehended an approach- 
ing storm. His request was refused by Ovando, who probably had 
orders from the sovereigns to that effect, and perhaps was further 
swayed by prudent considerations. Columbus then sent a second 
message, entreating that the sailing of the fleet might be delayed, 
as there were indubitable signs of an approaching tempest. This 
request was as fruitless as the preceding ; the w-eather, to an inex- 
perienced eye, was fair and tranquil, and the warning of the admi- 
ral was treated with ridicule, as the prediction of a false prophet. 

Columbiis retired from the river, indignant at being denied 
relief, and refused shelter in the very island which he had discov- 



O;- COI.UMMUS. 



347 



ered. His crew mnrnuired loudly at being excluded from a port 
of their own nation, where even strangers, under similar circum- 
stances, would be admitted, and they repined at having embarked 
with a commander who was liable to such treatment. Co- 
lumbus, feeling confident that a storm was at hand, kept his 
feeble squadron close to shore, and sought for shelter in some 
wild bay or river of the island. 

In the mean time, the fleet of Bobadilla set sail from San 
Domingo, and stood out confidently to sea. Within two days, 
the predictions of Colunibu.i were verified. One of those 
tremendotis storms Vvhicli sometimes sweep those latitudes, 
gradually gathered up and begun to blow. The little 
squadron of Columbus remained for a time tolerably well 
sheltered by the land, but the tempest increasing, and the 
night coming on with unusual darkness, the ships lost sight 
of each other, and were separated. The admiral still kept 
close to the shore, and sustained no damage. The three other 
vessels ran out for sea-room, and for several days were driven 
about at the mercy of wind and wave, feartul each moment of 
shipwreck, and giving up each other as lost. The adelantado, 
who commanded the worst vessel of the squadron, ran the 
most imminent hazard, and nothing but his consummate sea- 
manship enabled him to keep her afloat ; he lost his longboat, 
and all the other vessels sustained more or less injury. At 
length, after variotis vicissitudes, they all arrived sate at Port 
Hermoso, to the west of San Domingo. 

A different fate befell the other armament. The ship on 
board of which were Bobadilla, Roldan, and a number of the 
most inveterate enemies of Columbus, was swallowed up with 
all its crew, and with the celebrated mass of gold, and the 
principal part of the ill-gotten treasure gained by the miseries 
of the Indians. ]\Ian\ of the other ships ueie entiieh lost, j'S!? 
some returned to San Domiugo m shatteied condition, and 
only one was en- 
abled to con- 
tinue her voy- 
age to Spain. 
That one, it is 
said, was the 





.:y 





"^•BS^f ^ 



.;:,*?n. 



TH£ DESTRUCTION OF THE FLEET OF BOBADILLA. 



348 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



weakest of the fleet, and had on board of it four thousand pieces of 
gold, the property of tlie admiral, remitted to Spain by his agent 
Carvajal. Both Fernando Columbus, and the venerable historian Las 
Casas, looked upon this event as one of those awful judgments which 
seem at times to deal forth temporal retribution. They notice the 
circumstance, that while the enemies of the admiral were thus, as it 
were, before his eyes, swallowed up in the raging sea, the only ship 
enabled to pursue her voyage was the frail bark ireighted with his 
propertv. Many of the superstitious seamen, who, from the sagac- 
ity- displaved bv Columbus, in judging of the signs of the elements, 
and his variety of scientiiic knowledge, looked upon him as endowed 
with supernatural powers, landed he had conjured up this storm by 
magic spells, for the destruction of his enemies. The evils in this, 
as in r.iopt of the cases called temporal judgments, overwhelmed the 
innocent with the guiltv. In the same ship with Bobadilla and 
led the captive Gnarionex, the unfortunate cacique of 



Rol 
tile 



:.a:\, pens 



After repairing the damages sustained b}' his ships in the 
storm, Columbus steered for Terra Firma, but the weather falling 
perfectly calm he was swept away to the northwest by the currents, 
until he arrived on the southern coast of Culia. The wind spring- 
ing up fair, he resumed his course, and, standing to the southwest, 
was enabled, on the 30th of July, to make the island of Guanaga, 
a few leagues distant from the coast of Honduras. While the ade- 

lantado was on shore at this 
island, a canoe arrived of an 
immense size, on board of which 
sat a cacique with his wives 
and children, under an awning 
of palm leaves. The canoe 
was paddled by twent3'-five 
Indians, and freighted with 
various merchandisr, the rude 
manufactures and natural pro- 
ductions of the adjacent coun- 
tries. There were hatchets and 
other utensils of copper, with 
a kind of crucible for the melt- 
ing of that metal ; various ves- 




INOIAN POTTFH^ PR^^" TMF 



^J'^MH^= ^Mn^^B^"l 



OF COLUMBUS. 349 

sels neatly formed of clay, marble, and hard wood ; mantles of cotton, 
worked and dyed with various colors; and many other articles 
which indicated a superior degree of art and civilization than had 
hitherto been discovered in the new world. 

The Indians, as far as they could be understood, informed the 
admiral that they had come from a country rich, cultivated, and 
industrious, situated to tlie west, and urged him to steer in that 
direction. Well would it have been for Columbus had he followed 
their advice. Within a day or two he would have arrived at Yuca- 
tan ; the discovery of Mexico, and the other opulent countries of 
New Spain, would have necessarily followed; the Southern Ocean 
would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid 
discoveries would have shed fresh glory on his declining age, in- 
stead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect, and disappointment. 

The admiral's whole mind, however, was at present intent upon 
discovering the supposed strait that was to lead him to the Indian 
Ocean. He stood, therefore, southwardly for some mountains which 
he descried not many leagues distant, and made Cape Honduras, 
and from thence proceeded eastwardlv, beating against contrary 
winds, and struggling with the currents which sweep that coast. 
There was an almost incessant tempest, with heavy rain and awful 
thunder and lightning. His vessels were strained so that their 
seams opened; the sails and rigging were rent, and the provisions 
damaged by the rain and the leakage. The sailors were exhausted 
with fatigue, and harassed with terror. Several times they con- 
fessed their sins to each other, and prepared for death. During a 
great part of this time, Columbus suffered extremely from the gout, 
and his complaint was aggravated b\- watchfulness and anxiety. 
His illness did not prevent his attending to his duties ; he had a 
small cabin or round-house constructed on the stern, from whence, 
even when confined to his bed, he could keep a lookout, and ifgn- 
late the sailing of the ships. IManv times he was so ill that he 
thought his end approaching, and his anxious mind was distressed 
at the thoughts that his brother Don Bartholomew, and his son 
Fernando, were exposed to the same dangers and hardships. Often, 
too, his thoughts reverted to his son Diego, and the cares and mis- 
fortunes into which his death might plunge him. At length, after 
struggling for upwards of forty days to make a distance of about 
seventy leagues, he arrived, on the 14th of September, at a cape 



35° 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



where the coast made a sudden bend, and turned directly south. 
Doubling this cape, he had immediately an easy wind, and swept 
ofif with flowing sail, in consequence of which he gave it the name 
of Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God. 

For three weeks he continued coasting what is at present 
called the Alosquito shore, in the course of which a boat with its 
crew was swallowed up by the sudden swelling of a river. He had 
occasional interviews with the natives, but a mutual distrust pre- 
vailed between them and the Spaniards. The Indians were fright- 
ened at seeing a notary of the fleet take out pen, ink, and paper, 
and proceed to write down the information they were communicat- 
ing ; they supposed he was working some magic spell, and to coun- 
teract it, they scattered a fragrant powder in the air, and burnt it 
so that the smoke should be borne toward the Spaniards. The 
superstitious seamen looked upon these counter charms with equal 
distrust. They suspected the people of this coast to be great 
enchanters, and that all the delays and hardships they had experi- 
enced were in consequence of the ships being under some evil 
spell, wrought by their magic arts. Even Columbus, and his son 
and historian Fernando, appear. to have been tinctured with 
this superstition, which indeed is characteristic of the age. 

On the 5th of October, Columbus arrived at what is at 
present called Costa Rica (or the Rich Coast), from 
the gold and silver mines found in after years 
among its mountains. Here he began to find 
ornaments of pure gold among the natives. 
These increased in quantity when he came 
to what has since been called the coast of 
Veragua, where he was assured that the 
richest mines were to be found. In sail- 
ing along these coasts he received re- 
peated accounts of a great kingdom 
in the west, called Ciguare, at the 
distance of several days' journey, 
where, as far as he could understand 
the imperfect explanations of his 
interpreters, the inhabitants wore 
crowns and bracelets and anklets of 
gold, and employed it in embroider- 







NDIAN WOMAN OF CIGUAHE (MODEHN MEXICO) SPINNING. 



OF COLUMBUS. 351 

ing their garments, and ornamenting and embossing their furni- 
ture. They were armed, also, like the Spaniards, with swords, 
bucklers, and cuirasses, and were mounted on horses. The country 
was described also as being commercial, with seaports, in which 
ships arrived armed with cannon. Above all, Columbus under- 
stood that the sea continued round to this kingdom of Ciguare, and 
that ten days beyond it was the Ganges. 

These were evident]}' rumors of the distant kingdom of 
Mexico, imperfectlv interpreted to Columbus, and shaped and col- 
ored b}' his imagination. He concluded that this country must be 
some province belonging to the Grand Khan, and must lie on the 
opposite side of a peninsula, and that he would soon arrive at a 
strait leading into the Indian Sea, which washed its shores. The 
supposed vicinity of the Ganges caused no surprise, as he had 
adopted the opinion of certain ancient philosophers, who gave the 
world a smaller circumference than was generally imagined, and 
but fifty-six miles and two-thirds to a degree of the equinoctial 
line. 

With these erroneous but ingenious ideas, Columbus continued 
to press forward in search of the imaginary strait, contending with 
adverse winds and currents, and meeting with great hostility from 
the natives ; for the Indians of these coasts were fierce and war- 
like, and many of the tribes are supposed to have been of Carib 
origin. At sight of the ships, the forests would resound with yells 
and war-whoops, with wooden drums, and the blasts of conchs, and 
on landing the shores would be lined with savage warriors armed 
with clubs, and lances, and swords of palm wood. 

At length, having discovered and named Puerto Bello, and 
continued beyond Cape Nombre de Dios, Columbus arrived at a 
small and narrow harbor, to which he gave the name of El Retrete, 
or The Cabinet. Here he had reached the point, to which Bastides, 
an enterprising vo3'ager, coasting from the eastward, had recently 
explored. Whether Columbus knew or not of the voyage of this 
discoverer, does not clearly appear, but here he was induced to 
give up all fxirther attempt to find the strait. The seamen were 
disheartened by the constant opposition of the winds and currents, 
and by the condition of the ships, which were pierced in all parts 
by the teredo or worm, so destructive in the tropical seas. They 
r-^nsidered themselves still under an evil spell, worked by the In- 



352 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



dian sorcerers, and the commanders remonstrated against forcing 
their way any farther in spite of the elements, with ships so crazed 
and leaky. Columbus yielded to their solicitations, and determined 
to return to the coast of Veragua, and search for the mines which 
were said to abound there. 

Here, then, ended the lofty anticipations which had elevated 
him above all mercenary views in his struggle along these perilous 
coasts, and had given a heroic character to the early part of his 
voyage. It is true, he had been in pursuit of a mere chimera, but 
it was the chimera of a splendid imagination and a penetrating 
judgment. The subsequent discovery of the Pacific Ocean bathing 
the opposite shores of that narrow isthmus, has proved that a great 
part of his theory was well founded. 




.NDIAN FROM TME MOSQUITO COAST (mODCHNJ. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 




RETURN TO THE COAST OF VERACUA CONTESTS WITH THE NATIVES. '1502. ) 

N the sth of December, Columbus 
sailed from El Retrete, to re- 
turn westward in search of 
the gold mines of Veragua. 
He had not proceeded far, how- 
iji-s ever, when the wind suddenly 
veered to the west, the point 
from whence, for three months, 
he had been wishing it to blow, 
but frcm whence it now came 
only to contradict him. In a little 
while it became so variable and furious as 
to baffle all seamanship. For nine days the vessels were tossed 
about, at the mercy of a raging tempest, in an unknown sea, and 
often exposed to the awful perils of a lee shore. The sea, accord- 
ing to the description of Columbus, boiled at times like a cauldron; 
at other times it ran in n:ountain waves, covered with foam. At 
night, the raging billows sparkled with luminous particles which 
made them resemble great surges of flame. For a day and a night 
the heavens glowed like a furnace with incessant flashes of light- 
ning; while the loud claps of thunder were often mistaken by the 
mariners for signal guns of distress from their foundering compan- 
ions. During the whole time there was such a deluge of rain, that 
the seamen were almost drowned in their open vessels. 

In the midst of this wild tumult of the elements they beheld 
a new object of alarm. The ocean in one place became strangely 



(353) 




THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS THREATENED WITH ENTIRE DESTRUCTION BY WATER SPOUTS, 



<354^ 



OF COLUMBUS. 355 

agitated. The water was whirled up into a kind of Pyramid or 
coue, while a livid cloud, tapering to a point, bent down to meet it. 
Joining together, they formed ;i column, which rajiidly approached 
the ships, spinning along the surface of the deep, and drawing up 
the waters with a rushing sound. The affrighted mariners, when 
they beheld this waterspout advancing towards them, despaired of 
averting it by human means, and began to repeat certain ])assages 
from vSt. John the Ivvangelist. The waterspout passed close by 
their ships without injuring them, and they attributed their escape 
to the miraculous elficacy of their quotations from the Scriptures. 

An interval of calm succeeded, but even this afforded but little 
consolation to the tempest-tossed mariners, they looktd u\ion it as 
deceitful, and beheld with alarm great numbers of sharks, so abun- 
dant and ravenous in those latitudes, roaming about the ships. 
Among the superstitions of the seas is the belief that these vora- 
cious fish have not only the faculty of smelling dead bodies at a 
distance, but have a ])resentiment of their ])rey, ana kee]) about 
vessels which have sick persons on board, or which aic in danger 
of being wrecked. 

For three weeks longer they continued to be driven to and 
fro, by changeal)le and Icnipcstuous wimls, endeavoring to make a 
distance of merel_v thirty leagues, insomuch that Columbus gave 
this line of seaboard the name of /jr Cos/a dc los Coii/ias/rs, or the 
Coast of Contradicti(nis. .\t length, to his great joy, he arrived, on 
the day of Epiphanv, (the 6th of January) on the coast of X'eragua, 
and anchored in a river to which, in honcn- of the day, he gave the 
name of Belen or Bethlehem. 

The natives of the neighborhood manifested the same iierce 
and warlike character that generally prevailed ahnig this coast. 
They were soon conciliated, however, and brought many ornaments 
of fine gold to traffic ; but assured the admiral that the mines lay 
near the river Veragua, which was about two leagues distant. The 
adelantado had an interview with Ouibian, the cacique of Veragua, 
who afterwards visited the ships. He was a stern warrior, of tall 
and powerful frame, and taciturn and cautious character. .'\ few 
days afterwards, the adelantado, attended by sixty-eight men, well 
armed, proceeded to explore the Veragua, and seek its reputed 
mines. The}- ascended the river about a league and a half, to the 
village of Quibian, which was situated on a hill. The cacique de- 

20 



356 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



JOti BABTHOLOMEW 
FORESTS OF 



scended with a numerous train of his subjects, unarmed, and took 
his seat on a great stone, which one of his attendants drew out of 
the river. He received his guests with courtesy, for the lofty, vig- 
rous, and iron form of the adelantado, and his resolute 
iemeanor, were calculated to inspire awe and respect in 
an Indian warrior. Though his jealousy was evidently 
awakened by the intrusion of the Spaniards into his ter- 
ritories, yet he readily furnished Don Bartholomew with 
guides, to conduct him to the mines. These guides led 
the adelantado and his men about six leagues into the in- 
terior, among thick forests of lofty and magniiicent trees, 
where they told them the mines were situated. In fact, 
the whole soil appeared impregnated with gold, and the 
Spaniards collected a considerable quantity from the 
surface of the earth, and from among the roots of the 
trees. From hence, the adelantado was conducted to the 
summit of a high hill, which overlooked an immense ex- 
tent of country, with various villages, and the guides as- 
sured him, that the whole land, to the distance of twenty 
days' journey westward, abounded in gold. 

Another expedition of Don Bartholomew along the 
coast, westward, was ecjually satisfactory; 
and the reports which he brought of golden 
tracts of countr}^, together with the rumors 
of a rich and civilized kingdom in the in- 
terior, and the erroneous idea with respect 
to the vicinity of the Ganges, all concurred 
to produce a new illusion in the ardent mind 
of Columbus. He fancied that he had actu- 
ally arrived at the Aurea Chersonesus, from 
whence, according to Josephus, the gold had 
been procured for the building of the temple of Jerusalem. Here, 
then, was a place at which to found a colony, and establish a mart, 
which should become an emporium of the wealth of a vast region 
of mines. His brother, Don Bartholomew, concurred with him in 
opinion, and agreed to remain here with the greater part of the 
people, while the admiral should return to Spain for supplies and 
reinforcements. 

They immediately proceeded to carry their plan into operation. 




COLUMBUS ON THE HOAD THROUGH THE VIRGIN 
VERAGUA TO THE REPUTED GOLO MINES. 



OF COLUMBl'S. 



357 



Eighty men were selected to remain. Houses of wood, thatched 
with palm leaves, were erected on the high bank of a creek, about 
a bow-shot within the mouth of the river Belen. A storehouse was 
built to receive part of the ammunition, artillery, and stores; the 
rest was put on board of one of the caravels, which was to be left 
for the use of the colon}'. 

The houses being sufficiently finished to be habitable, the ad- 
miral prepared for his departure, when he found, to his surprise, 
that the river, wliich on his arrival had been swollen by rain, had 
subsided to such a degree, that there was not above half a fathom 
of water on the bar. Though his vessels were small, it was impos- 
sible to draw them over the sands at the mouth of the river, on ac- 
count of a heavy surf. He was obliged, therefore, to wait until the 
rains should again swell the river. 

In the mean time, Onibian beheld with secret indignation 
these strangers intruding themselves into his dominions. Colum- 
bus had sought to secure his friendship bj' various presents, but in 
vain. The cacique, ignorant of the vast sxiperioritv of the Euro- 
peans in the art of war, thought it easy to overwhelm and destroy 
them. He sent messengers around, and ordered all his fighting 
men to assemble at his residence, under pretext of making war 
upon a neighboring province. The movements of the Indians 
awakened the suspicions of one Diego Mendez, chief notary ol th: 
armament. He was a man of zeal and spirit, of a shrewd 
and prying character, and entirely devoted to the admiral. 
He mingled among the Indians, and observed circumstances 
which satisfied him that they were meditating an attack. 
The admiral was loth to believe it, and was desirous of 
clearer information, before he took any step ! — :. , -:-- ,*?; 
that might interrupt the pacific intercourse 
that 3-et prevailed. The indefatigable 
Mendez now undertook a service of life and 
death. Accompanied by a few friendl}' In- 
dians, he penetrated as a spy to the very 
residence of Quibian, who they heard had 
been wounded in the leg by an arrrow. 
Alendez gave himself out as a surgeon 
come to cure the wound, and made his way 
to the mansion of the grim warrior, which 




DIEGO MENDED APt-ROACHING THE 



GE OF THE CACIQUE QUlBlAN. 



358 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

was situated on the crest of a hill, and surrounded by three hundred 
heads, on stakes ; dismal trophies of the enemies he had vanquished 
in battle. Undismayed by this sight, Mendez endeavored to enter, 
but was met at the threshold by the son of the cacique, who re- 
pulsed him with a violent blow, that made him recoil several paces. 
He managed to pacify the furious 3'oung savage, by taking out a 
box of ointment, and assuring him that he only came for the pur- 
pose of curing his father's wounds. He then made him presents 
of a comb, scissors, and mirror, taught him and his Indians the use 
of them in cutting and arranging their hair, and thus ingratiated 
himself with them by administering to their vanity. It was im- 
possible, however, to gain admittance to the cacique ; but Mendez 
saw enough to convince him that the attack was about to be carried 
into effect, and that it was merely delayed by the wound of the 
cacique ; he hastened back, therefore, to Columbus with the intelli- 
gence. 

An Indian interpreter, a native of the neighborhood, corrobor- 
ated the report of Mendez. He informed the admiral that Ouibian 
intended to come secretly in the dead of the night, with all his 
warriors, to set fire to the ships and houses, and massacre the 
Spaniards. 

When the adelantado heard of this plot, he conceived a coun- 
terplot to defeat it, which he carried into effect with his usual 
promptness and resolution. Taking with him seventy-four men, 
well armed, among whom was Diego Mendez, and being accompa- 
nied by the Indian interpreter who had revealed the conspiracy, he 
set off in boats to the mouth of the Veragua, ascended it rapidly, 
and landed in the night at the village of the cacique, before the 
Indians could have notice of his approach. Lest Ouibian should 
take the alarm and ily, he ascended to his house, accompanied only 
by Diego Mendez and four other men, ordering the rest to come on 
gradually and secretly, and at the discharge of an arquebuse to rush 
up and surround the house, and suffer no one to escape. 

The cacique, hearing of his approach, came forth, and seating 
himself in the portal, desired him to advance singly. Don Bar- 
tholomew complied, ordering Diego Mendez and his four compan- 
ions to remain at a little distance, but to rush to his aid at a con- 
certed signal. He then advanced, addressed the cacique by means 
of the interpreter, inquired about his wound, and pretending to 



OF COLUMBUS. 



359 



examine it, took him by the arm. This was the signal, at which 
four of the Spaniards rushed forward, the f fth discharged the ar- 
quebuse. A violent 
struggle ensued be- 
tween Don Bar- 
tholomew and ■ 
the cacique, who 
were both men of 
great muscular force, 
but, with the assi'^t- 
ance of Diego 
Mendez and his 
companions, Qui- 
bian was over- 
powered, and 
bound h and and 
foot. In the mean- 
time the main body 
of the Spaniards sur 
rounded the house, and captured the 
wives and children of the cacique, and sev 
eral of his principal subjects. The prison 
ers were sent off to the ships, while the adelantado, with a part of 
his men, remained on shore to pursue the Indians who had escaped. 
The cacique was conveyed to the boats by Juan Sanchez, the 
principal pilot of the squadron, a powerful and spirited man. The 
adelantado charged him to be on his guard against any attempt at 
rescue or escape. The sturdy pilot replied, that if the cacique es- 
caped from his clutches he would give them leave to pluck out his 
beard hair by hair. On arriving at the boat, he secured his pris- 
oner by a strong cord to one of the benches. It was a dark night ; 
as the boat proceeded down the river, the cacique complained pite- 
ously of the painfulness of his bonds, until the rough heart of the 
pilot was touched with compassion. He loosened the cord, there- 
fore, by which Quibian was tied to the bench, keeping the end of it 
in his hand. The wily Indian now watched his opportunity, and 
plunged suddenly into the water with such violence that the pilot 
had to let go the cord, lest he should be drawn in after him. The 
darkness of the night, and the bustle which took place in prevent- 




lOLENT STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE CACIQUE QUIBIAN / 
THE ADELANTADO. 



360 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



ing the escape of the other prisoners, rendered it impossible to 
pursue the cacique, or even to ascertain his fate. Juan Sanchez 
hastened to the ships with the residue of the captives, deeply mort- 
ified at being thus outwitted by a savage. 

The adelantado remained all night on shore, but on the follow- 
ing morning, seeing the wild and rugged nature of the country, he 
gave up all further pursuit of the Indians, and returned to the 
ships with the spoils of the cacique's mansion, consisting of brace- 
lets, anklets, and massive plates of gold, and two golden coronets. 
One-fifth of the booty was set apart for the crown, the residue was 
shared among those concerned in the enterprise, and one of the 
coronets was assigned to the adelantado as a trophy of his exploit. 




BOTTOM OF AN ENAMELED CUP FOUND IN THE CEMETERY OF 

TENENEPANGO, MEXICO. 

SIMILAR IN WORKMANSHIP TO POTTERY FOUND IN COSTA RICA. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 



DISASTERS OF THE SETTLEMENT. (lS03.) 




in 



the river, as some 



ATISFIED that the vigorous measures of the adelantado 
had struck terror into the Indians, and crushed their 
hostile designs, Columbus took advantage of a swelling 
of the river, to pass the bar with three of his caravels, 

leaving the fourth for the use of the settlement. He then anchored 

within a league of the shore, until a favorable wind should spring 

up for Hispaniola. 

The cacique Quibian had not perished 

had supposed. Plunging to the bottom, 

he swam for some distance below the sur- 
face, and then emerging, escaped to the 

shore. His home, however, was desolate, 

and to complete his despair, he saw the 

vessels standing out to sea, bearing away 

his wives and children captives. Furious 

for revenge, he gathered together a great 

number of his warriors, and assailed the 

settlement when the Spaniards were scat- 
tered and off their guard. The Indians 

launched their javelins through the roofs 

of the houses, which were of palm leaves, 

or hurled them in at the windows, or 

thrust them between the logs which com- 
posed the walls, and wounded several of 

the Spaniards. On the iirst alarm, the 

adelantado seized a sword, and sallied 

forth with seven or eight of his men : 




THE ADELANTADO WOUNDED BY ONE OF QUIBIAN'S WARRIORS. 

(361) 



362 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Diego Mendez brought several others to his assistance. They had 
a short skirmish ; one Spaniard was killed, and eight wounded ; 
the adelantado received a thrust in the breast with a javelin ; but 
they succeeded in repulsing the Indians, with considerable loss, and 
driving them into the forest. 

During the skirmish, a boat came on shore from the ships to 
procure wood and water. It was commanded b}- Diego Tristan, 
a captain of one of the caravels. When the Indians were put to 
flight, he proceeded up the river, in quest of fresh water, disregard- 
ing the warning counsels of those on shore. 

The boat had ascended about a league above the village, to a 
part of the river overshadowed by lofty banks and spreading trees. 
Suddenly the forest resounded with yells and war-whoops, and the 
blasts of conchs. A shower of missiles was rained from the shores, 
and canoes darted out from creeks and coves, filled with warriors, 
brandishing their weapons. The Spaniards, losing all presence of 
mind, neglected to use their firearms, and only sought to shelter 
themselves with their bucklers. The captain, Diego Tristan, though 
covered with wounds, endeavored to animate his men, when a jave- 
lin pierced his right e3'e, and struck him dead. The canoes now 
closed upon the boat, and massacred the crew. One Spaniard alone 
escaped, who, having fallen overboard, dived to the bottom, swam 
under water, and escaped unperceived to shore, bearing tidings of 
the massacre to the settlement. The Spaniards were so alarmed 
at the intelligence, and at the thoughts of the dangers that were 
thickening around them, that, notwithstanding the remonstrances 
of the adelantado, they determined to embark in the caravel, and 
abandon the place altogether. On making the attempt, however, 
they found that, the torrents having subsided, the river was again 
shallow, and it was impossible for the caravel to pass over the bar. 
A high sea and boisterous surf also prevented their sending off a 
boat to the admiral, with intelligence of their danger. While thus 
cut off from all retreat or succor, horrors increased upon them. 
The mangled bodies of Diego Tristan and his men came floating 
down the stream, and drifted about the harbor, with flights of 
crows and other carrion birds feeding on them, and hovering, and 
screaming, and fighting about their prey. 

In the mean time, the dismal sound of conchs and war drums 
was heard in every direction in the bosom of the surrounding for- 



OF COLUMBUS. 



■>^3 



est, showing that the enemy was angmenting in number, and pre- 
paring for further hostilities. The adelantado, therefore, deemed 
it unsafe to remain in the village, which was adjacent to the woods. 
He chose an open place on the shore, wdiere he caused a kind of 
bulwark to be made of the boat of the caravel, and of casks and sea 
cheats. Two places were left open as embrasures, in which were 
mounted a couple of falconets, or small pieces of artillery. In this 
little fortress, the Spaniards shut themselves up, and kept the Indi- 
ans at a distance by the terror of their firearms ; but the}- were 
exhausted by watching atid by incessant alarms, 
and looked forward with despondency to the 
time when their ammunition should be ex- 
haiisted, or they should be driven forth by 
hunger to seek for food. 

While the Spaniards were exposed to 
such imminent peril on shore, great anxiety 
prevailed on board of the ships. Day after 
day elapsed without the return of Diego 
Tristan and his party, and it was feared 
that some disaster had befallen them. But 
one boat remained for the service of the ships, 
and they dared not risk it in the rough sea 
and heavy surf, to send it on shore for in- 
telligence. A circumstance occurred to in- 
crease the anxiety of the crews. The Indian 
prisoners were confined in the forecastle of 
one of the caravels. In the night they sud- 
denly burst open the hatch, several flung 
themselves into the sea, and swam to the shore ; 
the rest were secured and forced back into the 
forecastle, but such was their unconquerable spirit and their des- 
pair, that they hanged or strangled themselves with ends of cords 
which lay about in their prison, and in the morning w'ere all found 
dead. 

The escape of some of the prisoners gave great uneasiness to 
the admiral, fearing they would stimulate their countrymen to some 
new act of vengeance. Still it was impossible to send a boat on 
shore. At length one Pedro Ledesma, a man of great strength 
and resolution, volunteered, if the boat would take him to the edge 




PfllSONERS MAKE A BREAK FOR tlBERTV, BY THROW 
THEMSELVES HEADLONG INTO THE SEA FROM THE 
FORECASTLE OF THE CARAVCU 



364 THE lifp: and voyages 

of tlie surf, to plunge into the sea, swim to the shore, and bring ofif 
intelligence. He succeeded, and, on his return, informed the admi- 
ral of all the disasters of the settlement ; the attack by the Indians, 
and the massacre of Diego Tristan and his boat's crew. He found 
the Spaniards in their forlorn fortress, in a complete state of insub- 
ordination. They were preparing canoes to take them to the ships, 
when the weather should moderate. They threatened that, if the 
admiral refused to take them on board, they would embark in the 
remaining caravel, as soon as it could be extricated from the river, 
and would abandon themselves to the mercy of the seas, rather than 
continue on that fatal coast. 

The admiral was deeply afflicted at this intelligence, but there 
appeared no alternative but to embark all the people, abandon the 
settlement for the present, and return at a future da}', with a force 
competent to take secure possession of the country. The state of 
the weather rendered the execution even of this plan doubtful. 
The high wind and boisterous waves still prevented ccmniunica- 
tion, and the situation of those at sea, in crazy and feeblj' manned 
ships, on a lee shore, was scarcely less perilous than that of their 
comrades on the land. Bvery hour increased the anxiety of the 
admiral. Days of constant perturbation^ and nights of sleepless 
anguish, preyed iipon a constitution broken by age and hardships. 
Amidst the acute maladies of the body, and the fever of the mind, 
he appears to have been visited b}' partial delirium. In a letter to 
the sovereigns, he gives an account of a kind of vision, which com- 
forted him when full of despondency, and tossing upon a couch of 
pain. In the silence of the night, when, wearied and sighing, he 
had fallen into a slumber, he thought he heard a voice reproaching 
him with his want of confidence in God. "Oh fool, and slow to 
believe thv God!" exclaimed the voice; "what did he more for 
Moses or for his servant David? From the time that thou wert 
born he has ever taken care of thee. When he saw thee of a fitting 
age, he made thy name to resound marvellously throughout the 
world. The Indies, those rich parts of the earth, he gave thee for 
thine own, and empowered thee to dispose of them to others ac- 
cording to thy pleasure. He delivered thee the keys of the gates 
of the ocean sea, shut up by such mighty chains, and thou wert 
obeyed in many lands, and didst acquire honorable fame among 
Christians. * * * * Thou dost call despondingly for succor. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



365 



Answer! who has afflicted thee? God, or the world? The privileges 
and promises which God has made thee, he has never broken. He 
fulfills all that he promises, and with increase. Thy present 
troubles are the reward of the toils and perils thou hast endured in 
serving others." Amidst its reproaches the voice mingled promises 
of further protection, and assurances that his age should be no im- 
pediment to any great undertaking. 

Such is the vision which Columbus circumstantially relates in 
a letter to the sovereigns. The words here spoken b}- a supposed 
voice, are truths which dwelt upon his mind and agitated his spirit 
in his waking hours; it is natural, therefore, that they should recur 
vividly in his feverish dreams. He had a solemn belief that he was a 
peculiar instrument in the hands of Providence, which, together 
with a deep tinge of superstition, common to the age, made him 
prone to mistake every striking dream for a revelation. 

His error was probably confirmed by subsequent circumstances. 
Immediately after the supposed vision, and after nine da_vs of 
boisterous weather, the wind subsided, the sea became calm, and 
the adelantado and his companions were happily rescued from their 
perilous situation, and embarked on board of the ships. Every 
thing of value was likewise brought on board, and nothing re- 
mained but the hull of the caravel, which could not be extricated 
from the river. Diego Alendez was extremely efficient in bringing 
off the people and the propert}^; and, in reward of his zeal and 
services, the admiral gave him the command of the caravel, vacant 
by the death of the unfortunate Diego Tristan. 














CHAPTER XL. 



VOYAGE TO JAMAICA. TRANSACTIONS AT THAT ISLAND. 11503.) 




i^OWARDS the end of April, Columbus 
^ set sail from the disastrous coast of 
[c Veragua. The wretched condition of 
^i his ships, the enfeebled state of his 



ips 
"\ "^f^'i '^^s^^'s. and the scarcity of provisions, 
J;^3a,lli) determined him to make the best of 
his way for Hispaniola : but it was nec- 
essary, before standing across for that 
A. island, to gain a considerable distance to 
the east, to avoid being swept away far 
^r\ below their destined port by the cur- 
SV^ rents. The pilots and mariners, who 
rv> had not studied the navigation of these 
seas with an equally experienced and ob- 
^ servant eye, fancied, when Columbus stood 
along the coast to the east, that he intended to 
proceed immediately to Spain, and murmured 
loudly at the madness of attempting so long a voyage, with ships 
destitute of stores and consumed by the worms. The admiral 



L3«) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



367 



did not impart his reasons, for he was disposed to make a mys- 
tery of his routes, seeing the number of private adventurers daily 
crowding into his track. 

Continuing along the coast eastward, he was obliged to aban- 
don one of the caravels in the harbor of Puerto Bello, being so 
pierced by the teredo that it was impossible to keep her afloat. He 
then proceeded about ten leagues beyond Point Bias, near to what 
is at present called the gulf of Darien, and which he supposed to 
be the province of Mangi, in the territories of the Grand Khan. 
Here he bade farewell to the mam land, and stood northward on 
the first of Ma}', in quest of Hispaniola. Notwithstanding all his 
precautions, however, he was carried so far west by the currents, as 
to arrive, on the 30th of Ala}-, among the cluster of islands called 
the Queen's Gardens, on the south side of Cuba. During this time, 
his crews had suffered excessively from hunger and fatigue. They 
were crowded into two caravels, little better than mere wrecks, and 
which were scarcely kept afloat by incessant labor at the pump. 
They were enfeebled by scanty diet, and dejected by a variety of 

hardships. A violent 
storm, on the coast of 
Cuba, drove the vessels 
upon each other, and 
shattered them to such 
a degree, that the ad- 
miral, after struggling 
as far as Cape Cruz, 
gave up all further at- 
tempt to navigate them 
to Hispaniola, and stood 
' over, in search of a secure port, on the island 
of Jamaica. Here, on the 24th of June, they 
anchored in a harbor, to which the admiral gave 
the name of Port San Gloria. 

Seeing that his ships were no longer capa- 
ble of standing the sea, and were in danger 
of foundering even in port, Columbus ran 
them aground, within bowshot of the shore, 
where they were fastened together side by side. They soon filled 
with water. Thatched cabins were then erected at the prow and 







't - 

COtUMBUS HUNS THE CARAVEL AGfiOi 
ON THE ISLAND OF JAMAICA. 



368 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Stern to shelter the crews, and the wreck was placed in the best 
possible state of defense. Thus castled in the sea, Columbus trusted 

— to be able to repel any sudden attack of 
the natives, and at the same time to keep 
^ his men under proper restraint. No one 
^■^1 was permitted to go on shore without 
especial license, and the utmost precau- 
tion was taken to prevent any offence 
being given to the Indians, who soon 
swarmed to the harbor with provisions, 
as any exasperation of them might be 
fatal to the Spaniards in their present 
forlorn situation. Two persons were ap- 
pointed to superintend all bargains, and 
the provisions thus obtained were divided 
every evening among the people. As 
the immediate neighborhood, however, 
might soon be exhausted, the zealous 
and intrepid Diego Mendez made a tour 
in the interior, accompanied by three 
men, and made arrangements for the ca- 
ciques at a distance to furnish daily sup- 
plies at the harbor, in exchange for Eu- 
ropean trinkets. He returned in tri- ' 
umph, in a canoe which he had purchased 
from the Indians, and which he had freighted with provisions, 
and through his able arrangement the Spaniards were regularly 
supplied. 

The immediate wants of his people being thus provided for, 
Colun:bus revolved in his anxious mind the means of getting from 
this island. His ships were beyond the possibilit}' of repair, and there 
was no hope of a chance sail arriving to his relief, on the shores 
of a savage island, in an unfrequented sea. At length, a mode of 
relief occurred to him, through the means of this same Diego 
IMendez whose courage and loyaltj- he had so often proved. He 
took him aside to sound him on the subject, and Mendez himself 
has written an account of this interesting conversation, which is 
full of character. 

" Diego Mendez, my son," said the venerable admiral, " of all 




COLUMBUS. 



OF COLUMBUS. 



369 




DIEGO MENOEZ VISITING THE INDIAN VILLAGES TO OBTAIN A REGULAR SUPPLY OF PROVISIONS 
FOR THE SHIPWRECKED CREWS. 



those who are here, you and I alone know the great peril in which 
we are placed. We are few in number, and these savage Indians 
are many, and of fickle and irritable natures. On the least provo- 
cation, they may throw fire- 
brands from the shore, and con- 
sume us in our straw-thatched 
cabins. The arrangement which 
you have made for provisions, 
and which at present they fulfill 
so cheerfully, they may capri- 
ciously break to-morrow, and may 
refuse to bring us any thing; 
nor have we the means of com- 
pelling them. I have thought of 
a remedy, if it meets your views. 
In this canoe which you have 
purchased, some one may pass 
over to Hispaniola, and procure a ship, by which we shall all be de- 
livered from this great peril. Tell me 3'our opinion on the matter." 

" Senor," replied Diego Mendez, " I well know our 
danger to be far greater than is easily conceived; 
but as to passing to Hispaniola in so small a ves- 
sel as a canoe, I hold it not merely difficult, but 
impossible, since it is necessary to traverse 
a gulf of forty leagues, and between islands 
where the sea is impetuous and seldom in re- 
pose. I know not who there is would venture 
upon so extreme a peril." 

Columbus made no reply ; but from his 
looks, and the nature of his silence, Men- 
dez plainly perceived himself to be the per- 
son whom the admiral had in view. Resum- 
ing, therefore, the conversation, " Senor," 
said he, " I have many times put my life in 
peril to save you and my comrades, and God 
has hitherto preserved me in a miraculous 
manner. There are, nevertheless, niurmurers, 
who say that your Excellency intrusts to me every 
affair wherein honor is to be gained, while there 




LEGUANS, A SPECIES OF LIZARDS HIGHLY PRIZED BY THE 
NATIVES OF THE ANTILLES AS AN ARTICLE OF FOOD. 



370 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



are others in company who would execute them as well as I. I 
beg, therefore, that you would assemble the people, and propose 
this enterprise, to see if any one will undertake it, which I doubt. 
If all decline, I will then come forward and risk my life in your 
service, as I have many times done already." 

The admiral willingly humored the wishes of the worthy Men- 
dez; for never was simple vanity accompanied by more generous 
and devoted zeal. 

On the following morning the crew was accordingly assembled, 
and the proposition made. Every one drew back, pronouncing it 
the height of rashness. Upon this Diego I\Iendez stepped for- 
ward. "Senor,"said he, "I have but one life to lose, j-et I am ■ 
willing to venture it for your service, and for the 
good of all here present ; and I trust in the pro- 
tection of God, which I have experienced on so 
many other occasions." 

Columbus embraced this zealous follower, who 
immediatel}- set about preparing for the expedi- 
tion. Drawing his canoe on shore, he put on a 
false keel and nailed weatherboards along the bow 
and stern, to prevent the sea from break- 
ing over it. He then payed it with a 
coat of tar, furnished it with a mast and 
sail, and put in provisions for himself, 
a Spanish comrade, and six Indians. 

In the mean while Columbus wrote 

a letter to Ovando, governor of Hispan- 

iola, begging that a ship might imme- 

diatel}' be sent to bring him and his men 

to Hispaniola; and he wrote another to 

the sovereigns, entreating for a ship to 

convey them from Hispaniola to Spain. 

In this letter he gave a comprehensive account of this voyage, 

and expressed his opinion that Veragua was the Aurea Chersone- 

sus of the ancients. He supposed himself to have reached the 

confines of the dominions of the Grand Khan, and offered, if he 

lived to return to Spain, to conduct a mission thither to instruct 

that potentate in the Christian faith. What an instance of soaring 

enthusiasm and irrepressible enterprise is here exhibited. At the 




COLUMBUS THANKS MIS NOBLE AND ZEALOUS FOLLOWER, DIEOO MEN0E2, 
FOS HIS DEVOTION TO HIS CAUSE 



OF COLUMBUS. 



371 



.,/ vS ^/ '"■■ f ■ 



-1.--=- 

r 




.^-•frg!tf]?:rsgii/in: 



time he was indulging these visions, and proposing new and ro- 
mantic enterprises, he was broken down by age and infirmities, 
racked by pain, confined to his bed, and shut up in a wreck on the 
coast of a remote and savage island. 

The despatches being ready, Diego Meudez embarked with his 
Spanish comrade and his six Indians, and coasted the island east- 
ward. Their voyage was toilsome and perilous. When arrived at 
the end of the island they were suddenly surrounded and taken 
prisoners by the Indians, who carried them three leagues into the 
interior, where they 
determined to kill 
them. A dispute aris- 
ing about the division 
of the spoils, they soon 
became embroiled in a 
general fight ; while 
thus engaged, Diego 
Alendez escaped, re- 
gained his canoe, and 
made his way back to 
the harbor in it, alone, 
after fifteen days' ab- 
sence. Nothing 
daunted by the perils '^d^ 
and hardships he had "^ 
undergone, he offered 
to depart immediately, 
on a second attempt, 
provided he could be escorted to the end of the island by an armed 
force. His offer was accepted, and Bartholomew Fiesco, a Genoese, 
who had commanded one of the caravels, and was strongly- attached 
to the admiral, was associated with him in this second expedition. 
Each had a canoe, with six Spaniards and ten Indians under his 
command. On reaching Hispaniola, Fiesco was to return imme- 
diately to Jamaica, to bring tidings to the admiral of the safe ar- 
rival of his messenger ; while Diego Meudez was to proceed to San 
Domingo, and, after purchasing and despatching a ship, was to de- 
part for Spain with the letter to the sovereigns. 

All arrangements being made, the Indians placed in the canoes 



ii=^.. 




^^ ^_r>' 



INDIAN FIGHT. 

REPRODUCED FROM AN E^GRAVING By 



JEAN DE LEW. 



21 



372 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



a supply of cassava bread, and each his calabash of water. The 
Spaniards, beside their provisions, had each his sword and target. 
The adelantado, with an armed band, kept pace with them along 
the coast, until they reached the end of the island, where, waiting 
for three days until the weather was perfectly serene, they launched 
forth on the broad bosom of the sea. The adelantado remained 
watching them, until thej' became mere specks on the ocean, and 
the evening hid them from his view, and then returned to the 
harbor. 




MONUMENT OF COLUMBUS AT BARCELONA. 



CHAPTER XLI. 



MUTINY OF PORRAS. 



^=^. 



ECLIPSE OFTHE MOON. STRATAGEM OF COLUMBUS TO PROCURE 
SUPPLIES FROM THE INDIANS. '1503. i 




ONTHS elapsed, and nothing was heard of 
Alendez and Fiesco. The Spaniards, en- 
feebled by past sufferings, crowded in close 
quarters, in a moist and sultry climate, and 
-'^ reduced to a vegetable diet, to which they 
were unaccustomed, became extremely sick- 
ly, and their maladies were heightened by 
anxiety and suspense. Day after day, and 
week after week, they kept a wistful look-out upon the sea for the 
expected return of Fiesco, flattering themselves that every Indian 
canoe, gliding at a distance, might be the harbinger of deliverance. 
It was all in vain ; and at length they began to fear that their mes- 
sengers had perished. Some gradually sank into despondency; 
others became peevish and impatient, and, in their unreasonable 
heat, railed at their venerable and infirm commander as the cause 
of all their misfortunes. 

Among the officers of Columbus were two brothers, Francisco 
and Diego Porras, relations of the royal treasurer .INIorales. To 
gratify the latter, the admiral had appointed one of them captain 
of a caravel, and the other notary and accountant-general of the 
expedition. The}' were vain and insolent men, and, like many 
others whom Columbus had benefited, requited his kindness with 
the blackest ingratitude. Mingling with the people, they assured 
them that Columbus had no intention of returning to Spain, 
having in reality been banished thence by the sovereigns. His- 
paniola, the}' said, was equally closed against him, and it was his 



(373) 



374 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

design to remain in Jamaica, until his friends could make interest 
at court to procure his recall. As to Mendez and Fiesco, they had 
been sent to Spain b}' Columbus on his own private concerns ; if 
this were not the case, wh}- did not the promised ship arrive ? or 
why did not Fiesco return ? Or, if the canoes had really been sent 
for succor, the long time that had elapsed, without tidings, gave 
reason to believe that the}' had perished by the wa}-. In such case, 
their only alternative would be to take Indian canoes, and endeavor 
to reach Hispaniola: but there was no hope of persuading the 
admiral to do this; he was too old, and too infirm, to undertake 
such a voyage. 

By these insidious suggestions, they gradually prepared the 
people for revolt, assuring them of the protection of their own 
relatives in Spain, and of the countenance of Ovando and Fonseca, 
if not of the favor of the sovereigns themselves, who had shown 
their ill-will towards Columbus by stripping him of part of his 
dignities and privileges. 

On the 2d of Januar^^, 1504, the mutiny broke out. Fran- 
cisco Porras suddenly entered the cabin where Columbus was con- 
fined to his bed by the gout, reproached him vehemently for keep- 
ing them in that desolate place to perish, and accused him of having 
no intention to return to Spain. The admiral raised himself in 
bed, and, maintaining his calmness, endeavored to reason with the 
traitor; but Porras was deaf to all argument. "Embark imme- 
diately, or remain, in God's name!" cried he, with a voice that re- 
sounded all over the wreck. " For my part, I am for Castile ! those 
who choose, may follow me ! " 

This was the signal. " For Castile ! for Castile ! " was heard 
on every side. The mutineers sprang upon the most conspicuous 
parts of the vessel, brandishing their weapons, and, amidst the 
uproar, the voices of some desperadoes were heard menacing the 
life of the admiral. 

Columbus, ill and infirm as he was, leaped out of bed, and 
tottered forth to pacify the mutineers, but was forced back into his 
cabin by some of his faithful adherents. The adelantado sallied 
forth, sword in hand, and planted himself in a situation to take the 
whole brunt of the assault. It was with the greatest difficulty that 
several of the loyal part of the crew could restrain his fury, and 
prevail upon him to relinquish his we-apon, and retire t-o the cabin 
of his brother. 



OF tOLUMBUS. 



375 



The mutineers, being entirely unopposed, took ten canoes, 
which the admiral had purchased from the Indians ; others, who 
had not been concerned in the mutiny, joined them, through fear 
of remaining behind, when so reduced in number; in this way, 
fort}' - eight abandoned the 
admiral. Many of the sick 
crawled forth from their 
cabins, and beheld their de- 
parture with tears and la- 
mentations, and would gladly 
have accompanied them, had 
their strength permitted. 

P o r ra s coasted with his 
squadron of canoes to the 
eastv-ard, landing occasional- 
ly and robbing the natives, 
pretending to act under the 
authorit}' of Columbus, that 
he might draw on him their 
hostility. Arrived at the east 
end of the island, he pro- 
cured several Indians to man- 
age the canoes, and then set 
out on his voyage across the 
gulf. The Spaniards had 
scarcely proceeded four 
leagues, when the wind came 
ahead, with a swell of the sea 
that threatened to overwhelm 
the deeply laden canoes. 
They immediately turned for 
land, and, in their alarm, 
threw overboard the greater 
part of their effects. The 
danger still continuing, they 
drew their swords, and compelled most of the Indians to leap into 
the sea. The latter were skillfiil swimmers, but the distance to 
land was too great for their strength ; if, however, they at any time 
took hold of the canoes to rest themselves and recover breath, the 




SEE PAGE 262.) 



376 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

Spaniards, fearful of their overturning the slight barks, would stab 
them, or cut off their hands. Some were thus slain by the sword, 
others sunk exhausted beneath the waves ; eighteen perished mis- 
erably ; and none survived but a few who had been retained to man- 
age the canoes. 

Having reached the shore in safety, Porras and his men waited 
until the weather became favorable, and then made another effort to 
cross to Hispaniola, but with no better success. They then aban- 
doned the attempt in despair, and returned westward, towards the 
harbor, roving from village to village, living upon the provisions 
of the Indians, which they took by force if not readily given, and 
conducting themselves in the most licentious manner. If the na- 
tives remonstrated, they told them to seek redress at the hands of 
the admiral, whom, at the same time, they represented as the im- 
placable foe of the Indian race, and bent upon gaining a tj^rannical 
sway over their island. 

In the mean time, Columbus, when abandoned by the mutineers, 
and left in the wreck with a mere handful of sick and desponding 
men, exerted himself to the utmost to restore this remnant to an 
efl&cient state of health and spirits. He ordered that the small 
stock of biscuit which remained, and the most nourishing articles 
of the provisions furnished by the Indians, should be appropriated 
to the invalids : he visited them individually, cheered them with 
hopes of speedy deliverance, and promised that on his return to 
Spain he would intercede with the sovereigns, that their loyalty 
might be munificentl}- rewarded. In this way, by kind and careful 
treatment, and encouraging words, he succeeded in restoring them 
from a state of sickness and despondency, and rendering them once 
more fit for service. 

Scarcely, however, had the little garrison of the wreck recov- 
ered from the shock of the mutin}^, when it was menaced by a new 
and appalling evil. The scanty number of the Spaniards prevented 
them from foraging abroad for provisions, and rendered them de- 
pendent on the voluntary' supplies of the natives. The latter began 
to grow negligent. The European trinkets, once so inestimable in 
their eA^es, had sunk in value by becoming common, and were now 
almost treated with indifference. The arrangements made by Diego 
Mendez were irregularly attended to, and at length entirely disre- 
', garded. Many of the caciques had been incensed by the conduct 



OF COLUMBUS. 



in 



of Porras and his followers, which they supposed justified by the 
admiral ; others had been secretly instigated by the rebels to with- 
hold provisions, in hopes of starving Columbus and his people, or 
of driving them from the island. 

The horrors of famine began to threaten the terrified crew, 
when a fortunate idea presented itself to Columbus. From his 
knowledge of astronomy, he ascertained that within three days 
there would be a total eclipse of the moon, in the early part of the 
uight. He summoned, therefore, the principal caciques to a grand 
conference, appointing for it the day of the eclipse. When all were 
assembled, he told them by his interpreter, that he and his follow- 
ers were worshippers of a Deity, who lived in the skies, and held 
them under his protection ; that this great Deity was incensed 
against the Indians, who had refused or neglected to furnish his 
faithful worshippers with provisions, and intended to chastise them 
with famine and pestilence. Lest they should disbelieve this warn- 
ing, a signal would be given that very night in the heavens. They 
would behold the moon change its color, and gradually lose its light ; 
a token of the fearful punishment which awaited them. 




COLUMBUS AND THE ECLIPSE. 



378 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Many of the Indians were alarmed at the solemnity of this pre- 
diction, others treated it with derision ; all, however, awaited with 
solicitude the coming of the night. When they beheld a black 
shadow stealing over the moon, and a mysterious gloom gradually 
covering the whole face of nature, they were seized with the utmost 
consternation. Hurrying with provisions to the ships, and throwing 
themselves at the feet of Columbus, they implored him to intercede 
with his God to withhold the threatened calamities, assuring him 
that thenceforth they would bring him whatever he required. Co- 
lumbus retired to his cabin, under pretense of communing with the 
Deity, the forests and shores all the while resoundiug with the 
howlings of the savages. He returned shortly, and informed the 
natives that the Deity had deigned to pardon them, on condition 
of their fulfilling their promises, in sign of which he would with- 
draw the darkness from the moon. When the Indians saw that 
planet restored presently to its brightness, and rolling in all its 
beauty through the firmament, they overwhelmed the admiral with 
thanks for his intercession. They now regarded him with awe and 
reverence, as one enjoying the peculiar favor and confidence of the 
Deity, since he knew upon earth what was passing in the heavens. 
They hastened to propitiate him with gifts ; supplies again arrived 
daily at the harbor, and from that time forward there was no want 
of provisions. 




CHAPTER XLII. 




ARRIVAL OF DIEGO DE ESCOBAR AT THE HARBOR. BATTLE WITH THE REBELS. <1504.) 



IGHT months had now elapsed, since the de- 
parture of Mendez and Fiesco, yet no 
tidings had been received of their fate. 
The hopes of the most sanguine were nearly 
extinct, and many, considering themselves aban- 
doned and forgotten by the world, grew wild 
and desperate in their plans. Another con- 
spiracy, similar to that of Porras, was on the 
point of breaking out, when one evening, towards 
dusk, a sail was seen standing towards the harbor. It was a small 
caravel, which kept out at sea, and sent its boat on shore. In this 
came Diego de Escobar, one of the late confederates of Roldan, who 
had been condemned to death under the administration of Colum- 
bus, and pardoned by his successor, Bobadilla. There was bad omen 
in such a messenger. 

Escobar was the bearer of a mere letter of compliment and 
condolence from Ovando, accompanied by a barrel of wine and a 
side of bacon. The governor expressed great concern at his mis- 
fortunes and regret at not having in port a vessel of sufficient size 
to bring off himself and people, but promised to send one as soon 
as possible. Escobar drew off with the boat, and kept at a dis- 
tance from the wreck, awaiting any letters the admiral might have 
to send in replj^, and holding no conversation with any of the 
Spaniards. Columbus hastened to write to Ovando, depicting the 
horrors of his situation, and urging the promised relief. As soon 
as Escobar received this letter, he returned on board of his caravel, 



(379) 



380 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

which made all sail, and disappeared in the gathering gloom of the 
night. 

The mysterious conduct of Escobar caused great wonder and 
consternation among the people. Columbus sought to dispel their 
uneasiness, assuring them that vessels would soon arrive to take 
them away. In confidence of this, he said, he had declined to de- 
part with Escobar, because his vessel was too small to take the 
whole, and had despatched him in such haste, that no time might 
be lost in sending the requisite ships. These assurances, and the 
certainty that their situation was known in San Domingo, cheered 
the hearts of the people, and put an end to the conspiracy. 

Columbus, however, was secretly indignant at the conduct of 
Ovando, believing that he had purposely delayed sending relief, in 
the hopes that he would perish on the island, being apprehensive 
that, should he return in safety, he would be reinstated in the gov- 
ernment of Hispanolia. He considered Escobar merely as a spy, 
sent by the governor to ascertain whether he and his crew were yet 
in existence. Still he endeavored to turn the event to some ad- 
vantage with the rebels. He sent two of his people to inform 
them of the promise of Ovando to send ships for his relief, and he 
offered them a free pardon, and a passage to Hispaniola, on condi- 
tion of their immediate return to obedience. 

On the approach of the ambassadors, Porras came forth to meet 
them, accompanied solelv by a few of the ringleaders of his party, 
and prevented their holding any communication with the mass of 
his people. In reply to the generous offer of the admiral, they re- 
fused to return to the wreck, but agreed to conduct themselves 
peaceabl}' and amicably, on receiving a solemn promise that, should 
two vessels arrive, they should have one to depart in ; should but 
one arrive, the half of it should be granted to them ; and that, in the 
mean time, the admiral should share with them the sea stores and 
articles of Indian traffic which remained in his possession. When 
it was observed that these demands were extravagant and inad- 
missible, they replied, that if they were not peaceably conceded, 
the}- would take them by force ; and with this menace they dis- 
missed the ambassadors. 

The conference was not conducted so privately but that the 
rest of the rebels learnt the whole purport of the mission. Porras 
seeing them moved by the offer of pardon and deliverance, resorted 



OF COLUMBU.T. 



3S1 




PORRAS LEADING THE REBELS TOWARDS THE 



to the most desperate falsehoods to delude them. He told them 
that these offers of the admiral were all deceitful, and that he only 
sought to get them into his power, that 
he might wreak on them his vengeance. 
As to the pretended caravel which had 
visited the harbor, he assured them 
that it was a mere phantasm, conjured 
up by the admiral, who was deeply 
versed in magic. In proof of this, he 
adverted to its arriving in the dusk of 
the evening, its holding communica- 
tion with no one but the admiral, and 
its sudden disappearance in the night. 
Had it been a real caravel, the crew would 
have sought to converse with their coun- 
tr3-men ; the admiral, his son, and brother, would have eagerly em- 
barked on board ; at any rate, it would have remained a little while 
in port, and not have vanished so suddenly and mysteriously. 

By these and similar delusions Porras succeeded in working up- 
on the feelings and credulity of his followers; and persuaded them 
that, if they persisted in their rebellion, they would iiltimately 
triumph, and perhaps send home the admiral in irons, as had once 
before been done from Hispaniola. To involve them beyond hope 
of pardon, he marched them one day towards the harbor, with an in- 
tention of seizing upon the stores remaining in the wreck, and 
getting the admiral in his power. 

Columbus heard of their approach but being confined by his 
infirmities, sent Don Bartholomew to reason with them and endeavor 
to win them to obedience. The adelantado, who was generally a 
man rather of deeds than words, took with him fifty men well 
armed. Arriving near the rebels, he sent messengers to treat 
with them ; but Porras forbade them to approach. The latter 
cheered his followers by pointing, with derision, to the pale coun- 
tenances of their opponents, who were emaciated by recent sick- 
ness and long confinement in the wreck ; whereas his men, for the 
most part, were hardy sailors, rendered robust by living in the 
open air. He assured them that the followers of the adelantado 
were mere household men,* fair-weather troops, who could never 

* Men until to work outside. 



382 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



stand before them. He did not reflect that with such men, pride 
and spirit often more than supply the place of bodily force, and 
that his adversaries had the incalculable advantage of justice and 
law upon their side. 

Deluded by his words into a transient glow of courage, the 
rebels did not wait to be attacked, but rushed with shouts upon 
the enemy. Six of them had made a league to assault the ade- 
lantado, but were so well received that he laid several of them dead 
at his feet, among whom was Juan Sanchez, the same powerful 
mariner who had carried off the cacique Ouibian. In the midst 
of the affray the adelantado was assailed by Francisco de Porras, 
who, with a blow of his sword, cleft his buckler, and wounded the 
hand which grasped it. The sword remained wedged in the shield, 
and before it could be withdrawn, the adelantado closed upon 
Porras, grappled him, and, being assisted by others, succeeded in 
taking him prisoner. 

The rebels, seeing their leader a captive, fled in confusion, 
but were not pursued, through fear of an attack from the Indians, 
who had remained drawn up in battle array, gazing with astonish- 
ment at this ficrht between white men, but without offering to aid 

either party. The adelantado returned in 
triumph to the wreck, with Porras and 
several other prisoners. Only two of his 
own men had been wounded, one of whom 
died. On the following day, the rebels 
sent a letter to the admiral, signed with 
all their names, confessing their misdeeds, 
imploring pardon, and making a solemn 
oath of obedience; imprecating the most 
awful curses on their heads should they 
break it. The admiral saw, by the ab- 
ject nature of the letter, how completely 
the spirit of these misguided men 
was broken; with his wonted 
magnanimity he pardoned 
their offenses, merely retaining their ring- 
leader, Francisco Porras, a prisoner, to be 
tried in Spain for his misdeeds. 




CHAPTER XLIII. 



VOYAGE OF DIEGO MENDEZ TO HISPANIOLA. DELIVERANCE OF COLUMBUS FROM THE ISLAND 

OF JAMAICA. I1S04.) 



T is proper here to give some account 

of the mission of Dieg-o Mendez and 

Bartholomew Fiesco. When they had 

taken leave of the adelantado at the 

}kh ^^y^^-~f'^-^t -P^ ^ ■ ^''st end of the island of Jamaica, they 

' ■«» I =<^vA ■YJ^.i^ A. continued all day in a direct course ; 

there was no wind, the sk}' was with- 
out a cloud, and the sea like a mir- 
ror reflected the burning rays of the 

^ ' kX "l- X'^^/tW ^ ^"'^' '^'^^ Indians who paddled the 
'^"'^ -^^-"^ J m A canoes would often leap into the water, 
to cool their glowing bodies, and refresh 
themselves from their toil. At the going 
down of the sun they lost sight of land. 
During the night the Indians took turns, 
one half to row while the others slept. The 
Spaniards, in like manner, divided their forces ; while some took 
repose, the others sat with their weapons in their hands, ready to 
defend themselves in case of an\- perfidy on the part of their sav- 
age companions. 

Watching and toiling in this way through the night, they were 
excessively fatigued on the following da}' ; and, to add to their dis- 
tress, they began to experience the torments of thirst, for the Indi- 
ans, parched with heat, had already drained the contents of their 
calabashes. In proportion as the sun rose, their misery increased, 
and was irritated by the prospect around them — nothing but water. 




(383) 



384 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

while they were perishing with thirst. About mid-day, when their 
strength was failing them, the commanders produced two small 
kegs of water, which they had probably reserved in secret for such 
an extremity. Administering a cooling mouthful occasionally, they 
enabled the Indians to resume their toils. They held out the hopes 
of soon arriving at a small island, called Navasa, which lay directly 
in their wa}', about eight leagues distant from Hispaniola. Here 
they would find water to assuage their thirst, and would be able to 
take repose. 

The night closed upon them without any sight of the island ; 
they feared that they had deviated from their course ; if so, they 
should miss the island entirely, and perish with thirst before they 
could reach Hispaniola. One of the Indians died of the accumu- 
lated sufferings of labor, heat, and raging thirst; others lay panting 
and gasping at the bottom of the canoes. Their companions were 
scarcely able to continue their toils. Sometimes the}^ endeavored 
to cool their parched palates by taking sea water in their mouths, 
but its brinv bitterness only increased ' their thirst. One after an- 
other gave up, and it seemed impossible that they should live to 
reach Hispaniola. 

The commanders, by admirable management, had hitherto kept 
up this wearv struggle with suffering and despair; but they too be- 
gan to despond. Diego Mendez sat watching the horizon, which 
was gradually lighting up with those faint ra3's which precede the 
rising of the moon. As that planet arose, he perceived it to emerge 
from behind a dark mass elevated above the level of the ocean. It 
proved to be the island of Navasa, but so low, and small, and dis- 
tant, that, had it not been thus revealed by the rising moon, he 
would never have discovered it. He immediately gave the animat- 
ing crj^ of " land." His almost expiring companions were roused 
to new life, and exerted themselves with feverish impatience. By 
the dawn of day the}^ sprang on shore, and returned thanks to God 
for their deliverance. The island was a mere barren mass of rocks, 
but they found abundance of rain-water in hollow places. The Span- 
iards exercised some degree of caution in their draughts ; but the 
poor Indians, whose toils had increased the fever of their thirst, gave 
way to a kind of frantic indulgence, of which several died upon the 
spot, and others fell dangerously ill. 

After reposing all day on the island, where they made a grate- 




(385) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



387 



ful repast upon shell-fish gathered along the shore, but the}^ set off 
in the evening for Hispaniola, the mountains of which were dis- 
tinctly visible, and arrived at Cape Tiburon on the following daj-, 
the fourth since their departure from Jamaica. Fiesco would now 
have returned to give the admiral assurance of the safe arrival of 
his messenger, but both Spaniards and Indians refused to en- 
counter the perils of another voyage in the canoes. 

Parting with his companions, Diego Mendez took six Indians 
of the island, and set off for San Domingo. After proceeding for 
eight}' leagues against the currents, he was informed that the gov- 
ernor had departed for Xaragua, fifty leagues distant. Still un- 
daunted by fatigues and difficulties, he abandoned the canoe, and 
proceeded alone, on foot, through forests and over mountains, until 
he arrived at Xaragua, achieving one of the most perilous expedi- 
tions ever undertaken by a devoted follower for the safety of his 
commander. 

He found Ovando completely engrossed b}- wars with the 
natives. The governor expressed great concern at the unfortunate 
situation of Columbus, and promised to send him immediate relief; 
but Mendez remained for seven months at Xaragua, vainly urging 
for that relief, or for permission to go to San Domingo in quest of 
it. The constant excuse of Ovando was, that there were not ships 
of sufficient burden in the island to bring off Columbus and his 
men. At length, by daily importunity, Mendez obtained permis- 
sion to go to San Domingo, and await the arrival of certain ships 
which were expected. He immediatel}' set out on foot; the distance 
was seventy leagues, and part of his toilsome journcv laj- through 
forests and mountains, infested by hostile and exasperated Indians. 
Immediately after his departure, Ovando despatched from Xaragua 
the pardoned rebel, Escobar, on that reconnoitering visit, which 
caused so much wonder and suspicion 
among the companions of Columbus. 

If the governor had really entertained 
hopes that, during the delay of relief, 
Columbus might perish in the island, the 
report brought back by Escobar must have 
completely disappointed him. No time was 
now to be lost, if he wished to claim anj' 
merit in his deliverance, or to avoid the 




OIEGO MENDEZ IMPORTUNES OVANDO TO SEND SUCCOR TO THE 
SHIPWRECKED COLUMBUS. 



388 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

disgrace of having totally neglected him. His long delay had al- 
ready ronsed the public indignation, insomuch that animadversions 
had been made upon his conduct even in the pulpits. Diego 
Mendez, also, had hired and victualled a vessel at the expense of 
Coli:mbus, and was on the point of despatching it. The governor, 
therefore, exerted himself, at the eleventh hour, and fitted out a 
caravel, which he put under the command of Diego de Salcedo, 
the agent employed by Columbus to collect his rents in San Do- 
mingo. It was these two vessels which arrived at Jamaica shortly 
after the battle with Porras, and brought relief to the admiral and 
his faithful adherents, after a long year of dismal confinement to 
the wreck.* 

On the 28th of June, all the Spaniards embarked, friend and 
foe, on board of the vessels, and made sail joyfully for San Domingo; 
but, from adverse winds and currents, they did not arrive there 
until the i3t]i of August. Whatever lurking enmity there might 
be to Columbus in the place, it was overpowered by popular sym- 
pathy for his late disasters. Whatever had been denied to his mer- 
its was granted to his misfortunes; and even the envious, appeased 
by his present reverses, seemed to forgive him for having once been 
so triumphant. 

The governor and the principal inhabitants came forth to meet 
him, and received him with signal distinction. He was lodged in 
the hoi:se of Ovando, who treated him with the utmost courtesy 
and attention; but there were too deep causes of jealousy and dis- 
trust between them, for their intercourse to be cordial. Their pow- 
ers, too, were so defined in their several patents, as to clash with 

* Some brief notice of the further fortunes of r)icc;o Mendez may be interesting to the 
reader. 

When King Ferdinand heard of his faithful services, he bestowed rewards upon him, 
and permitted him to bear a canoe in his coat 01' arms, as a memento of his hardy enter- 
prise. He continued devotedly attached to the admiral, serving him zealously after his return 
to Spain, and during his last illness. Columbus retained a grateful and affectionate sense of 
his fidelity. On his death-bed, he promised Mendez that he should be appointed principal al- 
guazil of the island of Hispaniola. The promise, however, was not performed by the heirs 
of Columbus. Mendez was afterwards engaged in various voyages of discovery, met with 
many vicissitudes and died poor. In his last will, he requested that his armorial bearing of 
an Indian canoe should be engraved on his tombstone, and under it the following w-ords : 
" Here lies the honorable Cavalier, Diego Mendez ; who served greatly the royal crown of Spain, 
in the conquest of the Indies, with Admiral Christopher Columbus, of glorious memory, who 
made the discovery ; and afterwards by himself, in ships at his own cost. Bestow, in charity, 
a Paternoster and an Ave Maria." 



OF COLUMBUS. 



389 



each other, and to cause questions of jurisdiction, Ovando assumed 
a right to take cognizance of all transactions at Jamaica, as hap- 
pening within the limits of his government. He set at liberty the 
traitor Porras, and talked of punishing the followers of Columbus 
for the deaths of the mutineers whom they had slain in battle. 
Columbus, on the other hand, asserted the absolute jurisdiction 
given him by the sovereigns, in his letter of instructions, over all 
persons who had sailed in his expedition, from the time of their 
departure from Spain until their return. The governor heard him 
with great courtesy and a smiling countenance, but observed, that 
the letter gave him no authority within the bounds of his govern- 
ment. He relinquished the idea, however, of trying the faithful 
adherents of Columbus, and sent Porras to Spain, to be examined 
by the board which had charge of the affairs of the Indies. 



J"! i 



f i 




INDIANS MAKING BIRCH BARK CAN0E6. 



32 



CHAPTER XLIV. 




AFFAIRS AT HISPANIOLA, DURING THE ADMINISTRATION OF OVANDO. RETURN OF COLUMBUS 

TO SPAIN. (1504.) 



HE sojourn of Columbus at San Domingo was 
but little calculated to ^neld him satisfaction. 
He was grieved at the desolation of the island, 
through the oppressive treatment of the na- 
tives, and the horrible massacres which had 
taken place under the administration of Ovan- 
do ; and here let us turn for a moment from 
pursuing the story of the admiral, to notice 
some of the principal occurrences which had 
taken place in Hispaniola during his absence. 
A great crowd of adventurers, of various ranks, had thronged 
the fleet of Ovaudo, all confidently expecting to make sudden fort- 
unes. They had scarcely landed when they all hurried off to the 
mines, which were about eight leagues distant. The road swarmed 
like an ant-hill. Every one had his knapsack of biscuit and flour, 
and his mining implements on his shoulder. Those hidalgos, or 
gentlemen, who had no servants to carr}- their burdens, were fain 
to bear them on their own backs, and luck}- was he who had a horse 
for the expedition, for he would be able to bring back the greater 
load of treasure. They all set off in high spirits, eager who should 
first reach the golden land ; thinking they had but to arrive at the 
mines, and gather gold, as easily and readily as fruit from the trees. 
When they arrived, however, they found, to their dismaj^, that it 
required experience to discover the veins of ore ; that the whole 
process of mining was exceedingl}- slow and toilsome, and its re- 
sults precarious. 



(39<>1 



OF COLUMBUS. 391 

They digged eagerly for a time, but found no ore ; growing 
hungry, they threw by their implements, sat down to eat, and then 
returned to work. It was all in vain. " Their labor," says Las 
Casas, " gave them a keen appetite and quick digestion, but no 
gold." They soon exhausted their provisions and their patience, 
and returned murmuring along the road they had lately trod so 
exultingly. They arrived at San Domingo half famished, down- 
cast, and despairing. Such is too often the case of those who igno- 
rantly engage in mining ; which, of all objects of speculation, is 
the most brilliant, promising, and fallacious. Poverty soon fell 
upon these misguided men. Some wasted away and died broken- 
hearted ; others were hurried off by raging fevers ; so that there 
soon perished upwards of a thousand men. 

Ovando was reputed a man of great prudence and sagacity, 
and he certainly took several judicious measures for the regulation 
of the island and the relief of the colonists ; but his policy was 
fatal to the natives. When he had been sent out to supersede Bo- 
badilla, the queen, shocked at the cruel bondage which had been 
inflicted on the Indians, had pronounced them all free. The con- 
sequence was, they immediately refused to labor in the mines. 

Ovando, in 1503, represented that this entire liberty granted 
to the natives was not merely ruinous to the colony, but detri- 
mental to themselves, as it produced habits of idleness, profligacy, 
and neglect of all religion. The sovereigns permitted, therefore, 
that they should be obliged to labor moderately, if essential to 
their well-being, but that they should be paid regularly and fairly, 
and instructed in religion on certain days, and that all compulsory 
measures should be tempered with persuasion and kindness. 
Under cover of this hired labor, thus intended for the health of 
soul and body, more intolerable toil was exacted from them, and 
more horrible cruelties inflicted, than in the worst days of Boba- 
dilla. Many perished from hunger, or sank under the lash ; many 
killed themselves in despair; and even mothers overcame the 
powerful instinct of nature, and. destroyed the infants at their 
breasts, to spare them a life of wretchedness. Even those who 
survived the exacted terms of labor, and were permitted to return 
to their homes, which were often sixty and eighty leagues distant, 
were dismissed so worn down by toil and hardship, and so scantily 
furnished with provisions, that they perished by the way. Some 



392 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



sank down and died by the side of a brook, others under the shade 
of a tree, where they had crawled for shelter from the sun. " I 
have found many dead on the road," says the venerable Bishop Las 
Casas; "others gasping under the trees, and others in the pangs 
of death, faintly crying, Hunger! hunger!" 

The wars of Ovando were equally desolating. To punish a 
slight insurrection in the province of Higuey, at the eastern end 
of the island, he sent his troops, who ravaged the country with fire 
and sword, showed no mercy to age or sex, put many to death with 
the most wanton, ingenious, and horrible tortures, and brought off 
the brave Cotabanama, one of the five sovereign caciques of the 
inland, in chnins to San Domingo, where he was ignoniiniously 

hanged by Ovando for the 




OVANOO bfeT& OUT FOrt XAHAGUA AT THE HEAD OF 



OF FOUH HJNCREO MEN. 



crime of defending his 
territory and his native 
soil against usurping 
strangers. 

But the most atrocious 
act of Ovando, and one 
that must heap odium on 
his name wherever the 
woes of the gentle natives 
of Hayti create an in- 
terest, was the . punish- 
ment he inflicted on the 
province of Xaragua for a pretended conspiracy. The exactions 
of tribute, in this once happy and hospitable province, had 
caused occasional quarrels between the inferior caciques and the 
Spaniards; these were magnified by alarmists, and Ovando was 
persuaded that there was a deep-laid plot among the natives to 
rise upon their oppressors. He immediately set out for Xaragua, 
at the head of nearly four hundred well-armed soldiers, seventy of 
whom were steel-clad horsemen. He gave out that he was going 
on a visit of friendship, to make arrangements about the payment 

of tribute. 

Behechio, the ancient cacique of the province, was dead, and 
his sister, Anacaona, had succeeded to the government. She came 
forth to meet Ovando, according to the custom of her nation, at- 
tended by her most distinguished subjects, and her train of dam- 



OF COLUMHUS. 



393 



sels, waving palm branches, and dancing to the cadence of their 
popular are^-tos. All her principal caciques had been assembled 
to do honor to her guests, who for several days were entertained 
with b?nquets and national games and dances. In return for these 
exhibitions, Ovando invited Anacaona, with her beautiful daughter 
Higuenamota, and her principal subjects, to witness a tilting match 
b}- the cavalry in the public square. When all were assembled, 
the square crowded with unarmed Indians, Ovando gave a signal, 
and instantl}- the horsemen rushed into the midst of the naked and 
defenceless throng, trampling them under foot, cutting them down 
with their swords, transfixing them with their lances, and sparing 
neither age nor sex. Above eighty caciques had been assemliled 
in one of the principal houses. It was surrounded by troops, the 
caciques were bound to the posts which supported the roof, and put 
to cruel tortures, until, in the extremit_v of anguish, the}- were 
made to admit the truth of the plot with which their queen and 
themseh^es had been charged. When self-accusation had thus been 
tortured from them, a horrible punishment was immediatel}' in- 
flicted ; fire was set to the house, and they all perished miserably 
in the flames. 

As to Anacaona, she was carried to San Domingo, where the 
mockery of a trial was given her, in which she was found guilty, 
on the confessions wrung by torture from her subjects, and on the 
testimony of their butchers, and she was barbarously hanged by 
the people whom she had so long and so signall_v befriended. 

After the massacre, at Xaragua, the destruc- 
tion of its inhabitants still went on ; they were 
hunted for six months amidst the fastnesses of 
the mountains, and their country ravaged by 
horse and foot, until, all being reduced to deplor- 
able misery and abject submission, Ovando pro- 
nounced the province restored to order, and, in 
commemoration of his triumph, founded a town 
near the lake, which he called Santa Maria de la 
Verdadera Paz (St. Mary of the True Peace). 

Such was the tragical fate of the beautiful 
Anacaona, once extolled as the Golden Flower of 
Hayti ; and such the storv of the delightful region 
of Xaragua ; a place which the Europeans, by 




ANACAONA, THE GOLDEN FLOWER OF XARAQUA. 



394 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

their own account, found a perfect paradise, but which, by their 
vile passions, they filled with horror and desolation. 

These are but brief and scanty anecdotes of the ruthless sys- 
tem which had been pursued, during the absence of the admiral, 
by the commander Ovando, this man of boasted prudence and mod- 
eration, who had been sent to reform the abuses of the island, and 
above all, to redress the wrongs of the natives. The system of 
Columbus may have borne hard upon the Indians, born and brought 
up as they were in untasked freedom, but it was never cruel or 
sanguinary. He had fondly hoped, at one time, to render them 
civilized, industrious, and tributary subjects to the crown, zealous 
converts to the faith, and to derive from their regular tributes a 
great and steady revenue. How different had been the event ! The 
five great tribes which had peopled the mountains and the valleys, 
at the time of the discovery, and had rendered by their mingled 
villages and hamlets, and tracts of cultivation, the rich levels of the 
vegas so many "painted gardens," had almost all passed awaj', and 
the native princes had perished chiefly by violent and ignominious 
deaths. " I am informed," said he, in a letter to the sovereigns, 
" that since I left this island, six parts out of seven of the natives 
are dead, all through ill-treatment and inhumanity ; some by the 
sword, others by blows and cruel usage, others through hunger ; 
the greater part have perished in the mountains, whither they had 
fled, from not being able to support the labor imposed upon 
them." 

He found his own immediate concerns in great confusion. His 
rents and arrears were either uncollected, or he could not obtain a 
clear account and a full liquidation of them ; and he complained 
that Ovando had impeded his agents in their management of his 
concerns. The continual misunderstandings which took place be- 
tween him and the governor, though always qualified on the part of 
the latter with courtly complaisance, induced Columbus to hasten 
his departure. He caused the ship in which he had returned from 
Jamaica to be repaired and fitted out, and another hired, in which 
he offered a passage to such of his late crew as chose to return. 
The greater part preferred to remain in San Domingo : as they 
were in great poverty, he relieved their necessities from his own 
purse, and advanced money to those who accompanied him, for the 
expenses of their voyage. All the funds he could collect were ex- 



OF COLUMBUS. 



395 



hausted in these disbursements, and many of the men thus relieved 
by his generosity had been among the most violent of the rebels. 
On the 1 2th of September, he set sail; but had scarcely left 
the harbor, when the mast of his ship was carried away in a sudden 
squall. He embarked, therefore, with his family, in the other ves- 
sel, commanded by the adelantado, and sent back the damaged ship 
to port. Fortune continued to persecute him to the end of this his 
las't and most disastrous expedition. Throughout the voyage he 
experienced tempestuous weather, suffering at the same time the 
excruciating torments of the gout, until, on the 7th of November, 
his crazy and shattered bark anchored in the harbor of San Lucar. 
From thence he proceeded to Seville, to enjoy a little tranquillity 
of mind and body, and to recruit his health after his long series of 
fatigues, anxieties, and hardships. 




ARMOR OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURV- 
ARTILLERy- MUSEUM, PARIS. 




TM£ GOLDEN TOW£R Ql- 



VERICA. (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 



CHAPTER XLV. 



FRUITLESS APPLICATION OF COLUMBUS TO BE REINSTATED IN HIS GOVERNMENT. 
HIS LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH. (1504.) 



HE residence of Columbus, during the winter, 
at Seville, has generally been represented as an 
interval of repose : never was honorable repose 
more merited, more desired, and less enjoj'ed. 
Care and sorrow were destined to follow him, by 
sea and land ; and in varying the scene, he but 
varied the nature of his afflictions. Ever since 
his memorable arrest by Bobadilla, his affairs 
had remained in confusion, and his rents and 
dues had been but partially and irregularly col- 
lected, and were detained in intermediate hands. The last voyage 
had exhausted his finances, and involved him in embarrassments. 
.All that he had been able to collect of the money due to him in 




1307) 



398 THE LIFE AXD \ OVAGES 

Hispaniola, had been expended in bringing home many of his late 
crew, and, for the greater part, the crown remained his debtor. The 
world thought him possessed of countless wealth, while in fact he 
was suffering pecuniary want. 

In letters, written at this time, to his son Diego, he repeatedly 
urges to him the necessity of practicing extreme economy until the 
arrears due to him should be paid. " I receive nothing of the reve- 
nue due to me," says he, on another occasion, " but live by borrow- 
ing. Little have I profited by twenty years of toils and perils, since 
at present I do not own a roof in Spain. I have no resort, but an 
inn ; and, for the most times, have not wherewithal to pay my bill." 

Being unable, from his infirmities, to go to court, he had to 
communicate with the sovereigns by letter, or through the inter- 
vention of friends, and exerted himself strenuously, but ineffectu- 
ally, to draw their attention to the disastrous state of Hispaniola 
iinder the administration of Ovando, to obtain the restitution of 
his honors, and the payment of his arrears, and what seemed to lay 
equally near his heart, to obtain relief for his unfortunate seamen. 

His letters were unregarded, or at least unanswered ; his claims 
remained unsatisfied ; and a cold indifference and neglect appeared 
to prevail towards him. All the tidings from the court filled him 
with uneasiness. Porras, the ringleader of the late faction, had been 
sent home by Ovando to appear before the council of the Indies, 
but the official documents in his cause had not arrived. He went 
at large, and being related to Morales the royal treasurer, had access 
to people in place, and an opportunity of enlisting their opinions 
and prejudices on his side. Columbus began to fear that the vio- 
lent scenes in Jamaica might, by the perversity of his enemies and 
the effrontery of the delinquents, be wrested into matters of accu- 
sation against him, as had been the case with the rebellion of Rol- 
dan. The faithful and indefatigable Diego INIendez was at this time 
at court, and he trusted to his honest representations to counteract 
the falsehoods of Porras. Nothing can surpass the affecting ear- 
nestness and simplicity with which, in one of his letters, he declares 
his loyalty. "I have served their majesties," says he, "with as much 
zeal and diligence as if it had been to gain Paradise, and if I have 
failed in any thing, it has been because my knowledge and powers 
went no further." Whilst reading this touching appeal, we can 
scarcely realize the fact, that it should be written by Columbus, the 



OF COLUMBUS. 



.99 



same extraordinary man, who, but a few years before, had been idol- 
ized at this court as a benefactor, and received with almost roj-al 
honors. 

His anxiety to have a personal interview with the sovereigns 
became every da}- more intense; he felt- the inefficacy of letter writ- 
ing, and, indeed, even that resource began to fail him, for the sever- 
, ity of his malady- for a great part of the time deprived him of the use 
of his hands. He made repeated attempts to set off for the court ; 
a litter was once actually at the door to convey him thither, but his 
increasing iniirmities, and the inclemency of the season, obliged him 
to abandon the journe}-. In the meantime, the intrigues of his ene- 
mies appeared to be prevailing; the cold-hearted Ferdinand t"eated 
all his appli- 
cations with 
indifference; 
on the just- 
ice and mag- 
nanimity of 
Isabella, 
alone, he re- 
lied for the 
redress of 
his griev- 
ances, but 
she lay dan- 
gerously 
ill. " May it 
please the 
Holy Trini- 
ty," says he, 



" to restore 




ISABELLA DICTATES HEB LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT. fPAlNTlNG BY EDWARD ROSALES.) 



our sover- 
eign queen to health ; for bv her will ever}- thing be adjusted which 
is now in confusion." Alas ! while writing- that letter, his noble 
benefactress was a corpse. 

The health of Isabella had long been undermined by repeated 
shocks of domestic calamities. The death of her only son, the 
Prince Juan ; of her beloved daughter, and bosom friend, the Prin- 
cess Isabella ; and of her grandson and prospective heir, the Prince 



400 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



Miguel, had been three cruel wounds to her maternal heart. To 
these were added the constant grief caused by the infirmity of in- 
tellect of her daughter Juana, and the domestic unhappiness of that 
princess with her husband the Archduke Philip. The desolation 
which walks througli palaces admits not the familiar sympathies 
and sweet consolations which alleviate the sorrows of common life. 
Isabella pined in state, amidst the obsequious homage of a court, 
surrounde:] by the trophies of a glorious and successful reign, and 

placed at the summit of earthly grandeur. 
A deep and incurable melancholy settled 
upon l:er, wb.ich undermined her constitu- 
tion, and gave a fatal acuteness to her bodily 
maladies. After four months of illness, she 
died, on the 26tli of November, 1504, at 
Medina del Campo, in the fifty-fourth j'ear of 
her age ; but long before her eyes closed 
upon the world, her heart had closed upon 
all its pomps and vanities. " Let my body," 
said she, in her will, "be interred in the 
monastery of San Francisco, in the Alham- 
bra of the city of Granada, in a low sepul- 
chre, with no other monument than a plain 
stone, and an inscription. But I desire and 
command, that if the king, my lord, should 
choose a sepulchre in any church or monas- 
tery, in anj' other part or place of these my 
kingdoms, that nu- bod}' be transported 
thither, and buried beside the bod}- of his 
ISABELLA. highness; so that the union we have en- 

joyed while living, and which, through the 
mercy of God, we hope our souls will experience in heaven, may be 
represented by our bodies in the earth."** 

Such was one of several passages in the will of this admirable 
woman, which bespoke the chastened humility of her heart, and in 
which, as has been well observed, the affections of conjugal love 

* The dying command of Isabella has been obeyed. The author of this work has seen 
her tomb in the royal chapel of the cathedral of Granada, in which her remains are interred 
with those of Ferdinand. Their effigies, sculptured in white marble, lie side by side, on a 
magnificent sepulchre. The altar of the chapel is adorned with bas-reliefs representing the 
conquest and surrender of Granada. 




OF COLUMBUS. 



401 



were delicately entwined with fervent religion and the most lender 
melancholy. She was one of the purest spirits that ever ruled over 
the destinies of a nation. Had she been spared, her benignant 
vigilance would have prevented many a scene of horror in the colo- 
nization of the new world, and might have softened the lot of its 
native inhabitants. As it is, her fair name will ever shine with ce- 
lestial radiance in the early dawning of its history. 

The news of the death of Isabella reached Columbus while he 
was writing a letter to his son. He notices it in a postscript or 
memorandum, written in the haste and brevity of the moment, but 
in beautifully touching and mournful terms. "A memorial," he 
writes, " for thee, my dear son Diego, of what is at present to be 
done. The principal thing is to commend affectionately, and with 
great devotion, the soul of the queen, our sovereign, to God. Her 
life was always catholic and pious, and prompt to all things in his 
holy service ; for this reason we may rest assured that she is re- 
ceived into his glory, and beyond the cares of this rough and vc;;rv 
world. The next thing is, to watch and labor in all matters lo; I'Uc 
service of our sovereign, the king, and to endeavor to alleviate his 
grief. His majesty is the head of Christendom. Remember the 
proverb, which says, when the head suffers, all the members suffer. 
Therefore all 
good Chris- 
tians should 
pray for his 
health and 
long life; and 
we, who are 
in his em- 
ploy, ought 
more than 
others to do 
this with all 
study and 
diligence." 

It is i in- 
possible to 
read this let- 
ter without 




SEPULCHRE OF THE CATHOLIC KING AND QUEEN. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. DONA JUANA, "LA LOCA." AND D. PHILIP "EL HERMOSO,' 
IN THE ROYAL CHAPEL OF THE CATHEDRAL OF GRANADA. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 



402 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

being moved by the simply eloquent yet artless language in which 
Columbus expresses his tenderness for the memory of his benefact- 
ress, his weariness under the gathering cares and ills of life, and 
his persevering and enduring loyal t}? towards the sovereign who 
was so ungratefull}' neglecting him. 

The death of Isabella was a fatal blow to his fortunes. While 
she lived, he had every thing to anticipate from her high sense 
of justice, her regard for her royal word, her gratitude for his 
services, and her admiration of his character. With her illness, 
however, his interests had languished; and when she died, he was 
left to the justice and generosity of Ferdinand! 

During the remainder of the winter, and a great part of the 
spring, he remained at Seville, detained by painful illness. His 
brother, the adelantado, who supported him with his accustomed 
fondness and devotion through all his trials, proceeded to court to 
attend to his concerns, taking with him the admiral's younger son, 
Fernando, then aged aboiit seventeen. The latter the affectionate 
father repeatedl)' represents to his son Diego, as a man in under- 
standing and conduct, though but a stripling in years, and incul- 
cates the strongest fraternal attachment ; alluding to his own 
brethren with one of those warm and affecting touches which 
speak the kindness of his heart. " To thy brother conduct thyself 
as the elder brother should unto the younger. Thou hast no other, 
and I praise God that this is such a one as thou dost need. Ten 
brothers would not be too many for thep. Never have I found a 
better friend, to right or left, than my*rothers." 

Among the persons whom Columbus employed, at this time, 
in his missions to the court, was Amerigo Vespucci. He describes 
him as a worthy but unfortunate man, who had not profited as 
much as he deserved by his undertakings, and who had alwa3-s 
been disposed to render him service. 

It was not until the month of May that Columbus was able to 
accomplish his journey to court, which was at that time at Segovia. 
He, who but a few years before had entered the city of Barcelona 
in triumph, attended by the chivalry of Spain, and hailed with 
rapture by the multitude, now arrived at the gates of Segovia, a 
way-worn, melancholy, and neglected man ; oppressed even more 
by sorrows than by his years and infirmities. When he presented 
himself at court, he was made lamentably sensible of the loss of 



OF COLUMBUS. 



4^-^.^ 




BRONZE STATUE OF FERDINAND 

OF MALAGA. 



his protectress, the benignant Isabella. He met with none oi that 

distinguished attention, that cordial kindness, that cherishing 

sympathy, which his unparalleled services and 

his recent sufferings had merited. Ferdinand, 

it is true, received him with many professions 

of kindness ; but with those cold, ineffectual 

smiles, which pass like wintry sunshine over 

the countenance, and convey no warmth to the 

heart. 

Many months were passed by Columbus in 
painful and humiliating solicitation. His main 
object was to obtain the restitution of his high 
offices as viceroy and governor of the Indies ; as 
to the mere pecuniary claims for revenues and 
arrears, he considered them of minor import- 
ance, and nobly offered to leave them to the dis- 
position of the king; but his official dignities 
belonged to his reputation ; they had been 
granted also, by solemn treaty, and were not to 
be made a matter of arbitrament. As the lat- 
ter, however, were precisely the claims which the jealous mon- 
arch was the least disposed to grant, the^- stood continually in 
the way of all arrangement. The whole matter was at one time 
referred to a tribunal, called the "Junta de Descargos," which 
had charge of the settlement of the affairs of the late queen, 
but nothing resulted from their deliberations ; the wishes of the 
kine were too well known to be thwarted. 

o 

Columbus endeavored to bear these delays with patience ; but 
he had no longer the physical strength, and the glorious anticipa- 
tions, which had once siistained him through his long application 
at this court. He was again confined to his bed by a return of the 
gout, aggravated by the irritations of his spirit. From this couch 
of anguish, he addressed one more appeal to the justice of the king. 
He no longer petitioned for himself, but for his son Diego. He 
entreated that he might be appointed in his place to the govern- 
ment of which he had been so wrongfully deprived. " This," said 
he, "is a matter which concerns my honor; as to all the rest, do as 
3'our majesty thinks proper; give or withhold, as may be most for 
your interest, and I shall be content. I believe it is the anxiety 



404 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 

caused by the delay of this affair, which is the principal cause of 
my ill health." 

This petition was treated by Ferdinand with his usual evasions ; 
he endeavored to prevail upon Columbus and his son to waive their 
claims to paramount dignities in the new world, and accept, in place 
thereof, titles and estates in Castile. Columbus rejected all propo- 
sals of the kind with indignation, as calculated to compromise those 
titles which were the trophies of his achievements. He saw, how- 
ever, that all further hope of redress from Ferdinand was vain. 
From the bed, to which he was confined, he addressed a letter to 
his constant friend, Diego de Deza, then Archbishop of Seville, ex- 
pressive of his despair. " It appears," said he, " that his majesty 
does not think fit to fulfill that, which he, with the queen who is 
now in glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to contend 
to the contrarj^, would be to contend with the wind. I have done 
all that I could do. I leave the rest to God, whom I have ever 
found propitioixs to me in my necessities." 

In the midst of illness and despondency, when both life and 
hope were expiring in the bosom of Columbus, a new gleam was 
awakened, and blazed up for the moment with characteristic fervor. 
He heard with joy of the arrival from Flanders of King Philip and 
Queen Juana, to take possession of their throne of Castile. In the 
daughter of Isabella, he trusted to find a patroness and a friend. 
King Ferdinand and all the court repaired to Loredo, to receive the 
youthful sovereigns. Columbus sent his brother, the adelantado, 
to represent him, and Avrote a letter to the king and queen, la- 
menting his being prevented by illness from coming in person to 
manifest his devotion. He expressed a hope, that he should receive 
at their hands the restitution of his honors and estates ; and as- 
sured them that, though cruelly tortured at present by disease, he 
would vet be able to render them services, the like of which had 
never been witnessed. 

Such was the last sally of this sanguine and unconquerable 
spirit; which, disregarding age and infirmities, and all past sorrows 
and disappointments, spoke from his djdng bed with all the confi- 
dence of youthful hope, and talked of still greater enterprises as if 
he had a long and vigorous life before him. The adelantado took 
an affectionate leave of his brother, whom he was never to behold 
again, and set out on his mission to the new sovereigns. He ex- 



OF COLUMBUS. 



407 



perienced the most gracious reception, and flattering hopes were 
given him that the claims of the admiral would speedily be satis- 
fied. 

In the mean-time, the cares and troubles of Columbus were 
drawing to a close. The transient fire which had recently reani- 
mated him was soon quenched bj- accumulating infirmities. Imme- 
diately after the departure of the adelantado, his illness increased 
in violence. Finding that his end was approaching, he arranged 
all his earthly affairs, for the benefit of his successors. In a codi- 
cil made on the eve of his decease, he enforced his original testa- 
ment, constituting his son Diego his universal heir, entailing his 
honors and estates on the male line of his family, and providing for 
his brothers Don Bartholomew and Don Diego, and his natural son 
Don Fernando. In his will he enjoined that a portion of his reve- 
nues should be annually deposited in the bank of St. George, at 
Genoa, until a sufficient sum should be accumulated to set on foot 
a crusade to the holy land ; for the rescue of the holy sepulchre 
was, to the last, the great object of his ambition, and he left a sol- 
emn charge upon his heirs to aid personally in the pious enterprise. 
Other provisions were made for the foundation of churches — the 
support of Beatrix Enriquez, the mother of Fernando — the relief 
of his poor relations, and the payment of the most trivial 
debts. 

Having thus scrupulously attended to all the claims of affec- 
tion, loyalty, and justice, upon earth, he turned his thoughts to 
heaven, confessing himself, partaking of the holy sacrament, and 
complying with the other ceremonies of a devout Catholic. In his 
last moments, he was attended b}' his son Diego, and a few faithful 
followers, among whom was Bartholo- 
mew Fiesco, who had accompanied 
Diego Alendez in the perilous expedition 
from Jamaica to Hispaniola. Surround- 
ed by these devoted friends, he expired, 
with great resignation, on the 20th of 
May, 1506, being about seventy years 
of age. His last words were, " In 
manus tuas, Domine, commendo spirit- 
um meum." " Into thy hands, O Lord, 
I commend my spirit." 

23 




HOU^E IN VA 



ADULID WHERE (.' 



CHAPTER XL VI. 



OBSEQUIES OF COLUMBUS 




rest in 
it was 




HE body of Columbus was deposited 
iu the convent of San Francisco, and 
his obsequies were celebrated with 
funereal pomp in the parochial church 
of Santa Maria de la Antigua, in 
Valladolid. His remains were trans- 
ported, in 15 1 3, to the Carthusian 
convent of Las Cuevas, at Seville, 
and deposited in the chapel of Santa 
Christo. In the year 1536, the}^ were 
ispaniola, and interred bj^ the side 
altar of the cathedral of the city 
of San Domingo. But even here they did not 
quiet. On the cession of Hispaniola to the French, in 1795, 
determined by the Spaniards to bear them off to the island 
^g. of Cuba as precious relics, connected with the most 
glorious epoch of Spanish history. Accordingly^, on the 
20th of December, 1795, in the presence of an august 
assemblage of the dignitaries of the Church and the 
ci>il and military officers, the vault was opened beside 
the liigh altar of the cathedral : within were found the 
fragments of a leaden coffin, a number of bones, and a 
quantity of mould, evidently the remains of a human 
body. These were carefully collected, and put into a 
case of gilded lead, secured by an iron lock ; the case 
was enclosed in a coffin covered with black velvet, and 



COLUMBUS MONUMENT IN THE CONVENT uF 

LAS CUEVAS. SEVILLE. 



(408) 



OF COLUMBUS. 



409 




LEADEN COFFIN WITH THE REMAINS OF COLUME 
IN THE CATHEDRAL OF SAN DOMINGO, SEPT. 



the whole placed in a temporary mausoleum. On the following day 
there was another grand convocation at the cathedral : the vigils 
and masses for the dead were chanted, and a 
funeral sermon was preached b}' the archbishop. 
After these solemn ceremonials in the cathedral, 
the co.fi.i was transported to the ship, attended 
by a grand civil, religious, and military proces- 
sion. The banners were covered willi crape; 
there were chants and responses, and discharges 
of artillery ; and the most distingi:ished persons 
of the several orders took turns to support the 
coffin. 

The reception of the body at Havana was 
equall}' august. There was a splendid procession 
of boats to conduct it from the ship to the shore. 
On passing the vessels of war in the harljor, they all paid the hon- 
ors due to an admiral and captain-general of the navy. On arriving 
at the mole, the remains were met by the governor of the island, 
accompanied by the generals of the military staff. They were then 
conveyed in the utmost pomp to the cathedral. Masses and the sol- 
emn ceremonies of the dead were performed by the jjishop, and the 
mortal remains of Columbus were deposited in the wall, on the right 
side of the grand altar. 

It is with deep satisfaction that the author of this work perused 
the documents wliich give an account of a ceremonial so noble and 
affecting, and so honorable to the Spanish nation. When we read 
of the remains of Columbus thus conveyed from the 
port of San Domingo, after an interval of nearly three 
hundred ^-ears, as sacred national relics, with civil 
and military pomp, and high religious ceremonial, 
we cannot but reflect that it was from this very port 
he was carried off loaded with ignominious chains, 
blasted apparentl}- in fame and fortune, and taunted 
by the revilings of the rabble: such honors, it is true, 
are nothing to the dead, nor can they atone to the 
heart, now dust and ashes, for all the wrongs and sor- 
rows it may have suffered ; but they speak volumes 
of comfort to the illustrious yet slandered and per- 
secuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear 



us ID FOUND 
lU. 1877. 




MEMORIAL TABLET IN THE CATHEDRAL OF THE 
HAVANA. 



4IO 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



with present injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all 
calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after 
ages. 

NOTE FROM JUSTIN WINSOR'.S CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS." 

It is a question which has been raised since 1877 whether the 
body of Columbus was the one then removed, and over which so 
much parade was made during the transportation and 
re-interment in Cuba. There has been a controversy 
on the point, in which the Bishop of Santo Domingo 
and his adherents have claimed that the remains of 
Columbus are still in their charge, while it was those 
of his son Diego which had been removed. The 
Academy of Histor}' at Madrid have denied this, and 
in a long report to the Spanish Government have 
UNO asserted that there was no mistake in the transfer, 

ON LEADEN eOX CONTAINING THE SUPPOSED RE- ,,..- - _, , ^ 

MAiNsoFcoLUMBus.c.THEDBAL OF SAN DOMINGO, ^ud that thc additioual casKct louud was that 01 







FRONT AND BACK OF OUTSIDE SILVER PLATE FQ: 



LOWFR INSCRIF'TION 



UA. PTE. OE LOS RTOS 

DEL PMER. ALTE. DN 
CRISTOVAL COLON DOR 



STANDS FOR 

URNA PERTENECIENTE DE LOS RESTOS DEL PRIME;i 
ALMIRANTE DON CRISTOVAL COLON. DESCUBRIOOfl. 

TRANSLATION: URN BELONGING TO THE REMAINS OF 
THE FIRST ADMIRAL DON CRISTOVAL COLON, DISCOV- 
ERER. 



Christopher Colon, the grandson. It was represented, 
moreover, that those features of the inscription on 
the lately found leaden box which seemed to indi- 
cate it as the casket of the first admiral of the Indies 
had been fraudulently added or altered. The question 
has probably been thrown into the category of doubt, though the 
case as presented in favor of Santo Domingo has some recognizably 
weak points, which the advocates of the other side have made the 
most of, and to the satisfaction, perhaps, of the more careful inquir- 
ers. The 
controver- 
sial litera- 
t u r e on 
the subject 
i s consid- 
e r a b 1 e . 
The re- 
pairs of 
1S87 in the 
Santo Do- 
mingo ca- 
thedral re- 
vealed the 




THE INSCRIPTIONS ON THE TWO SIDES OF THE HINGED LlO OF LEADEN COFFIN FOUND IN THE CATHEDRAL OF SAN DOMINGO, SEPT. 10, 
UPPER INSCRIPTION ON OUTSIDE OF LID; D. DE LA A PER A. STANDS FOR: DE.^CUBHIDOR DE LA AMERICA, PRIMER ALMIRANTE. 



1877. 
TRANSLA- 



TION ; DISCOVERER OF AMERICA, FIRST ADMIRAL. 

LOWER INSCRIPTION ON INSIDE OF LID: ILLRE V ESOO. VARON DU CRISTOVAL COLON. STANDS FOR: 
DON CRISTOVAL COLON. TRANSLATION: ILLUSTRIOUS AND FAMOUS MAN, DON CRISTOVAU COLON. 



ESCIARECIDO VARON, 



OF COLUMBUS. 4II 

empty vault from which the transported body had been taken ; but 
they showed also the occupied vault of the grandson Luis, and 
another in which was a leaden case which bore the inscriptions 
which are in dispute. 

It is the statement of the His/oric* that Columbus preserved 
the chains in which he had come home from his third voj-age, and 
that he had them buried with him, or intended to do so. The story- 
is often repeated, but it has no other authority than the somewhat 
dubious one of that book ; and it finds no confirmation in Las Casas, 
Peter IMartj^r, Bernaldez, or Oviedo. 

Humboldt says that he made futile inquiry of those who had 
assisted in the re-interment at Havana if there were any trace of 
these fetters or of oxide of iron in the coffin. In the accounts of 
the recent discovery ^of remains at Santo Domingo, it is said that 
there was equally no trace of fetters in the casket. 

* Historic, the Italian title of the biographical book written by his son Fernando. 




MARBLE MONUMENT OF COLUMauS 
*T MADRID. 

Executtd by D.Jeronimo SuflpL 




CHAPTER XLYII. 




OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF COLUMBUS. 

OLUIMBUS was a man of great and inventive 
genius. The operations of his mind were ener- 
getic, but irregular, bursting forth, at times, with 
that irresistible force which characterizes intellects 
of such an order. His ambition was lofty and 
noble, inspiring him with high thoughts, and an 
anxiety to distinguish himself by great achieve- 
ments. He aimed at dignity and wealth in the same 
elevated spirit with which he sought renown; they 
were to rise from the territories he should discover, and be com- 
mensurate in importance. The vast gains that he anticipated from 
his discoveries, he intended to appropriate to princely purposes ; to 
institutions for the relief of the poor of his native city, to the foun- 
dation of churches, and, above all, to crusades for the recovery of 
the holy sepulchre. 

He was tenacious of his rank and privileges, not from a mere 
vulgar love of titles, but because he prized them as testimonials 
and trophies of his illustrious deeds. Every question of compro- 
mise concerning them, he repulsed with disdain. "These things," 
said he, nobly, "concern my honor." In his testament, he enjoined 
on his son Dieeo, and whomsoever after him should inherit his 
estates, whatever other titles might be granted by the king, always 
to sign himself, simply, " The Admiral," by way of perpetuating in 
the family the source of its real greatness. 

His conduct was characterized by the grandeur of his views, 
and the magnanimity of his spirit. Instead of ravaging the newly- 



(4") 



OF coLU^r 



413 



found couiiints like many of his contemporar}' discoverers, who 
were intent only on immediate gain, he regarded them with the 
eyes of a legishitor ; lie souglit to colonize and cultivate them, to 
civilize the natives, to subject 
every thing to the control cf law, 
order, and religion, and thus to 
found regular and prosperous em- 
pires. That he failed in this, was 
the fault of the dissolute rabble 
which it was his misfortune to 
command, with whom all law was 
tyranny, and all order oppression. 
He was naturally irritable and 
impetuous, and keenl}' sensible to 
injury and injustice; yet the quick- 
ness of his temper was counteracted 
by the benevolence and generosity 
of his heart. The magnanimity of 
his nature shone forth through all 
the troubles of his stormy career. 
Though continuallv outraged in 
his dignity, braved in his authority, 
foiled in his plans, and endangered 
in his person, by the seditions of 
turbulent and worthless men, and 
that, too, at times when suffering 
under anguish of body and anxiety 
of mind, enough to exasperate the 
most patient, vet he restrained his 
valiant and indignant spirit, and 
brought himself to forbear, and 
reason, and even to supplicate. 
Nor should we fail to notice how 
free he was from all feeling of 
revenge, hov.' ready to forgive and 
forget on the least signs of repentance and atonement. He has 
been extolled for his skill in controllina; others, but far trreater 
praise is due to him for the firmuess he displayed in governing 
himself. 




THE PARMIGIANO PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. 

An alleged pnrtrnit cf C"liimbi-.s which "has more artisiic merit than most 
of the others, and was sekrted by I'rescotl to illustrate his Feidinand and 
Isabella. It was formerly claimed to be genuine, but the best authorities now 
declare that it is not a portrait of Columbus at all. but of one Gilbertn di Sas. 
suolo, an Italian statesman and scholar who lived in Naples from 1502 to 1570. 
There is no doubt that it was painted by Francesco Mazzioli. who took the 
name of Parmigiano in honor of his native city, Parma. He was born in 
1-503, so that he was but three years old at the death of Columbus, and he 
died in 1540. He was a student of Raphael and produced many great works, 
including a portrait of Amerigo Vespucci, which was also fanciful. The so- 
called Columbus portrait was executed at Parma in 1527 at the order of Car- 
dinal Alexander Farnese. The King of Naples succeeded to the Farnesc 
estates and removed the painting to the Royal Museum. The picture is a 
rare example of art, but does not bear the slightest resemblance to the feat- 
ures of the admiral as described by his contemporaries, nor is the garb such 
as was worn in Spain at the time he lived. — T/te Coiuwl'us Portraits; 
Wiiliain I'lirov C7irfis in the Fi'hriiary Cosittopolitau . iSq2, 



414 '^"HK LIKE AaD voyages 

His piety was genuine and fervent ; religion mingled with the 
whole course of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth in his 
most private and unstudied writings. Whenever he made any 
great discovery, he devoutly returned thanks to God. The voice 
of prayer and the melody of praise rose from his ships on discov- 
ering the new world, and his first action on lauding was to pros- 
trate himself upon the earth, and offer up thanksgivings. Every 
evening, the Salve Regina, and other vesper hymns, were chanted 
by his crew, and masses were performed in the beautiful groves 
that bordered the wild shores of this heathen land. All his great 
enterprises were undertaken in the nam? of the Holy Trinity, and 
he partook of the holy sacrament previous to embarkation. He 
observed the festivals of the Church in the wildest situations. The 
Sabbath was to him a daj' of sacred rest, on which he would never 
sail from a port unless in case of extreme necessity. The religion, 
thus deeply seated in his soul, diffused a sober dignity, and a be- 
nign composure, over his whole deportment ; his very language 
was pure and guarded, and free from all gross or irreverent ex- 
pressions. 

It can not be denied, however, that his piety was mingled with 
superstition, and darkened by the bigotry of the age. He evi- 
dently concurred in the opinion, that all the nations who did not 
acknowledge the Christian faith were destitute of natural rights ; 
and that the sternest measures might be used for their conversion, 
and the severest punishments inflicted upon them, if obstinate in 
unbelief. In this spirit of bigotry he considered himself justified 
in making captives of the Indians, and transporting them to Spain, 
to have them taught the doctrines of Christianity, and in selling 
them for slaves if they pretended to resist his invasions. In doing 
the latter, he sinned against the natural goodness of his heart, and 
against the feelings he had originally entertained and expressed 
towards this gentle and hospitable people; but he was goaded on 
by the mercenary impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of 
his enemies, at the unprofitable result of his enterprises. It is but 
justice to his character to observe, that the enslavement of the 
Indians thus taken in battle was at first openly countenanced by 
the crown, and that, when the question of right came to be dis- 
cussed at the request of the queen, several of the most dis- 
tinguished jurists and theologians advocated the practice ; so that 



OF COLUMBUS. 415 

the question was finally settled, in favor of the Indians, solely by 
the humanity of Isabella. As the venerable Bishop Las Casas ob- 
serves, where the most learned men have doubted, it is not surpris- 
ing that an unlearned mariner should err. 

These remarks, in palliation of the conduct of Columbus, are 
required by candor. It is proper to show him in connection with 
the age in which he lived, lest the errors of the times should be 
considered his individual faults. It is not intended, however, to 
justif}'- him on a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it re- 
main a blot on his illustrious name, and let others derive a lesson 
from it. 

A peculiar trait in his rich and varied character remains to be 
noticed ; namely, that ardent and enthusiastic imagination, which 
threw a magnificence over his whole course of thought. A poet- 
ical temperament is discernible throughout all his writings and in 
all his actions. We see it in all his descriptions of the beauties of 
the wild lands he was discovering ; in the enthusiasm with which 
he "extols the verdure of the forests, the grandeur of the mount- 
ains, and the crystal clearness of the running streams ; the bland- 
ness of the temperature, the purity of the atmosphere, and the 
fragrance of the air, "full of dew and sweetness." It spread a 
golden and glorious world around him, and tinged every thing with 
its own gorgeous colors. It betrayed him into visionary specula- 
tions, which subjected him to the sneers and cavils of men of cooler 
and safer, but more groveling minds. Siich were the conjectures 
formed on the coast of Paria, about the form of the earth, and the 
situation of the terrestrial Paradise ; about the mines of Ophir, and 
the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients ; and such Avas the heroic 
scheme of a crusade, for the recovery of the holy sepulchre. It 
filled his mind with solemn and visionarv meditations on mystic 
passages of the Scriptures, and on the shadowy portents of the 
prophecies. It exalted his own office in his eyes, and made him 
conceive himself an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful 
mission, and subject to mysterious intimations from the Deity; 
such as the voice which he imagined spoke to him in comfort amidst 
the troubles of Hispauiola, and in the silence of the night on the 
disastrous coast of Veragua. 

He was decidedly a visionar}', but a visionary of an uncommon 
kind, and successful in his dreams. The manner in which his ar- 



4i6 



THE LIFE AND VOYAGES 



dent imagination and mercurial nature were controlled by a pow- 
erful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, is the most 
extraordinary feature in his character. Thus governed, his imag- 
ination, instead of exhausting itself in idle flights, lent aid to his 
judgment, and enabled him to form conclusions at which common 
minds could never have arrived, nay, which thej- could not perceive 
when pointed out. 

To his intellectual vision it was given to read the signs of the 
times, and to trace in the conjectures and reveries of past ages the 
indications of an unknown world, as soothsa3'ers were said to read 
predictions in the stars, and to foretell events from the visions of 
the night. " His soul," observes a Spanish writer, "was superior to 
the age in which he lived. For him was reserved the great enter- 
prise of traversing a sea which had given rise to so many fables, 
and of deciphering the mystery of his age." 

With all the visionary fervor of his imagination, its fondest 
dreams fell short of the reality. He died in ignorapce of the real 
grandeur of his discovery! Until his last breath, he entertained 
the idea that he had merely opened a new way to the old resorts of 
opulent commerce, and had discovered some of the wild regions of 
the East. He supposed Hispaniola to be the ancient Ophir, which 
had been visited by the ships of King Solomon, and that Cula auj 
Terra Firma were but remote parts of Asia. What visions of gh^ry 
would have broken upon his mind, could he have known that he 
had indeed discovered a new continent equal to the old world in 
magnitude, and separated by two vast oceans from all the earth 
hitherto known by civilized man ! and how would liis magnanimous 
spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age, and the 
cares of penurj', the neglect of a fickle public, and the injustice of 
an ungrateful king, could he have anticipated the splendid empires 
which would arise in the beautiful world he had discovered ; and 
the nations and tongues and languages which were to fill its lands 
with his renown, and to revere and bless his name to the latest pos- 
terity ! 




BOOK II. 





4'*) 



FERDINAND CORTES. 

PAINTING IN POSSESSION OF THE MARQUIS OF SALAMANCA. 




-'7 




CHAPTER XL VIII. 



THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 



rigorous treatment of the inhabi- 
tants of the island of San Domingo 
having almost extirpated the race, many 
of the Spanish planters, finding it im- 
possible to carr}' on their works with 
the same vigor and profit, were obliged 
to look out for settlements in some 
country where people were not yet 
wasted by oppression. Others, with 
the inconsiderate levity natural to men 
upon whom wealth pours in with a sud- 
den flow, had sqiiandered in thought- 
less prodigality what they acquired with 
ease, and were driven by necessity to 
embark in the most desperate schemes, 

From all 




§> 



^ in order to retrieve their affairs. 
these causes, when Diego Columbus proposed to 
conquer the island of Cuba, and to establish a 
colony there, many persons of chief distinction in Hispaniola engaged 
with alacrit}- in the measure. He gave the command of the troops 
destined for that service to Diego Velasquez, one of his father's com- 
panions in his second voyage, and who, having been long settled in 
Hispaniola, had acquired an ample fortune, with such reputation for 
probity and prudence, that he seemed to be well qualified for conduct- 
ing an expedition of importance. Three hundred men were deemed 



(4»') 



422 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



sufficient for the conquest of an island of above seven hundred miles 
in length, and filled with inhabitants. But they were of the same 
unwarlike character with the people of Hispaniola. They were not 
only intimidated by the appearance of their new enemies, but un- 
prepared to resist them. For though, from the time that the Span- 
iards took possession of the adjacent island, there was reason to 
expect a descent on their territories, none of the small communities 
into which Cuba was divided, had either made any provision for its 
own defense, or had formed any concert for their common safety. 
The only obstruction the Spaniards met with was from Hatuey, 
a cacique, who had fled from Hispaniola, and had taken pos- 

session of the eastern extremity of Cuba. 
He stood upon the defensive at their 
first landing, and endeavored to drive 
them back to their ships. 
His feeble 
troops, how- 
ever, were 
soon broken 
and dispers- 
ed ; and he 
-" ■ himself being 
taken prisoner, 
\elasquez, ac- 
cording to the 
arbarous maxim of 
Spaniards, con- 
bidered him as a slave who 
had taken arms against his 
master, and condemned 
him to the flames. When Hatuey was fastened to the stake, a Fran- 
ciscan friar laboring to convert him, promised him immediate admit- 
tance to the joys of heaven, if he would embrace the Christian faith. 
"Are there anv Spaniards," says he, after some pause, " in that region 
of bliss which you describe?" "Yes," replied the monk, "but only 
such as are worthy and good." " The best of them," returned the 
indignant cacique, " have neither worth nor goodness : I will not 
go to a place where I may meet with one of that accursed race." 
This dreadful example of vengeance struck the people of Cuba with 




THC rCNOBLE AND CRUEL DEATH OF THE CAC'QUE HATUEV, WHO EVEN AT THE LAST MOMENT DISDAINS 
TO MEET HIS OPKiESSOflS IN THE WOBLO TO COME. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 423 

such terror, that they scarcely gave au}- opposition to the progress 
of their invaders; and Velasquez, without the loss of a man, an- 
nexed this extensive and fertile island to the Spanish monarchy. 

Diego Velasquez retained the government of that island, as the 
deputy of Don Diego Columbus, though he seldom acknowledged 
his superior, and aimed at rendering his own authority altogether 
independent. Under his prudent administration, Cuba became one 
of the most flourishing of the Spanish settlements. The fame of 
this allured thither many persons from the other colonies, in hopes 
of finding either some permanent establishment or some employ- 
ment for their activity. As Cuba lay to the west of all the islands 
occupied by the Spaniards, and as the ocean which stretches beyond 
it towards that quarter had not hitherto been explored, these cir- 
cumstances naturally invited the inhabitants to attempt new dis- 
coveries. An expedition for this purpose, in which activity and 
resolution might conduct to sudden wealth, was more suited to the 
genius of the age than the patient industry requisite in clearing 
ground and manufacturing sugar. Instigated by this spirit, several 
officers, who had served under Pedrarias in Darien, entered into an 
association to undertake a voyage of discovery. They persuaded 
Francisco Hernandez Cordova, an opulent planter in Cuba, and a 
man of distinguished courage, to join with them in the adventure, 
and chose him to be their commander. Velasquez not only approved 
of the design, but assisted in carrying it on. As the veterans from 
Darien were extremely indigent, he and Cordova advanced money 
for purcha'^ing^ three small vessels, and furnished them with every 
thing requisite either for traffic or for war. A hundred and ten 
men embarked on board of them, and sailed from St. Jago de Cuba 
on the Sth of February, 15 17. By the advice of their chief pilot? 
Antonio Alaminos, who had served under the first admiral Colum- 
bus, they stood directly west, relying on the opinion of that great 
navigator, who uniformly maintained that a westerly course would 
lead to the most important discoveries. 

On the twenty-first day after their departure from St. Jago, 
they saw land, which proved to be Cape Catoc/ie, the eastern point 
of that large peninsula projecting from the continent of America 
which still retains its original name of Yucatan. As they ap- 
proached the shore, five canoes came off full of people decently clad 
in cotton garments ; an astonishing spectacle to the Spaniards, who 



24 



424 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



had found every other part of America possessed by naked savages. 
Cordova endeavored by small presents to gain the good-will of 
these people. They, though amazed at the strange objects now 
presented, for the first time, to their view, invited the Spaniards to 
visit their habitations, with an appearance of cordiality. They 
landed accordingl}^ and as they advanced into the country, they 
observed with new wonder some large houses built with stone. But 
they soon fotind that, if the people of Yucatan had made progress 

in improvement beyond 
their countrymen, they 
were likewise more artful 
and warlike. For though 
the cacique received Cor- 
dova with many tokens 
of friendship, he had 
posted a considerable 
body of his subjects in 
ambush behind a thicket, 
who, upon a signal given 
by him, rushed out and 
attacked the Spaniards 
with great boldness, and 
some degree of martial 
order. At the first flight 
of their arrcAvs, fifteen 
of the Spaniards were 
wounded; lut the Indians 
were struck w.lli such 
terror by the sudden ex- 
plosion of the firearms, 
and so surprised at the 
execution done by them, 
by the cross-bows, and by 
the other weapons of their 
new enemies, that they 
fled precipitately. Cor- 
dova quitted a country 
where he had met with 
such a fierce reception. 




LACONDAN iVUCATANI CACIQUE AND FAMILY. 

6H0WI^G TYPE »ND COSTUMES OF THE NATIVES OF THE PRESENT DAY; THEY HAVING MADE BUI LITTLE 
ADVANCEMENT OVER THEIR ANCESTORS AT THE TiME OF THE CONflUEST.-O. Chahnay. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 425 

• 
carrying off two prisoners, together with the ornaments of a small 
temple, which he plundered in his retreat. 

He continued his course towards the west, without losing sight 
of the coast, and on the sixteenth day arrived at Campeachy. There 
the natives received them more hospitably ; but the Spaniards were 
much surprised, that on all the extensive coast along which they 
had sailed, and which they imagined to be a large island, they had 
not observed an^^ river. As their water began to fail, they ad- 
vanced, in hopes of finding a supply ; and at length they discov- 
e r ed the 
mouth of a 
river at Po- 
tonchan, a 
few leagues 
beyond 
Campeachy. 
Cordova 
landed all 
his troops, 
in order to 
protect the 
sailorswhile 
employed in 
filling the 
casks ; but 
notwith- 
standing 
this precau- 
tion, the na- 
tives rushed 

down upon them wich such fury and in such numbers, that forty- 
seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and one man 
only of the whole body escaped unhurt. Their commander, 
though wounded in twelve different places, directed the retreat 
with presence of mind equal to the courage with which he had 
led them on in the engagement, and with much difficulty they 
regained their ships. After this fatal repulse, nothing remained 
but to hasten back to Cuba with their shattered forces. In 
their passage thither they suffered the most exquisite distress for 




PRINCIPAL FACADE OF THE PALACE OF THE NUNS AT CHICHEN-ITZA YUCATAN. 

THfc AZTEC AND MAVA RELIGION INTHOOUCED AMONG THEIR VOTARIES * VERY SIMILAFl INSTITUTION TO THE ONE AMONG ROMAN 
CATHOLICS. THEIR NUNS REMAINED CELIBATES, OWELT IN CONVENTS, TOOK RELIGIOUS VOWS, ETC. 



426 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



want of water, that men wounded, and sickly, shut up in small ves- 
sels, and exposed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be supposed to 
endure. Some of them, sinking under these calamities, died by 
the way ; Cordova, their commander, expired soon after they landed 
in Cuba. 




KJ y^i^irjrfttMMi^f^'i 




LEFT WING OF THE PALACE OF THE NUNS AT 

CHICKEN — 1T2A, YUCATAN. 

WOMEN WERE ALLOWED TO EXERCISE SACEBCOTAL FtNCTiONS, 

tXCEPT THOSE OF SACRIFICE. ONE OF THE EARLV MISSICNARICS, FATHER 

ACOSTA, EXCLAIMS: " IN TRUTH, IT IS VERY STRANGE TO SEE THAT THIS FALSE 

OPINION OF RELIGION MATH 60 GREAT FORCE AMONG THESE YOUNG MEN AND MAIDENS 

Of MEXICO, THAT THEY WILL SERVE THE DIVELL WITH SO GREAT RIGOR AND AUSTERITY, WHICH HAHV 

OF US OOE HOT IN THE SERVICE OF THE MOST HIGH GOD; THE WHICH ISA GREAT SHAME AND COMFUilOM." 

ENGLISH TRANSLATION, LIB. t>, CAP. «. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 




VOYAGE OF JUAN DE GRIJALVA. DISCOVERY OF NEW SPAIN, THE MODERN MEXICO. (1616.) 



OTWITHSTANDING the disastrous con- 
clusion of this expedition, it contributed 
rather to animate than to damp a spirit 
of enterprise among the Spaniards. They 
had discovered an extensive country, situ- 
ated at no great distance from Cuba, fertile 
in appearance, and possessed by a people far 
superior in improvement to any hitherto known 
in America. Though they had carried on 
little commercial intercourse with the natives, they had brought 
off some ornaments of gold, not considerable in value, but of 
singular fabric. These circumstances, related with the exaggera- 
tion natural to men desirous of heightening the merit of their 
own exploits, were more than sufficient to excite romantic hopes 
and expectations. Great numbers offered to engage in a new expe- 
dition. Velasquez, solicitous to distinguish himself by some serv- 
ice so meritorious, as might entitle him to claim the government 
of Cuba independent of the admiral, not only encouraged their 
ardor, but, at his own expense, iitted out four ships for the voyage. 
Two hundred and forty volunteers, among whom were several per- 
sons of rank and fortune, embarked in this enterprise. The com- 
mand of it was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young man of known 
merit and ceurage, with instructions to observe attentively the 
nature of the countries which he should discover, to barter for 
gold, and, if circumstances were inviting, to settle a colony in some 



(ort 



4^^ 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



proper station. He sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 8tli of 
April, 15 18. The pilot Alaminos held the same course as in the 
former voyage ; but the violence of the currents carrying the ships 
to the south, the first land which they made was the island of 
Cozumel, to the east of Yucatan. As all the inhabitants fled to 
the woods and mountains at the approach of the Spaniards, they 
made no long sta^' there, and without any remarkable occurrence 
they reached Potonchan on the opposite side of the Peninsula. 
The desire of avenging their countrymen who had been slain there, 
concurred with their ideas of good policy, in prompting them to 
land, that they might chastise the Indians of that district with 
such exemplary rigor as would strike terror into all the people 

around them. But though they disembarked 
all their troops, and carried ashore some 
field-pieces, the Indians fought with such 
courage, that the Span- 
iards gained the victory 
with difficulty, and were 
confirmed in their opin- 
ion that the inhabitants 
of this country- would 
prove more formidable 
enemies than an}- they 
had met with in other 
parts of America. From 
Potonchan they con- 
tinued their voyage 
towards, the west, keeping as near as possible to the shore, 
and casting anchor every evening, from dread of the dangerous 
accidents to which they might be exposed in an unknown sea. 
During the day their eyes were turned continually towards land, 
with a mixture of surprise and wonder at the beauty of the coun- 
try, as well as the novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many 
villages were scattered along the coast, in which they could dis- 
tinguish houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a dis- 
tance. In the warmth of their admiration, they fancied these to 
be cities adorned with towers and pinnacles; and one of the sol- 
diers happening to remark that this country resembled Spain in 
appearance, Grijalva, with universal applause, called it New Spain, 




INTERIOR OR FACADE OF THE PALACE AT PALENQUE. 




AZTEC PRIESTS OFFERING UP A LIVING HUMAN HEART TO THEIR DEITY, THE GREAT LUMINARY OF THE HEAVENS. 

REDRAWN FROM DATA OBTAINED FROM CLAVIGERO, AND THE fiAMIHEi MS5. 



430 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

the name which distinguished this extensive and opulent province of 
the Spanish empire until ver}- recently. They landed in a river 
which the natives called Tabasco [June 9]; and the fame of their 
victory at Potonchan having reached this place, the cacique not 
only received them amicably, but bestowed presents upon them of 
such value, as confirmed the high ideas which the Spaniards had 
formed with respect to the wealth and fertility of the country. 
These ideas were raised still higher by what occurred at the place 
where they next touched. This was considerably to the west of 
Tabasco, in the province since known by the name of Guaxaca. 
There they were received with the respect paid to superior beings. 
The people perfumed them, as they landed, with incense of gum 
copal, and presented to them as offerings the choicest delicacies of 
their country. They were extremely fond of trading with their 
new visitants, and in six days the Spaniards obtained ornaments 
of gold of curious workmanship, to the value of fifteen thousand 
pesos, in exchange for European toys of small price. The two 
prisoners whom Cordova had brought from Yucatan had hitherto 
served as interpreters ; but as they did not understand the lan- 
guage of this country, the Spaniards learned from the natives by 
signs, that they were subjects of a great monarch called Montezuma, 
whose dominion extended over that and many other provinces. 
Leaving this place, with which he had so much reason to be pleased, 
Grijalva continued his course towards the west. He landed on a 
small island [June 19], which he named the Isle of Sacrifices, be- 
cause there the Spaniards beheld, for the first time, the horrid 
spectacle of human victims, which the barbarous superstition of 
the natives offered to their gods. He touched at another small 
island, which he called San Juan de Ulloa. From this place he 
despatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, to Velasquez, 
with a full account of the important discoveries which he had 
made, and with all the treasure that he acquired by trafficking with 
the natives. After the departure of Alvarado, he himself, with the 
remaining vessels, proceeded along the coast as far as the river 
Panuco, the country still appearing to be well peopled, fertile, and 
opulent. 

Several of Grijalva's officers contended that it was not enough 
to have discovered those delightful regions, or to have performed, 
at their different landing-places, the empty ceremony of taking 



THE CONQTEST OF MEXICO. 



^0' 



possession of them for the crown of Castile, and that their glory 
was incomplete unless they planted a colony in some proper sta- 
tion, which might not only secure the Spanish nation a footing 
in the country, but, with the reinforcements which they were cer- 
tain of receiving, might gradually subject the whole to the domin- 
ion of their sovereign. But the squadron had now been above 
five months at sea ; the greatest 
part of their provisions was ex- 
hausted, and what remained of 
their stores so much corrupted by 
the heat of the climate, as to be 
almost unfit for use ; they had lost 
some men by death ; others were 
sicklv ; the country was crowded 
with people who seemed to be 
intelligent as well as brave; and 
they were under the government 
of one powerful monarch, who 
could bring them to act against 
their invaders with united force. 
To plant a colony under so many 
circumstances of disadvantage, 
appeared a scheme too perilous to 
be attempted. Grijalva, though 
possessed of both ambition and 
courage, was destitute of the supe- 
rior talents capable of forming or 
executing such a great plan. He 
judged it more prudent to return 
to Cuba, having fulfilled the pur- 
pose of his voyage, and accomp- 
lished all that the armament which he commanded enabled him to 
perform. He returned to St. Jago de Cuba, on the 26th of Octo- 
ber, from which he had taken his departure about six months 
before. 

This was the longest as well as the most successful voyage 
which the Spaniards had hitherto made in the New World. They 
had discovered that Yucatan was not an island, as they had sup- 
posed, but part of the great continent of America. From Poton- 




THE HOUSE OF THE DWARFS AT UXMAL. 



432 



THE CONQUEvST OF MKMCO. 



chan they had pursued their course for many hundred miles along 
a coast formerly unexplored, stretching at first towards the west, 
and then turning to the north ; all the country which they had 
discovered appeared to be no less valuable than extensive. As soon 
as Alvarado reached Cuba, Velasquez, transported with success so 
far beyond his most sanguine expectations, immediately despatched 
a person of confidence to carry this important intelligence to 
Spain, to exhibit the rich productions of the countries which had 
been discovered by his means, and to solicit such an increase of 
authority as might enable and encourage him to attempt the con- 
quest of them. Without waiting for the return of his messenger, 
or for the arrival of Grijalva, of whom he was become so jealous 
.or distrustful that he was resolved no longer to employ him, he 
began to prepare such a powerful armament as might prove equal 
to an enterprise of so much danger and importance. 




ITALIAN ARMOR AVI. CENTURY 



CHAPTER L. 



APPOINTMENT OF CORTES AS COMMANDER OF THE EXPEDITION. VELASQUEZ BECOMES 

JEALOUS OF HIM AND ENDEAVORS TO DEPRIVE HIM OF 

THE COMMAND. (1518.) 




\'^==Sv^f t^/ ^^^ Grijalva [1518] returned to 
j^** J^ --'=^ '',%3=*=^) Cuba, he found tl-.e armament des- 
> SB '^ ' :^;;*> ^ tined to attempt the conquest of 

that ricli country' which he had dis- 
covered almost complete. Not only- 
ambition, but avarice, had urged Velas- 
quez to hasten his pieparations ; and 
having, such a prospect of gratifying both, 
he had advanced considerable sums out of 
his private fortune towards defraying the 
expenses of the expedition. At the same 
time, he exerted his influence as gov- 
ernor, in engaging the most distin- 
guished persons in the colony to under- 
take the service. At a time when the 
spirit of the Spanish nation was adven- 
turous to excess, a number of soldiers, eager to embark in any 
daring enterprise, soon appeared. But it was not so easy to 
find a person qualified to take the command in an expedition 
of so much importance ; and the character of Velasquez, who 
had the right of nomination, greatly increased the difficulty of the 
choice. Though of most aspiring ambition, and not destitute of 
talents for government, he possessed neither such courage, nor such 
vigor and activity of mind, as to undertake in person the conduct 



DONA MAHINA, INTERPRETeH OF COHTES. 



(433) 



434 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

of the armament which he was preparing. In this embarrassing sit- 
uation, he formed the chimerical scheme, not only of achieving great 
exploits by a deputy, but of securing to himself the glor}' of con- 
quests which were to be made by another. In the execution of this 
plan, he fondly aimed at reconciling contradictions. He was solic- 
itous to choose a commander of intrepid resolution, and of superior 
abilities, because he knew these to be requisite in order to ensure 
success ; but, at the same time, from the jealousy natural to little 
minds, he wished this person to be of a spirit so tame and obsequi- 
ous as to be entirely dependent on his will. But when he came to 
apply those ideas in forming an opinion concerning the several oflS- 
cers who occurred to his thoughts as worthy of being intrusted with 
the command, he soon perceived that it was impossible to find such 
incompatible qualities united in one character. Such as were dis- 
tinguished for courage and talents were too high-spirited to be pas- 
sive instruments in his hands. Those who appeared more gentle 
and tractable, were destitute of capacity, and unequal to the charge. 
This augmented his perplexity and his fears. He deliberated long 
and with much solicitude, and was still wavering in his choice when 
Amador de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, 
his own secretary, the two persons in whom he chiefly confided, 
were encouraged by this irresolution to propose a new candidate ; 
and they supported their recommendation with such assiduity and 
address, that, no less fatally for Velasquez than happily for their 
country, it proved successful. 

The man whom they pointed out to him was Fernando Cortes. He 
was born at Medellin, a small town in Estremadura, in the 3-ear 14S5, 
and descended from a family of noble blood, but of very moderate for- 
tune. Being originally destined by his parents to the study of law, as 
the most likely method of bettering his condition, he was sent early 
to the university of Salamanca, where he imbibed some tincture of 
learning. But he was soon disgusted with an academic life, which did 
not suit his ardent and restless genius, and retired to Medellin, where 
he gave himself up entirely to active sports and martial exercises. At 
this period of life he was so impetuous, so overbearing, and so dis- 
sipated, that his father was glad to comply with his inclination, and 
sent him abroad as an adventurer in arms. There were in that age 
two conspicuous theaters, on which such of the Spanish j-outh as 
courted military glory might display their valor; one in Italy, under 



THE CONQUEST OK MEXICO 



435 



the command of the Great Captain ; the other in the New World. 
Cortes preferred the former, but was prevented by indisposition 
from embarking with a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples. 
Upon this disappointment he turned his views towards America, 
whither he was allured by the prospect of the advantages which he 
Blight derive from the patronage of Ovando, the governor of His- 
paniola, who was his kinsman. 
When he landed at San Dom- 
ingo, in 1504, his reception was 
such as equaled his most san- 
guine hopes, and he was em- 
ployed by the governor in sev- 
eral honorable and lucrative 
stations. These, however, did 
not satisfy his ambition ; and, 
in the year 151 1, he obtained 
permission to accompany Diego Velasquez 
in his expedition to Cuba. In this ser- 
vice he distinguished himself so much, 
that, notwithstanding some violent con- 
tests with Velasquez, occasioned by trivial events 
unworthv of remembrance, he was, at leneth, 
taken into favor, and received an ample conces- 
sion of lands and of Indians, the recompense 
usuallv bestowed upon adventurers in the New 
World. 

Though Cortes had not hitherto acted in 
high command, he had displayed such qualities 
in several scenes of difficulty and danger, as 
raised universal expectation, and turned the e3-es 
of his countrymen towards him as one capable 
of performing great things. The turbulence of 
youth, as soon as he found objects and occupa- 
tions suited to the ardor of his mind, gradually subsided and settled 
into a habit of regular indefatigable activit}-. The impetuosity of 
his temper, when he came to act with his equals, insensibh- abated, 
by being kept under restraint, and mellowed into a cordial soldierl}' 
frankness. These qualities were accompanied with calm prudence 
in concerting his schemes, with persevering vigor in executing 




THE GATEWAY OF THE AHCH VES UNIVERSITV OF SALAMANCA 



436 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

them, and with, what is peculiar to superior genius, the art of gain- 
ing the confidence and governing the minds of men. To all which 
were added the inferior accomplishments that strike the vulgar, and 
command their respect ; a graceful person, a winning aspect, extraor- 
dinary address in martial exercises, and a constitution of such vigor 
as to be capable of enduring any fatigue. 

As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velasquez by his two con- 
fidants, he flattered himself that he had, at length, found what he 
had hitherto sought in vain, a man with talents for command, but 
not an object for jealousy. Neither the rank nor the fortune of 
Cortes, as he imagined, was such that he could aspire at independ- 
ence. He had reason to believe, that, by his own readiness to bury 
ancient animosities in oblivion, as well as his liberality in confer- 
ring several recent favors, he had already gained the good-will of 
Cortes, and hoped, by this new and unexpected mark of confidence, 
that he might attach him forever to his interest. 

Cortes, receiving his commission [Oct. 23] with the w^armest 
expressions of respect and gratitude to the governor, immediately 
erected his standard before his own house, appeared in a military 
dress, and assumed all the ensigns of his new dignity. His utmost 
influence and activity w^ere exerted in persuading many of his friends 
to engage in the service, and in urging forward the preparations for 
the voyage. All his own funds, together with what money he could 
raise by mortgaging his lands and Indians, were expended in pur- 
chasing military stores and provisions, or in supplying the wants 
of such of his officers as were unable to equip themselves in a man- 
ner suited to their rank. Inoffensive, and even laudable as this con- 
duct was, his disappointed competitors were malicious enough to 
give it a turn to his disadvantage. They represented him as aim- 
ing already, with little disguise, at establishing an independent 
authority over his troops, and endeavoring to secure their respect 
or love by his ostentatious and interested liberality. They reminded 
Velasquez of his former dissensions with the man in whom he now 
reposed so much confidence, and foretold that Cortes would be more 
apt to avail himself of the power which the governor was inconsid- 
erately putting in his hands, to avenge past injuries, than to requite 
recent obligations. These insinuations made such impression upon 
the suspicious mind of Velasquez, that Cortes soon observed some 
symptoms of a growing alienation and distrust in his behavior, and 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



437 



was advised by Lares and Duero to liasten his departure before 
these should become so confirmed as to break out with open vio- 
Fully sensible of this danger, he urged forward his prepa- 



ience. 



rations with such rapidity, that he set sail from St. Jago de Cuba 
on the iStii of November; Velasquez taking leave of him with an 
appearance of perfect friendship and confidence, though he had 
secretly given it in charge to some of Cortes' officers, to keep a 
watchful eye upon every part of their commander's conduct. 

Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small settlement on the same 
side of the island, where he was joined by several adventurers, and 
received a supply of provisions and military stores, of which his 
stock was still very incomplete. He had hardly left St. Jago, when 
the jealousy which had been working in the breast of Velasquez 
grew so violent, that it was impossible to suppress it. 
The armament was no longer under his own eye 
and direction ; and he felt that as his power over it 
ceased, that of Cortes would become more absolute. 
Imagination now aggravated every circi:mstance 
which had formerly excited suspicion : the rivals of 
Cortes industriously threw in reflections which in- 
creased his fear ; and, with no less art than malice, 
they called superstition to their aid, employing the ^J 
predictions of an astrologer in order to complete p 
the alarm. All these, by their united operation, 
produced the desired effect. Velasquez repented 
bitterlv of his own imprudence, in having com- 
mitted a trust of so much importance to a person whose fidelity 
appeared so doubtful, and hastily despatched instructions to Trini- 
dad, empowering Verdugo, the chief magistrate there, to deprive 
Cortes of his commission. But Cortes had already made such 
progress in gaining the esteem and confidence of his troops, that, 
finding officers as well as soldiers equalh' zealous to support his 
authority, he soothed or intimidated Verdugo, and was permitted 
to depart from Trinidad without molestation. 

From Trinidad Cortes sailed for the Havana, in order to raise 
more soldiers, and to complete the victualing of his fleet. There 
several persons of distinction entered into the service, and engaged 
to supply what provisions were still wanting ; but, as it was neces- 
sar\' to allow them some time for performing what they had prom- 




VELASquEZ GIVES HIS LAST ORDERS TO COHTES ON THE 
EVE OF HIS DEPARTURE. 



438 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

ised, Velasquez, sensible that he ought no longer to rely on a man 
of whom he had so openly discovered his distrust, availed himself 
of the interval which this unavoidable delay afforded, in order to 
make one attempt more to wrest the command out of the hands of 
Cortes. He loudly complained of Verdugo's conduct, accusing him 
either of childish facility, or of manifest treachery, in suffering 
Cortes to escape from Trinidad. Anxious to guard against a sec- 
ond disappointment, he sent a person of confidence to the Havana, 
with peremptory injunctions to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant-governor 
in that colony, instantly to arrest Cortes, to send him prisoner to 
St. Jago under a strong guard, and to countermand the sailing of 
the armament until he should receive further orders. He wrote, 
likewise, to the principal ofi&cers, requiring them to assist Barba in 
executing what he had given him in charge. But before the arrival 
of this messenger, a Franciscan friar of St. Jago had secretly con- 
veyed an account of this interesting transaction to Bartholomew de 
Olmedo, a monk of the same order, who acted as chaplain to the 
expedition. 

Cortes, forewarned of the danger, had time to take precautions 
for his own safety. His first step was to find some pretext for re- 
moving from the Havana Diego de Ordaz, an officer of great merit, 
but in whom, on account of his known attachment to Velasquez, 
he could not confide in this trying and delicate juncture. He gave 
him the command of a vessel, destined to take on board some pro- 
visions in a small harbor beyond Cape Antonio, and thus made sure 
of his absence without seeming to suspect his fidelity. When he 
was gone, Cortes no longer concealed the intentions of Velasquez 
from his troops; and as officers and soldiers were equally impatient 
to set out on an expedition, in preparing for which most of them 
had expended all their fortunes, they expressed their astonishment 
and indignation at the illiberal jealousy to which the governor 
was about to sacrifice, not only the honor of their general, but all 
their sanguine hopes of glory and wealth. With one voice they 
entreated that he would not abandon the important station to which 
he had such a good title. They conjured him not to deprive them 
of a leader whom they followed with such well-founded confidence, 
and offered to shed the last drop of their blood in maintaining his 
authority. Cortes was easily induced to comply with what he him- 
self so ardently desired. He swore that he would never desert 



IHli COXQUEST OF MEXICO. 439 

soldiers who had given him such a signal proof of their attach- 
ment, and promised instantly to conduct them to that rich country, 
which had been so long the object of their thoughts and wishes. 
This declaration was received with transports of military applause, 
accompanied with threats and imprecations against all who should 
presume to call in question the jurisdiction of their general, or to 
obstruct the execution of his designs. 

Every thing was now ready for their departure; but though 
this expedition was litted out by the united effort of the Spanish 
power in Cuba; though every settlement had contributed its quota 
of men and provisions; though the governor had laid out consider- 
able sums, and each adventurer had exhausted his stock, or strained 
his credit, the poverty of the preparation was such as must astonish 
the present age, and bore, indeed, no resemblance to an armament 
destined for the conquest of a great empire. The fleet consisted 
of eleven vessels; the largest of a hundred tons, which was digni- 
fied by the name of Admiral; three of seventy or eighty tons, and 
the rest small open barks. On board of these were six hundred 
and seventeen men ; of which five hundred and eight belonged to 
the land-service, and a hundred and nine were seamen or artificers. 
The soldiers were divided into eleven companies, according to the 
number of the ships, to each of which Cortes appointed a captain, 
and committed to him the command of the vessel while at sea, and 
of the men when on shore. As the use of fire arms among the 
nations of Europe was hitherto confined to a few battalions of reg- 
ularly disciplined infantry, only thirteen soldiers were armed with 
muskets, thirty-two were cross-bow men, and the rest had swords 
and spears. Instead of the usual defensive armor, which must have 
been cumbersome in a hot climate, most of the soldiers wore jackets 
quilted with cotton, which experience had taught the Spaniards to 
be a sufficient protection against the weapons of the Americans. 
They had only sixteen horses, ten small field-pieces, and four 
falconets. 



'■5 




CHAPTER LI. 




DEPARTURE FROM CUBA AND LANDING AT TABASCO. FIRST INTERVIEW WITH THE MEXICANS 
AND NEGOTIATIONS WITH MONTEZUMA. (1519. 



r ."^B^^ITH this slender and ill-provided train 
did Cortes set sail [Feb. lo, 1519], to 
make war upon a monarch whose do- 
minions were more extensive than all 
the kingdoms subject to the Spanish 
crown. As religious enthusiasm always 
^ mingled with the spirit of adventure in 

^"- the New World, and, by a combination still more 
strange, united with avarice, in prompting the Spaniards to all 
their enterprises, a large cross was displa3'ed in their standards, 
with this inscription. Let us follow the cross, for under this sign 
we shall conquer. 

So powerfully were Cortes and his followers animated with 
both these passions, that no less eager to plunder the opulent 
country whither they were bound, than zealous 
to propagate the Christian faith among its inhab- 
itants, they set out, not with the solicitude nat- 
ural to men going upon dangerous services, but 
with that confidence which arises from security 
of success, and certainty of the divine protec- 
tion. 

As Cortes had determined to touch at every 
place where Grijalva had visited, he steered direct- 
ly towards the island of Cozuniel ; there he had the 
good fortune to redeem Jerome de Aguilar, a 




THE FLAG UNDER WHfCH CORTES FOUGHT. 
PRESERVED IN THE HOSPITAL OF JESUS, CITY OF MEXICO. 



(44°) 




(441) 



THE COXQl^EST OF MEXICO. 445 

Spaniard, who had been eight j-ears a prisoner among the Indians. 
This man was perfectly acquainted with a dialect of their language 
understood through a large extent of country, and, possessing 
besides a considerable share of prudence and sagacity, proved ex- 
tremely useful as an interpreter. From Cozumel, Cortes proceeded 
to the river of Tabasco [March 4J, in hopes of a reception as friendly 
as Grijalva had met with there, and of finding gold in the same 
abundance ; but the disposition of the natives, from some unknown 
cause, was totally changed. After repeated endeavors to conciliate 
their good-will, he was constrained to have recourse to violence. 
Though the forces of the enemy were numerous, and advanced with 
extraordinary courage, they were routed, with great slaughter, in 
several successive actions. The loss which they sustained, and 
still more the astonishment and terror excited by the destructive 
effect of the fire arms, and the dreadful appearance of the horses, 
humbled their fierce spirits, and induced them to sue for peace. 
They acknowledged the King of Castile as their sovereign, and 
granted Cortes a supply of provisions with a present of cotton gar- 
ments, some gold, and twenty female slaves. 

Cortes continued his course to the westward, keeping as near 
the shore as possible, in order to observe the country; but could 
discover no proper place for landing, until he arrived at St. Juan d' 
Ulloa. As he entered this harbor [April 2], a large canoe, full of 
people, among whom were two who seemed to be persons of dis- 
tinction, approached his ship, with signs of peace and amity. They 
came on board without fear or distrust, and addressed him in a most 
respectful manner, but in a language altogether unknown to 
Aguilar. Cortes was in the iitmost perplexity and distress at an 
event of which he instantly foresaw all the consequences, and already 
felt the hesitation and uncertainty with which he should carry on 
the great schemes which he meditated, if, in his transactions with 
the natives, he must depend entirely upon such an imperfect, am- 
biguous, and conjectural mode of communication as the use of signs. 
But he did not remain long in his embarrassing situation ; a fortu- 
nate accident extricated him, when his own sagacity could have con- 
tributed little towards his relief. One of the female slaves, whom 
he had received from the cacique of Tabasco, happened to be pres- 
ent at the first interview between Cortes and his new guests. She 
perceived his distress, as well as the confusion of Aguilar ; and, as 



444 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



she perfectly understood the Mexican language, she explained what 
they said in the Yucatan tongue, with which Aguilar was acquainted. 
This woman, known aiterwards by the name of Dona Marina, and 
who makes a conspicuous figure in the history of the New World, 
where great revolutions were brought about by small causes and 
inconsiderable instruments, was born in one of the provinces of the 

Mexican Empire. 
Having been sold as a 
slave m the early part 
of hei life, after a 
variety of adventures 
she fell into the hands 
of the Tabascans, and 
had resided long 
enough among them 
to acquire their lan- 
guage, without losing 
the use of her own. 
Though it was both 
tedious and trouble- 
some to converse by 
the intervention of 
t w o different inter- 
preters, Cortes was so 
highly pleased with 
having discovered this 
method of carrying on 
some intercourse with 
the people of a coun- 
tr}' into which he was 
determined to pene- 
trate, that in the trans- 
ports of his joy he con- 
sidered it as a visible 
interposition of Provi- 
dence in his favor. 

He now learned that 
the two persons whom 
he had received on 

fi MODERN TOLTtC IVuCATAN'' MAIDEN. 
7» thow Indian type and dress of the time of the '• Conquista" which dijferea very little /rom 

that o/ tilt present age. 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



445 



board of his ship were deputies from Teutile and Pilpatoe, two 
officers intrusted with the government of that province by a great 
monarch whom they called IMontezuma ; and that they were sent to 
inquire what his intentions were in visiting their coast, and to 
offer him what assistance he might need, in order to continue his 
voyage. Cortes, struck with the appearance of those people, as 
well as the tenor of the message, assured them, in respectful 
terms, that he approached their country with most friendly senti- 
ments, and came to propose matters of great importance to the 
welfare of their prince and his kingdom, which he would unfold 
more fully, in person, to the governor and the general. Next 
morning, without waiting for any answer, he landed his troops, 
his horses, and artillerv ; and, having chosen proper ground, b^'^'-an 
to erect huts for his men, and 
to fortifv his camp. The na- 
tives, instead of opposing the 
entrance of those fatal guests 
into their country, assisted 
them in all their operations 
with an alacrity of which they 
had, ere long, good reason to 
repent. 

Next day Teutile and 
Pilpatoe entered the Spanish 







-> 



■-=*■' 



^> 1./. ^-J5|i 




THE SPANISH CAMP AT SAN JUAN ULLOA. 



camp with a numerous reti- ' 
uue ; and Cortes, considering them as the ministers of a great 
monarch, entitled to a degree of attention very different from that 
which the Spaniards were accustomed to pa}^ to the petty caciques, 
with whom they had intercourse in the isles, received them 
with much formal ceremony. He informed them, that he came as 
ambassador from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castile, the great- 
est monarch of the East, and was intrusted with propositions of 
such moment, that he could impart them to none but the emperor 
Montezuma himself, and, therefore, required them to conduct him, 
without loss of time, into the presence of their master. The Mex- 
ican officers could not conceal their uneasiness at a request, which 
thev knew would be disagreeable, and which they foresaw might 
prove extremely embarrassing to their sovereign, whose mind had 
been filled with many disquieting apprehensions ever since tiie 



44^ 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 






. n'0 fSfW 
U3Am m so 

%'i^ i© -.ICS -f^S) 






^ m • » m_ m »j» t • • ■• £^4jL. 

I • • * * a < W& 







A PAGE FROM THE MAYA MANUSCRIPT PRESERVED IN THE 
ROYAL LIBRARY, DRESDEN 

TWO-THIRDS ORIGINAL SIZE. 

Only three or four MSS nre known to he in 
e\i'"tence, the one in Dresden being considered 
the finest. They are written on sheets; pre- 
pared from the fibres of the Mexican Agave, 
and coated with a layer of gypsum. None nf 
the Maya writings have as yet been deci- 
phered. They were only understood by their 
priests (Ahkin) and a few initiates from the 
upper classes. 



former appearance of the Spaniards on his coasts. But, before they 
attempted to dissuade Cortes from insisting on his demand, they 
endeavored to conciliate his good-will by entreating him to accept 
of certain presents, which, as humble slaves of Montezuma, they 
.,. laid at his feet. They were introduced with great 

parade, and consisted of fine cotton cloth, of plumes 
of various colors, and of ornaments of gold and sil- 
ver, to a considerable value, the workmanship of 
which appeared to be as curious as the materials 
were rich. The display of these produced an effect" 
very different from what the Mexicans intended. 
Instead of satisf\-ing, it increased the avidit}- of the 
Spaniards, and rendered them so eager and impa- 
tient to become masters of a country which abounded 
with such precious productions, that Cortes could 
hardly listen with patience to the arguments which 
Pilpatoe and Teutile employed to dissuade him from 
visiting the capital, and, in a haughty, determined 
tone, he insisted on his demand, of being admitted 
to a personal audience of their sovereign. During 
this interview, some painters, in the train of the 
Alexican chiefs, had been diligently eniplo3'ed in 
delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the 
ships, the horses, the artiller}^, the soldiers, and 
whatever else attracted their eyes as singular. 
When Cortes observed this, and was informed that 
these pictures were to be sent to Montezuma, in 
order to convey to him a more lively idea of the 
strange and wonderful objects now presented to 
their view, than any words could communicate, he 
resolved to render the representation still more ani- 
mating and interesting, by exhibiting such a spec- 
tacle, as might give both them and their monarch an 
awful impression of the extraordinary prowess of his 
followers, and the irresistible force of their arms. The trumpets, 
by his order, sounded an alarm ; the troops, in a moment, formed 
in order of battle, the infantry performed such martial exercises as 
were best suited to displa}- the effect of their different weapons; 
the horse, in various evolutions, gave a specimen of their agility 




JGU iT?=ST:^ ji* 



THE CtJNQUEST OF MEXICO. 



447 



and strength ; tin: artillery, pointed towards the thick woods which 
surrounded the camp, were iired, and made dreadful havoc among 
the trees. The Mexicans looked on with that silent amazement 
which is natural when the mind is struck with objects which are 
both awful and above its comprehension. But, r.l the explosion of 
the cannon, many of them fled, some fell to the ground, and all 
were so much confounded at the sight of men whose power so nearly 
resembled that of the gods, that Cortes found it difficult to com- 
pose and reassure them. The painters had now many new objects 
on which to exercise their art, and they put their fancy on the 
stretch in order to invent figures and symbols to represent the ex- 
traordinary things which they had seen. 

Messengers were immediately despatched to Montezuma with 
those pictures, and a full account of every thing that had passed 
since the arrival of the Spaniards, and by them Cortes sent a pr.es- 
ent of some European curiosities to Montezuma, which, though of 
no great value, he believed would be acceptable on account of their 
novelty. The Mexican monarchs, in order to obtain early informa- 
tion of every occurrence in all the corners of their extensive em- 
pire, had introduced a refinement in police unknown at that time 
in Europe. They had couriers posted at proper stations along the 
principal roads ; and as these were trained to agility by a regular 
education, and relieved one another at moderate distances, they 
conveyed intelligence with surprising rapidity. Though the capi- 
tal in which Montezuma resided was above a hundred and eighty 
miles from St. Juan d'Ulloa, Cortes' presents were carried thither, 
and an answer to his demands was received in a few daj's. The 
same officers who had hitherto treated with the Spaniards were 
employed to deliver this answer ; but as they knew how repugnant 
the determination of their master was to all 
ihe schemes and wishes of the Spanish com- 
mander, they would not venture to make it 
known until thej? had previously endeav- 
ored to soothe and mollify him. For this 
purpose they renewed their negotiation, 
by introducing a train of a hundred In- 
dians loaded with presents sent to 
liim by Montezuma. The magnificence 
'if these was such as became a great 








HEADS AND MASQUES FOUND AT TEOTIHUACAN 'MEXICO* MADE FROM TERRA COTTA. 



44S 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



monarch, and far exceeded any idea which the Spaniards had hith- 
erto formed of his wealth. They were placed on mats spread on 
the ground, iti such order as showed them to the greatest advan- 
tage. Cortes and his officers viewed, with admiration, the various 
manufactures of the country; cotton stuffs so fine, and of sucli del'- 
cate texture as to resemble silk; pictures of animals, trees, and 
jther natural objects, formed with feathers of different colors, dis- 
posed and mingled with such skill and elegance, as to rival the 
works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation. But what 
chiefly attracted their eyes, were two large plates of a circular form, 
one of massive gold representing the sun, the other of silver, an 
emblem of the moon. These were accompanied with bracelets, 
collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold, and, that nothing might be 



wanting which could 
of- what the country 




ANCIENT MEXICAN VASES, 



give the Spaniards a complete idea 
afforded, with some boxes filled 
with pearls, precious stones, and 
f/ grains of gold nnwrought, as 
~^^;r~^ they had been found in the 
mines or rivers. Cortes 
received all these with an 
appearance of profound 
veneration for the mon- 
arch by whom they were 
bestowed. But when the 
Mexicans, presuming 
upon this, informed him 
that their master, though he desired him to accept of what 
he had sent as a token of regard for that monarch whom Cortes 
represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops 
should approach nearer to his capital, or even allow them to con- 
tinue longer in his dominions, the Spanish general declared, in a 
manner more resolntf and peremptory than formerly, that he 
must insist on his first demand, as he could not, without dishonor, 
return to his own country, until he was admitted into the presence 
of the prince whom he was appointed to visit in the name of his 
sovereign. The Mexicans, astonished at seeing any man dare to 
oppose that will, which they were accustomed to consider as su- 
preme and irresistible, vet afraid of precipitating their country 
into an open rupture with such formidable enemies, prevailed with 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 449 

Cortes to promise, that he would not move from his present camp 
until the return of a messenger whom they sent to Montezuma for 
further instructions. 

The firmness with which Cortes adhered to his original 
proposal, should, naturally, have brought the negotiation between 
him and Montezuma to a speedy issue, as it seemed to leave the 
Mexican monarch no choice, but either to receive him with confi- 
dence as a friend, or to oppose him openly as an enem}-. The lat- 
ter was what might have been expected ironi a haught}- prince in 
possession of extensive power. The Mexican empire, at this period, 
was at a pitch of grandeur to which no society ever cv.'.aiin^u :n so 
short a period. Though it had subsisted, according to their own 
traditions, only a hundred aud thirty years, its dominion extended 
from the North to the South Sea, over territories stretchir.g, with 
some small interruption, about five hundred leagues from east to 
west, and more than two hundred from north to south, compre- 
hending provinces not inferior in fertilit}-, population, aud opu- 
lence, to any in the torrid zone. The people were warlike and en- 
terprising ; the authority of the monarch unbounded, and his reve- 
nues considerable. If, with the forces which niieht have been 
suddenly assembled in such an empire, .dcirczuma i.ad fallen upon 
the Spaniards, while encamped on a barren, uuheulthy coast, un- 
supported by any ally, without a place of retreat, and destitute of 
provisions, it seems to be impossible, even with the advantages 
of their superior discipline and arms, that they could have stood 
the shock, and they must either have perished in such an unequal 
contest, or have abandoned the enterprise. 







■•itLMETS. INCRUSTED WITH TURCUOlSES, IN THE H-^PTZ 
COLLECTION. PA^IR 

The bodies ol' ihe Mexican soldiers were cener.Tllv criveretl with a cloi;e vesi 
of quilted criiton, so thick as to be impenetrable to the Hcht mis^iive'; of Indian 
warfare. Their helmets were sometimes of wood, plain, or incrtisted with 
polished precious stones, fashioned like the heads of wild animals nr skulls, etc., 
and sometimes of silver. — From M. Brasseur de Bourboiirg' s Falcnque. 



CHAPTER LII. 



WONTEZliMA'S PERPLEXITY AND TERROR UPON THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS. CORTES 

ESTABLISHES A CIVIL COVERNMENT AND IS CHOSEN CHIEF JUSTICE 

AND CAPTAIN GENERAL. 



S the power of Montezuma enabled 
him to take this spirited part, 
his own dispositions were 
such as seemed natural- 
ly to prompt him to it. 
Of all the princes who 
had swayed the Mexican 
sceptre, he was the 
most haughty, the most 
violent, and the most 
impatient of control. 
His subjects looked up 
to him with awe, and 
his enemies with ter- 
ror. The former he 
governed with unex- 
ampled rigor ; but 
they were im- 
pressed with 
such an opin- 
ion of his ca- 
pacity as com- 
manded their respect ; and, by many victories over the latter, 
lie had spread far the dread of his arms, and had added 
several considerable provinces to his dominions. But though his 




MOCTETZOUMA XOCOTZIN, 

COMMONLY KNOWN BY THE NAME OF MONTEZUMA 
FROM A PAINTING EXECUTED BV ORDER OF CORTES. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



451 



talents might be suited to the transactions of a state so imperfectly 
polished as the Mexican empire, and sufficient to conduct them 
while in their accustomed course, they were altogether inadequate 
to a conjuncture so extraordinary, and did not qualif}^ him either 
to judge with the discernment or to act with the decision requisite 
in such a trying emergenc}-. 

From the moment that the Spaniards appeared on his coast, 
he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrassment. Instead 
of taking such resolutions as the consciousness of his own power, 
or the memory of his former exploits, might have inspired, he de- 
liberated with an anxiety and hesitation which did not escape the 
notice of his meanest courtiers. The perplexity and discomposure 
of IMontezuma's mind upon this occasion, as well as the general 
dismay of hi^ subjects, were not owing wholly to the impression 
which the Spaniards had made by the novelty of their appearance 
and the terror of their arms. Its origin may be traced up to a 
more remote source. There was an opinion, if we may believe the 
earliest and most authentic Spanish historians, almost universal 
among the Americans, that some dreadful calamit}' was impending 
over their heads, from a race of formidable invaders, who should 
come from regions towards the rising sun, to overrun and desolate 
their country. Whether this disquieting apprehension flowed from 
the memory' of some natural calamity which had afflicted that part 
of the globe, and impressed the minds of the inhabitants with 
superstitious fears and forebodings, or whether it was an 
imagination accidentally suggested by the astonishment 
which the first sight of a new race of men occasioned, 
it is impossible to determine. But as the Mexicans 
were more prone to superstition than any people in the 
New World, they were more deeply affected by the ap- 
pearance of the Spaniards, whom their credulity instant 
ly represented as the instrument destined to bring about this 
fatal revolution which they dreaded. Under those circum- 
stances, it ceases .to be incredible that a handful of adven- 
turers should alarm the monarch of a great empire, and all 
his subjects. 

Notwithstanding the influence of this impres- 
sion, when the messenger arrived from the Spanish 
camp with an account that the leader of the stran- 




f-iga-ji. 




KNEELING IDOL. 
FROM A LACONOAN TEMPLE. 



452 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




HE TEMALACATL OR GL 

VE FETTERED TO T-E 

ELEVATED THRONE £ 



\DlATOSlAL 'TONE, AFTER THE RAM REZ M 

i'D'-S. riGHTi- G .'.aH A TiGER KNIGHT. 
TS THE MiTi^eO EMPEROR OWING ORDERS. 



gers, adhering to his original demand, 
refused to obey the order enjoining him 
to leave the country, Montezuma as- 
sumed some degree of resolution ; and, 
in a transport of rage natural to a 
fierce prince, unaccustomed to meet with 
any opposition to his will, he threatened 
to sacrifice those presumptuous men to 
his gods. But his doubts and fears 
quickly returned, and, instead of issuing 
orders, to carry his threats into execu- 
tion, he again called his ministers to 
confer and offer their advice. Feeble and temporizing measures 
will always be the result when men assemble to deliberate in a 

situation where they ought 
to act. The Mexican coun- 
sellors took no efl'ective 
measure for expelling such 
troublesome intruders, and 
were satisfied with issuing a 
more positive injunction, re- 
quiring them to leave the 
country ; but this they pre- 
posterously accompanied 
with a present of such value 
as proved a fresh inducement 
to remain there. 

Meanwhile, the Spaniards 
were not without solicitude, 
or a variety of sentiments, 
in deliberating concerning 
their own future conduct. 
From what they had already 
seen, many of them formed 
such extravagant ideas con- 
cerning the opulence of the 
country, that, despising dan- 
ger or hardships when they 
had in view treasures which 




MEXICAN CALENDAR STONE. 

PRESERVED IN THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. MEXICO. 

This remarkable piece of sculpture consists of dark porphyry, and. in its original 
dimensions, as taken from the quarry, is computed to have weighed nearly fifty tons. 
Il was transported from the mountain of Chalco. a distance of many leagues, over a 
broken country intersected by water-courses and canals. In crossing a bridge which 
traversed one of these latter in the capital, the supports gave way, and the huge mass 
was precipitated into the water, whence it was with difficulty recovered. The fact 
that so enormous a fragment of porphyry could he thus safely carried for leagues, in 
the face of such obstacles, and without the aid of cattle,— for the Aztecs had no animals 
of draught,— suggests to us no mean ideas of their mechanical skill, and of their machin- 
ery; and implies a degree of cultivation, little inferior to that demanded for the geo- 
metrical and astronomical science displayed in the inscriptions on this very stone. 1 he 
face of this dial shows that they had the means of setting the hours of the day with 
precision, the periods of the solstices and of the equinoxes, and thai of the transit of the 
sun across the zenith of Mexico.— /'re'Jte//, Co'iguest, Vol. I p. UJ, l-IJ. 



B.Tr-^-»T^ 




Uij; 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



455 



appeared to be inexhaustible, they were eager to attempt the 
conquest. Others, estimating the power of the Mexican empire by 
its wealth, and enumerating the various proofs which had occurred 
of its being under a well-regulated administration, contended, that 
it would be an act of the wildest frenzy to attack such a state with 
a small body of men, in want of provisions, unconnected with any 
ally, and already enfeebled by the diseases peculiar to the climate, 
and the loss of several of their number. Cortes secretly applauded 
the advocates for bold measures, and cherished their romantic 
hopes, as such ideas corresponded with his own, and favored the 
execution of the schemes which he had formed. From the time 
that the suspicions of Valesquez broke out w'ith open violence in 
the attempts to deprive him of the command, Cortes saw the neces- 
sity of dissolving a connection which would obstruct and embarrass 
all his operations, and watched for a proper opportunity of coming 
to a final rupture with him. Having this in ^ ;,. 

view, he had labored by every art to secure the 
esteem and affection of his soldiers. With his 
abilities for command, it was easy to gain their 
esteem ; and his followers were quickly satis- 
fied that they might rely, with perfect confi- 
dence, on the conduct and courage of their 
leader. Nor was it more difficult to acquire 
their affection. Among the adventurers, nearly 
of the same rank, and serving at their own expense, the dignity 
of command did not elevate a gene: 1 above mingling with those 
who acted under him. Cortes availed himself of this freedom of 
intercourse, to insinuate himself into their favor, and by his affable 
manners, by well-timed acts of liberality to some, by inspiring all 
with vast hopes, and by allowing them to trade privately with the 
natives, he attached the greater part of his soldiers so firmly to 
himself, that the\- almost forgot that the armament had been fitted 
out by the authority, and at the expense of another. 

During these intrigues, Teutile arrived with the present from 
Montezuma, and, together with it, delivered the iiltimate order of 
that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions; and when 
Cortes, instead of complying, renewed his request of an audience, 
the ^Mexican turned from him abruptly, and quitted the camp with 
looks and gestures which strongly expressed his surprise and 




TERRA COTTA VASES FOUND AT TENENEPANGO, MEXICO. 



456 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




POTTERY, WITH FIGUBE OF TLALOC. 

The god of rains, and giver of 
harvests, whose festival was 
celebrated with th^t of Quet- 
zalcoatl, on the first day v( thi- 
first month of the Aztec cale;i- 
dar (February). 



resentment. Next morning, none of the natives, who used to 
frequent the camp in great numbers, in order to barter with the 
soldiers, and to bring in provisions, appeared. All friendly corre- 
spondence seemed now to be at an end, and it was expected every 
moment that hostilities would commence. This, though an event 
that might liave been foreseen, occasioned a sudden consternation 
among tlie Spaniards, which emboldened the adherents of Velasquez 
not only to murmur and cabal against their general, but to appoint 
one of their number to remonstrate openly against his imprudence 
in attempting the conquest of a mighty empire with such inade- 
quate force, and to urge the necessity of returning to Cuba, in order 
to refit the fleet and augment the army. Diego de Ordaz, one of 
his principal officers, whom the nialecontents charged with this 
commission, delivered it with a soldierly freedom and blunt- 
ness, assuring Cortes that he spoke the sentiments of the 
whole army. He listened to this remonstrance without any 
appearance of emotion ; and as he well knew the temper and 
wishes of his soldiers, and foresaw how the}^ would receive a pro- 
position fatal at once to all the splendid hopes and schemes 
which they had been forming with such complacency, he carried 
his dissimulation so far as to seem to relinguish his own 
measures in compliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued 
orders that the army should be in readiness next day to re- 
embark for Cuba. As soon as this was known, the disap- 
pointed adveutiirers exclaimed and threatened; the emissaries 
of Cortes, mingling with them, inflamed their rage; the fer- 
ment became general ; the whole camp was almost in open 
mutiny; all demanding with eagerness to see their commander. Cor- 
tes was not slow in appearing ; when, with one voice, officers and sol- 
diers expressed their astonishment and indignation at the orders 
which they had received. It was unworthy, they cried, of the Cas- 
tilian courage to be daunted at the first aspect of danger, and in- 
famous to fl}' before any enemy appeared. For their parts, the}' were 
determined not to relinquish an enterprise that had hitherto been 
successful, and which tended so visibly to spread the knowledge of 
true religion, and to advance the glory and interest of their country. 
Happy under his command, they would follow him with alacrity 
through every danger, in quest of those settlements and treasures 
which he had so long held out to their view ; but if he chose rather 



THE COXQIHSV OK MEXICO. 



!57 



.o return to Cuba, and tamely give up all his hopes of distinction 
and opulence to an envious rival, they would instantly choose an- 
other general to conduct them in that path of glory which he had 
not spirit to enter. 

Cortes, delighted with their ardor, took no offense at the bold- 
ness with which it was uttered. The sentiments were what he 
himself had inspired, and the warmth of expression satisfied him 
that his followers had imbibed them thoroughly. He affected, how- 
ever, to be surprised at what he heard, declaring that his orders to 
prepare for embarking were issued from a persuasion that this was 
agreeable to his troops ; that, from deference to what he had been 
informed was their inclination, he had sacrificed his own private 
opinion, which was firml}- bent on establishing immediately a set- 
tlement on the sea-coast, and then on endeavoring to penetrate into 
the interior part of the country ; that now he was convinced of ais 
error ; and as he perceived that they were animated with the gen- 
erous spirit which breathed in every true Spaniard, he would re- 
sume, with fresh ardor, his original plan of operation, and doubted 
not to conduct them, in the career of victor}', to such independent 
fortunes as their valor merited. Upon this declaration, shouts of 
applause testified the excess of their jo}-. The measure seemed to 
be taken with unanimous consent ; such as secretly condemned it 
being obliged to join in the acclamations, partly to conceal their 
disaffection from their general, and partly to avoid the imputation 
of cowardice from 
their fellow-soldiers. 
Without allowing 
liis men time to cool 
or to reflect, Cortes 
set about carrying 
his design into ex- 
ecution. In order to 
give a beginning to a 
colou}^, he assembled 
the principal per- 
sons in his army, and, 
by their suffrage, 
elected a council 
and magistrates in 




CORTES DECLARES, AMIDST THE SHOUTS OF APPLAUSE FHum MiS bOLD'E^VS. 

VICTORY AND FO'TU-'" 



ILL CONDUCT THEM 



45S 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



A-^ 




CROSS FROM THE TEMPLE OF 
THE CROSS, PALENQUE. 



whom the government was to be vested. As men naturally trans- 
plant the institutions and forms of the mother-country into their 
new settlements, this was framed upon the model of a Spanish 
corporation. The magistrates were distinguished by the same 
names and ensigns of office, and were to exercise a similar juris- 
diction. All the persons chosen were most firmly devoted to 
Cortes, and the instrument of their election was framed in tlie 
king's name, without an}- mention of their dependence on Velas- 
quez. The two principles of avarice and enthusiasm, which 
prompted the Spaniards to all their enterprises in the New World, 
seem to have concurred in suggesting the name which Cortes 
bestowed on his infant settlement. He called it, Villa Rica de 
Vera Cruz (The Rich Town of the True Cross). 

The first meeting of the new council was distinguished by a 
transaction of great moment. As soon as it assembled, Cortes 
applied for leave to enter; and approaching with man}' marks of 
profound respect, which added dignity to the tribunal, and set an 
example of reverence for its authoritv, he began a long harangue, 
in which, with much art, and in terms extremely flattering to 



suppr'efs''XTr'*tvon'd'e''r,"a' pcrsous just euteriug upon their new functions, he observed, 

they beheld the Cross, the , , ...... - , ,,,- 

sacred emblem of their own that, as thc suprcmc lurisdictiou over the colony which thev 

faith, raised as an objt'ct ul -^ -^ -^ -^ 

worship in the temples ot*"' 
Anahuac, Tabasco, Yuca- 
tan. They met with it, in 
*^act, everywhere, and in 
their perplexity, they 
looked on it as the delusion 
of the Devil, who counter- 
feited the rites of Christi- 
anity and the traditions of 
the chosen people, that he 
might allure his wretched 
victims to their own de- 



struction. — Pre5C0tt, Con 
guest, Vol. I. 



had planted was now vested in this court, he considered them 
as clothed with the authority and representing the person of 
their sovereign; that, accordingly, he would communicate to 
them what he deemed essential to the public safetj^, with the 
same dutiful fidelity as if he were addressing his royal master; 
that the security of a colony settled in a great empire, whose 
sovereign had alreadv discovered his hostile intentions, de- 
pended upon arms, and the efficacy of these upon the subor- 
dination and discipline preserved among the troops ; that his 
right to command was derived from a commission granted by 
the governor of Cuba; and as that had been long since revoked, 
the lawfulness of his jurisdiction might well be questioned ; that 
he might be thought to act upon a defective or even a dubious title ; 
nor could they trust an army which might dispute the powers of 
its general, at a juncture when it ought implicitly to obey his or- 
ders; that, moved by these considerations, he now resigned all his 
authority to them, that they, having both right to choose, and 
power to confer full jurisdiction, might appoint one in the king's 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



459 



name, to command the army in its future operations ; and as for his 
own part, such was his zeal for the service in which they were en- 
gaged, that he would most cheerfully take up a pike with the same 
hand that laid down the general's truncheon, and convince his 
fellow-soldiers, that though accustomed to command, he had not 
forgotten how to obey. Having finished his discourse, he laid the 
commission from Velasquez upon the table, and, alter kissing his 
truncheon, delivered it to the chief magistrate, and withdrew. 

The deliberations of the council were not long, as Cortes had 
concerted this important measure with his confidants, and had 
prepared the other members, with great address for the part which 
he wished them to take. His resignation was accepted ; and as the 
uninterrupted tenor of their prosperity under his condiict afforded 
the most satisfying evidence of his abilities for command, they, 
b\- their unanimous suffrage, elected him chief justice of the col- 
ony, and captain-general of its army, and appointed his commission 
to be made ont in the king's name, with most ample powers, which 
were to continue in force until the royal pleasure shoiild be farther 
known. That this deed might not be deemed the machination of 
a junto, the council called together the troops, and acquainted 
them with what had been resolved. The soldiers, with eager ap- 
plause, ratified the choice which the council had made ; the air re- 
sounded "with the name of Cortes, and all vowed to shed their 
blood in support of his authority. 



26 







CHAPTER LIII. 




CORTES ASCERTAINS THAT THE YOKE OF AZTEC CONFEDERACY IS BORNE UNWILLINGLY BY 

MANY TOWNS AND DISTRICTS. HrS MARCH TO CEMPOALA AND TREATY WITH 

THE CACIQUE DESTRUCTION OF THE FLEET. 



ORTES, having now brought his intrigues to the 
desired issue, and shaken off his mortif^'ing de- 
pendence on the governor of Cuba, accepted of the 
commission, which vested in him supreme jurisdic- 
tion, civil as well as military, over the colony, with 
man-\- professions of respect to the council and grati- 
tude to the army. Together with this new command 
he assumed greater dignity, and began to exercise more 
extensive powers. Formerly he had felt himSelf to be 
only the deputy of a subject ; now he acted as the representative of 
his sovereign. The adherents of Velasquez, fully aware of what 
would be the effect of this change iu the situation of Cortes, could 
no longer continue silent and passive spectators of his actions. 
They exclaimed openly against the proceedings of the council as 
illegal, and against those of the army as nuitinous. Cortes, instantl}' 
perceiving the necessity of giving a timely check to such seditious 
discourse by some vigorous measure, arrested Ordaz, Escudero, and 
Velasquez de Leon, the ringleaders of this faction, and sent them 
prisoners aboard the fleet, loaded with chains. Their dependents, 
astonished and overawed, remained quiet ; and Cortes, more desirous 
to reclaim than to punish his prisoners, who were officers of great 
merit, courted their friendship with such assiduitji- and address, 
that the reconciliation was perfectlj^ cordial ; and, on the most try- 
ing occasions, neither their connection with the governor of Cuba, 
nor the memory of the indignity with which they had been treated, 



(460) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



461 



tempted them to swerve from an inviolable attachment to his inter- 
est. In this, as well as his other negotiations at this critical con- 
juncture, which decided with respect to his future fame and fortune, 
Cortes owed much of his success to the Mexican gold, which he 
distributed with a liberal hand both among his friends and his op- 
ponents. 

Cortes, having thus rendered the union between himself and 
his army indissoluble, by engaging it to join him in disclaiming 
anv dependence on the governor of Cuba, and in repeated acts of 
disobedience to his authorit}', thought he might now ven- 
ture to quit the camp in which he had hitherto remained, 
and advance into the country. To this he was encour- ^d^ 
aged bv an event no less fortunate than seasonable. '"""■ _,^ 
Some Indians having approached his camp in a mvs- :, _, • '^S^i.' 
terious manner, were introduced into his presence. 1^^^-,, ^p," 

He found that thev were sent with a proffer of friend- g 
ship from the cacique of Cempoala, a considerable 




town at no great distance ; and from their answers 
to a variety of questions which he put to them, 
according to his usual practice in every inter- 
view with the people of the country, he gathered, 
that their master, though subject to the Mexican 
empire, was impatient of the j'oke, and iilled 
with such dread and hatred of Montezuma, that 
nothing could be more acceptable to him than 
any prospect of deliverance from the oppression 
under which he groaned. On hearing this a ray 
of light and hope broke in upon the mind of 
Cortes. He saw that the great empire which he 
intended to attack was neither perfectly united, 
nor its sovereign universally beloved. He concluded that the causes 
of disaffection could not be confined to one province, but that in 
other corners there must be malecontents, so weary of subjection, 
or so desirous of change, as to be ready to follow the standard of 
any protector. Full of those ideas, on which he began to form a 
scheme, that time, and more perfect information concerning the state 
of the country', enabled him to mature, he gave a most gracious re- 
ception to the Cempoalans, and promised soon to visit their cacique. 
In order to perform this promise, it was not necessary to vary 



PYRAMID OF TEHUANTEPEC. 

All large cities contained these leocallis (houses of 
god*, generally constructed of a mound of earth, cased 
with adobe brick (sun dricdi. The city of Mexico is 
said to have contained 600 at the time of the conquest. 
The ascent was by a flij;ht nf stairs, at an angle of the 
pyi^amid. on the outside. The top was a broad area, on 
which were erected one or two towers, in which stood 
the sacred images, Hcfore these lowers stood [he 
dreadful stone of sacrifice. 



462 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




the route which he had already fixed for his march. 
Some officers, whom he had employed to survey the 
coast, having discovered a village named Quiabislan, 
about forty miles to the northward, which, both on 
account of the fertilitv of the soil and commodious- 



'P' '''^/^ uess of the harbor, seemed to be a more proper station 






TEMALACATL, OR GLADIATORIAL STONE. 

The peculiar sword in the hands of both 
was made of wood, inserted with sharp 
pieces of itztli, and known by the name nf 
maquahuitl. 



for a settlement than that where he was encamped, 
Cortes determined to remove thither. Cempoala lay 
in his way, where the cacique received him in the 
manner which he had reason to expect ; with gifts and 
caresses, like a man solicitous to gain his good will ; 
with respect approaching almost to adoration, like one 
who looked up to him as a deliverer. From him he 
learned many particulars with respect to the character 
of Montezuma, and the circumstances which rendered his dominion 



odiou't 



He 




AZTEC PR EST SKINN NG A HUMAN V CT M 

before tiirnin„ the bod\ ov er tu the \\ .irriur who 
had taken him in hatile, to be dressed hy him 
and served up in an entertainment to his friends. 



was a tyrant, as the cacique told him with tears, 
haughty, cruel, and suspicious ; who treated his own 
subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered prov- 
inces by excessive exactions, and often tore their 
sons and daughters from them by violence; the for- 
mer, to be offered as victims to his gods; the latter, 
to be reserved as concubines for himself or favorites. 
Cortes, in reply to him, artfully insinuated, that one 
great object of the Spaniards in visiting a country 
so remote from their own, was to redress grievances, 
and to relieve the oppressed ; and having encouraged him to hope for 
this interposition in due time, he continued his march to Quiabislan. 
The spot which his officers had recommended as a proper 
situation, appeared to him to be so well chosen, 
that he immediately marked out ground for a 
town. The houses to be erected were only 
huts ; but these were to be surrounded with 
fortificaticTiS of sufficient strength to resist the 
assaults of a:; Indian army. As the finishing 
of those fortifications was essential to the ex- 
istence of a colony, and of no less importance 
in prosecuting the designs which the leader 
and his followers meditated, both in order to 
secure a place of retreat, and to preserve their 




THE TEChCATL, OR fiJONE OF SACRIFICE. 



Human sacrifices have been practised by many 
nations, but never by any, on a scale to be compared with 
those of Anahuac. The amount of victims immolated on its 
accursed alt.irs would stagger the faith of the least scrupu- 
lous believer- Scarcely .tny author pretends to estimate the 
yearly sacrifices throughout the empire at less than 20.000. 
When the victim reserved for sacrifice arrived on top of the 
pyramid (teocallii he was received by six priests, whose 
long and matted locks flowed disorderly over their sable 
robes, covered with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import, 
They led him to the sacrificial stone, (Techcatl) a huge block 
of jasper, with its upper surface ^omewhat convex. On 
thi^ the prisoner was stretched. Kive priests secured his 
head and limbs; while the sixth, clad in a scarlet mantle, 
dexterously opened the breast of the wretched victim with 
a sharp razor of itztli — a volcanic substance hard as flint. 
— Prescotty Conquest, Vol. /. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 463 

communication with the sea, every man in the army, officers as 
well as soldiers, put his hand to the work, Cortes himself setting 
them an example of activity and perseverance in labor. The In- 
dians of Cempoala and Quiabislan lent their aid ; and this petty 
station, the parent of so many mighty settlements, was soon in a 
s*^ate of defense. 

While engaged in this necessary work, Cortes had several in- 
terviews with the caciques of Cempoala and Quiabislan ; and avail- 
ing himself of their wonder and astonishment at the new objects 
which they daily beheld, he gradually inspired them with such a 
high opinion of the Spaniards, as beings of a superior order, and 
irresistible in arms, that, relying on their protection, they ven- 
tured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of which 
they were accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers 
having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain 
number of human victims, as an expiation for their guilt in pre- 
suming to hold intercourse with those strangers whom the em- 
peror had commanded to leave his dominions; instead of obeying 
the order, the caciques made them prisoners, treated them with 
great indignity, and as their superstition was no less barbarous 
than that of the Mexicans, they prepared to sacrifice them to their 
gods. From this last danger they were delivered by the interpo- 
sition of Cortes, who manifested the utmost horror at the mention 
of such a deed. The two caciques having now been pushed to an 
act of such open rebellion, as left them no hope of safety but in 
attaching themselves inviolably to the Spaniards, thej' soon com- 
pleted their union with them, bj' formally acknowledging them- 
selves to be vassals of the same monarch. Their example was fol- 
lowed by the Totonaques, a fierce people who inhabited the mount- 
ainous part of the country. Thev willinglv subjected themselves 
to the crown of Castile, and offered to accompany Cortes, with all 
their forces, in his march towards Mexico. 

Cortes had now been above three months in New Spain ; and 
though this period had not been distinguished by martial exploits, 
every moment had been employed in operations, which, though less 
splendid, were more important. By his address in conducting his 
intrigues with his own army, as well as his sagacity in carrying on 
his negotiations with the natives, he had already laid the founda- 
tions of his future success. But, whatever confidence he might 



464 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

place in the plan which he had formed, he could not but perceive, 
that as his title to command was derived from a doubtful authority, 
he held it by a precarious tenure. The injuries which Velasquez 
had received, were such as would naturally prompt him to apply 
for redress to their common sovereign ; and such a representation, 
he foresaw, might be given of his conduct, that he had reason to 
apprehend, not only that he might be degraded from his present 
rank, but subjected to punishment. Before he began his march, it 
was necessary to take the most effectual precaution against this 
impending danger. With this view he persuaded the magistrates 
of the colony at Vera Cruz to address a letter to the king, the chief 
object of which was to justify their own conduct in establishing a 
colony independent of the jurisdiction of Velasquez. In order to 
accomplish this, they endeavored to detract from his merit, in fit- 
ting out the two former armaments under Cordova and Grijalva, 
affirming that these had been equipped by the adventurers wh© 
engaged in the expeditions, and not by the governor. They con- 
tended that the sole object of Velasquez was to trade or barter 
with the natives, not to attempt the conquest of New Spain, or to 
settle a colonv there. They asserted that Cortes and the officers 
who served under him had defrayed the greater part of the ex- 
penses of fitting out the armament. On this account, they humbly 
requested their sovereign to ratify what they had done in his name, 
and to confirm Cortes in the supreme command by his royal com- 
mission. That Charles might be induced to grant more readily 
what they demanded, they gave him a pompous description of the 
country which they had discovered; of its riches, the number of 
its inhabitants, their civilization and arts ; they related the prog- 
ress which they had already made in annexing some parts of the 
country situated on the sea-coast to the crown of Castile: and 
mentioned the schemes which they had formed, as well as the hopes 
which they entertained, of reducing the whole to subjection. Cortes 
himself wrote in a similar strain ; and as he knew that the Spanish 
court, accustomed to the exaggerated representations of every new 
country by its discoverers, would give little credit to their splendid 
accounts of New Spain, if these were not accompanied with such 
a specimen of what it contained, as would excite a high idea of its 
opulence, he solicited his soldiers to relinquish what the}' might 
claim as their part of the treasures which had hitherto been col- 



THE CONQUEST OK MEXICO 



465 



lected, in order that the whole might be sent to the king. vSuch 
was the ascendant which he had acqnired over their minds, and 
such their own romantic expectations of future wealth, that an 
army of indigent and rapacious 
adventurers was capable of this 
generous effort, and offered to 
their sovereign the riciies; 
present that had hitherto been 
transmitted from the New 
World. Portocarrero an I 
Montejo, the chief magistrates 
of the colony, were appointed 
to carry this present to Cas- 
tile, with express orders not t;) 
touch at Cuba in their passage 
thither. 

While a vessel was pre- 
paring for their departure, an 
unexpected event occasioned a 
general alarm. Some soldiers 
and sailors, secretly attached to 
Velasquez, or intimidated at 
the prospect of the dangers 
unavoidable in attempting to 
penetrate into the heart of a 
great empire with such un- 
equal force, formed the design 
of seizing one of the brigan- 
tines, and making their escape- 
to Cuba, in order to give the 
governor such intelligence as 
might enable him to intercept 
the ship which was to carry 
the treasure and dispatches to 
Spain. This conspirac3% though formed by persons of low rank, 
was conducted with profound secrecy ; but at the moment when 
every thing was ready for execution, they were betrayed by one of 
their associates. 

Though the good fortune of Cortes interposed so seasonably on 




PROGENIES-DIWM- OyiMTVS -SIC- CAJR.OiyS4LLE;|;|||i 

Imperii - caesar- lvmina- e t-ora-t vlit [| . 
aet • svae • xkx i 
Ann • M ' 5 - XXXI 



-1 




l,nAHLEb V. IN HIS 31ST VtAR. 

THE EMPEBOR IN WHOSE EMPIRE THE SUN NEVER SET. 

COPPER-ENGRAVING OF BARTEL BEHAIM'S. 1631. 



466 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

this occasion, the detection of this conspiracy filled his mind with 
most disquieting apprehensions, and prompted him to execute a 
scheme which he had long revolved. He perceived that the spirit 
of disaffection still lurked among his troops; that though hitherto 
checked by the uniform success of his schemes, or suppressed by 
the hand of authority, various events might occur which would en- 
courage and call it forth. He observed, that many of his men, 
weary of the fatigue of service, longed to revisit their settlements 
in Cuba ; and that upon any appearance of extraordinary danger or 
any reverse of fortune, it would be impossible to restrain them from 
returning thither. He was sensible that his forces, already' too 
feeble, could bear no diminution, and that a very small defection of 
his followers would oblige him to abandon the enterprise. After ru- 
minating often, and with much solicitude, upon those particulars, he 
saw no hope of success but in cutting off all possibilitj^ of retreat, 
and in reducing his men to the necessit}- of adopting the same res- 
olution with which he himself was animated, either to conquer or 
to perish. With this view, he determined to destroy his fleet ; but 
as he durst not venture to execute such a bold resolution b}- his 
single authority, he labored to bring his soldiers to adopt his' ideas 
with respect to the propriety of this measure. His address in ac- 
complishing this was not inferior to the arduous occasion in which 
it was employed. He persuaded some, that the ships had suffered 
so much by having been long at sea, as to be altogether unfit for 
service; to others he pointed out what a seasonable reinforcement 
of strength they would derive from the junction of a hundred men, 
now unprofitably employed as sailors; and to all he represented 
the necessit}' of fixing their eyes and wishes upon what was before 
them, without allowing the idea of a retreat once to enter their 
thoughts. With ixniversal consent the ships were drawn ashore, 
and after stripping them of their sails, rigging, iron works, and 
whatever else might be of use, they were broke in pieces. Thus, 
from an effort of magnanimity, to which there is nothing parallel 
in history, five hundred men voluntaril}' consented to be shut up 
in a hostile country-, filled with powerful and unknown nations ; 
and, having precluded every means of escape, left themselves with- 
out any resource but their own valor and perseverance. 

Nothing now retarded Cortes ; the alacrity of his troops and 
the disposition of his allies were equally favorable. All the advan- 




(471) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



473 



tages, however, derived from the latter, though procured by much 
assiduity and address, were well nigh lost in a moment by an indis- 
creet sally of religious zeal, which on many occasions precipitated 
Cortes into actions inconsistent with the prudence that distinguishes 
his character. Though hitherto he had neither time nor opportunity 
to explain to the natives the errors of their own superstition, or to 
instruct them in the principles of the Christian faith, he commanded 
his soldiers to overturn the altars and to destroy the idols in the 
chief temple of Cempoala, and in their place to erect a crucifix and 
an image of the Virgin Mary. The people beheld this with aston- 
ishment and horror; the priests excited them to arms; but such 
was the authority of Cortes, and so great the ascendant which the 
Spaniards had acquired, that the commotion was appeased without 
bloodshed, and concord perfectly re-established. 




CORTES PLANTS THE CHRISTIAN SYMBOL OF REDEMPTION ON A 

MEXICAN ALTAR, 

MARBLE GROUP BY A%TO. MOLTO V SUCH. 



CHAPTER LIV. 



ADVANCE INTO THE HEART OF MEXICO. SUCCESSFUL TERMINATION OF THE WAR WITH THE 
TLASCALANS. CONCLUDES A TREATY OF PEACE WITH THEM. 



ORTES began his march 
from Cempoala, on the i6th 
day of August, with five 
hundred men, fifteen horse, 
and six field-pieces. The 
rest of his troops, consisting 
chiefly of such as from 
age or infirmity were less 
fit for active service, he 
left as a garrison in Villa 
Rica, under the command 
of Escalante, an officer of 
merit, and warmly at- 
tached to his interest. 
The cacique of Cempoala 
supplied him with provi- 
sions, and with two hun- 
dred of those Indians called 
Tamemes, whose ofiice, in a 
country where tame animals 
were unknown, was to carry 
burdens, and to perform all 
servile labor. They were a great relief to the Spanish soldiers, 
who hitherto had been obliged, not only to carry their own bag- 
gage, but to drag along the artillery by main force. He oflFered 




ARMOn OF CORTES IN THE ARSENAL, MADNlD 



(474) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



475 



'**a*^. 



WARRIOR, 

'FOUND 



likewise a considerable body of his troops, but Cortes was satis- 
fied with four hundred ; taking care, however, to choose persons 
of such note as might prove hostages for the fidelity of their 
master. Nothing memorable happened in his progress, until 
he arrived on the confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants 
of that province, a warlike people, were implacable enemies 
of the Mexicans, and had been united in an ancient 
alliance with the caciques of Cempoala. Though less 
civilized than the subjects of jMontezuma, thej^ were 
advanced in improvement far beyond the rude nations 
of America, inhabiting the country north of the Rio 
Grande. They had made considerable progress in 
agriculture ; they dwelt in large towns ; they were not 
strangers to some species of commerce ; and in the prof 
imperfect accounts of their institutions and laws, 
transmitted to us by the early Spanish writers, we discern traces 
both of distributive justice and of criminal jurisdiction, in their 
interior police. But still, as the degree of their civilization was in- 
complete, and as they depended for subsistence not on agriculture 
alone, but trusted for it, in a great measure _ , :\" .._::;: _:,,-^- _- =-^ 
to hunting, they retained many of the quali- 
ties natural to men in this state. Like 
them they were fierce and revengeful ; like 
them, too, they were high-spirited and 
independent. In consequence 
of the former, they were in- 
volved in perpetual hostilities, 
and had but a .slender and oc- 
casional intercourse with neigh- 
boring states. The latter in- 
spired them with such detesta- 
tion of servitude, that they not 
only refused to stoop 
to a foreign yoke, and 
maintain an obstinate 
and successful contest 
in defense of their 
liberty against the 
superior power of the 



RUINS OF A MEXICAN FORTRESS (MITLA). 




CUT IN MOTHER OF PEARL, 
AT TULA.) 





476 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



Mexican empire, but they guarded with equal solicitude against 
domestic tyranny ; and disdaining to acknowledge any master, 
they lived under the mild and limited jurisdiction of a council 
elected by their several tribes. 

Cortes, though he had received information concerning the 
martial character of this people, flattered himself that his profes- 
sions of delivering the oppressed from the tyranny of Montezuma, 
their inveterate enmity to the Mexicans, and the example of their 
ancient allies the Cempoalans, might induce the Tlascalans to grant 

him a friendly reception. In order 
to dispose them to this, four Cem- 
poalans of great eminence were 
sent ambassadors, to request in his 
name, and in that of their cacique, 
that they would permit the Span- 
iards to pass through the terri- 
tories of the republic in their w^ay 
to Mexico. But instead of the 
favorable answer which was ex- 
pected, the Tlascalans seized the 
ambassadors, and, without any re- 
gard to their public character, made 
preparations for sacrificing them to 
their gods. At the same time they 
assembled their troops, in order to 
oppose those unknown invaders if 
they should attempt to make their 
passage good by force of arms. 
Various motives concurred in precipitating the Tlascalans into this 
resolution. A fierce people, shut up within its own narrow precincts, 
and little accustomed to any intercourse with foreigners, is apt to 
consider every stranger as an enemy, and is easily excited to arms. 
They concluded, from Cortes' proposal of visiting Montezuma in 
his capital, that, notwithstanding all his professions, he courted 
the friendship of a monarch whom they both hated and feared. 
The imprudent zeal of Cortes in violating the temples in Cempoala, 
filled the Tlascalans with horror ; and as they were no less at- 
tached to their superstition than the other nations of New Spain, 
they were impatient to avenge their injured gods, and to acquire 




MEXICAN ALTAR. 

AFTEB J. C. STEPHENS' " INCIDENTS OF TRAVEL IN CENTRAL AMERICA. CHIAPAS, 
AND YUCATAN." 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 479 

the merit of offering up to them as victims, those impious men 
who had dared to profane their altars ; they contemned the small 
number of the Spaniards, as they had not yet measured their own 
strength with that of those new enemies, and had no idea of the 
superiority which they derived from their arms and discipline. 

Cortes, after waiting some days, in vain, for the return of his 
ambassadors, advanced [Aug. 30J into the Tlascalan territories. 
As the resolutions of people who delight in war are executed with 
no less promptitude than they are formed, he found troops in the 
field ready to oppose him. They attacked him with great intrep- 
idity, and, in the first encounter, wounded some of the Spaniards, 
and killed two horses ; a loss, in their situation, of great moment, 
because it was irreparable. From this specimen of their courage, 
Cortes saw the necessity' of proceeding with caution. His army 
marched in close order; he chose the stations where he halted, with 
attention, and fortified every camp with extraordinary care. Dur- 
ing fourteen days he was exposed to almost uninterrupted assaults, 
the Tlascalans advancing with numerous armies, and renewing the 
attack in various forms, with a degree of valor and perseverance 
to which the Spaniards had seen nothing parallel in the New 
World. The Spanish historians describe those successive battles 
with great pomp, and enter into a minute detail of particulars, 
mingling many exaggerated and incredible circumstances with such 
as are real and marvellous. But no power of words can render the 
recital of a combat interesting, where there is no equality of dan- 
ger ; and when the narrative closes with an account of thousands 
slain on the one side, while not a single person falls on the other, 
the most labored descriptions of the previous disposition of the 
troops, or of the various vicissitudes in the engagement, command 
no attention. 

There are some circumstances, however, in this war, which are 
memorable, and merit notice, as they throw light upon the char- 
acter both of the people of New Spain, and of their conquerors. 
Though the Tlascalans brought into the field such numerous armies 
as appear sufficient to have overwhelmed the Spaniards, they were 
never able to make any impression upon their small battalion. 
Singular as this may seem, it is not inexplicable. The Tlascalans, 
though addicted to war, were, like all unpolished nations, strangers 
to military order and discipline, and lost in a great measure the 



4S0 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



advantage which they might have derived from their numbers, and 
the impetuosity of their attack, by their constant solicitude to carry 
off the dead and wounded. This point of honor, founded on a 
sentiment of tenderness natural to the human mind, and strength- 
ened by anxiety to preserve the bodies of their countrymen from 
being devoured by their enemies, was universal among the people 

of New Spain. Attention to this pious 
office occupied them even, during the 
heat of combat, broke their union, and 
diminished the force of the impression 
which they might have made by a joint 
effort. 

Not only was their superiority in num- 
ber of little avail, but the imperfection 
of their militar}- weapons rendered their 
valor in a great measure inoffensive. 
After three battles, and many skirmishes 
and assaults, not one Spaniard was killed 
in the field. Arrows and spears, headed 
with flint or the bones of fishes, stakes 
hardened in the fire, and wooden swords, 
though destructive weapons among naked 
Indians, were easily turned aside by 
the Spanish bucklers, and could hardly 
penetrate the cscaiipilcs, or quilted jack- 
ets, which the soldiers wore. The Tlas- 
calans advanced boldly to the charge, and 
often fought hand to hand. Many of 
the Spaniards were wounded, though all 
slightly, which can not be imputed to 
any want of courage or strength in their 
enemies, but to the defect of the arms 
with which they assailed them. 
Notwithstanding the fury with which the Tlascalans attacked 
the Spaniards, they seemed to have conducted their hostilities with 
some degree of barbarous generosity. They gave the Spaniards 
warning of their hostile intentions ; and as they knew that their 
invaders wanted provisions, and imagined, perhaps, like the other 
Americans, that they had left their own country because it did not 




AN AZTEC TIGER KNIGHT. 

COPIED FROM THE MODEL IN THE MUSEUM OF THE TROCADEHO, PARIS. 

The dress was made from a cotton stuff, colored in imitation 
of the skin of a leopard; the helmet and sword of wood ; the lat- 
ter having two rows of sharp pieces of itzli inserted on both sides. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



481 



afiford them subsistence, they sent to their camp a large supply of 
poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plentifully, because they 
scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled b}^ hunger, and it would be 
an affront to their gods to offer them famished victims, as well as 
disagreeable to themselves to feed on such emaciated prey. 

When they were taught by 
the first encounter with their new 
enemies that it was not easy to 
execute this threat ; when they 
perceived, in the subsequent en- 
gagements, that notwithstanding 
all the efforts of their own valor, 
of which they had a very high 
opinion, not one of the Spaniards 
was slain or taken, they began to 
conceive them to be a superior 
order of beings, against whom hu- 
man power could not avail. In 
this extremity, they had recourse 
to their priests, requiring them to 
reveal the mysterious causes of 
such extraordinary events, and to 
declare what new means they 
should employ in order to repulse 
those formidable invaders. The 
priests, after many sacrifices and 
incantations, delivered this re- 
sponse : That these strangers were 
the offspring of the sun, procreated 
by this animating energy in the 
regions of the east ; that, by da}-, 
while cherished with the influence 
of his parental beams, they were in- 
vincible ; but by night, when his 
reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigor declined and faded like the 
herbs m the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men. Theo- 
ries less plausible have gained credit with more enlightened nations, 
and have influenced their conduct In consequence of this, the Tlas- 
calans, with the implicit confidence of men who fancy themselves to 




'iiESTS OFFERING A SACRIFICE TO CUCLi 

'STONE CARVING FROM LORILLAHD. YUCATAN.) 

Monsieur Df sir4 Charnay. who. in his explorations in Yucatan, was 
a princely style bv Mr. Pierre Lorillard. of New York, named one of 
towns discovered by him after this public-spirited merchant jirince. 



assisted in 
the ruined 



482 . THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

be under the guidance of Heaven, acted in contradiction to one of 
their most established maxims in war, and ventured to attack the 
enemy, with a strong bod}-, in the night time, in hopes of destroy- 
ing them when enfeebled and surprised. But Cortes had greater 
vigilance and discernment than to be deceived by the rude strate- 
gems of an Indian army. The sentinels at his outposts, observing 
some extraordinary movement among the Tlascalans, gave the 
alarm. In a moment the troops were under arms, and sallying out, 
dispersed the party with great slaughter, without allowing it to ap- 
proach the camp. The Tlascalans, convinced, by sad experience, that 
their priests had deluded them, and satisfied that they attempted 
in vain, either to deceive or to vanquish their enemies, their fierce- 
ness abated, and they began to incline seriously to peace. 

They were at a loss, however, in what manner to address the 
strangers, what idea to form of their character, and whether to 
consider them as beings of a gentle or of a malevolent nature. 
There were circumstances in their conduct which seemed to favor 
each opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dis- 
missed the prisoners whom they took, not only without injury, but 
often with presents of European toys, and renewed their offers of 
peace after every victory ; this lenity amazed people, who, according 
to the exterminating system of war known in America, were accus- 
tomed to sacrifice and devour without mercy all the captives taken 
in battle, and disposed them to entertain favorable sentiments of the 
humanity of their new enemies. But, on the other hand, as Cortes 
had seized fifty of their countrymen who brought provisions to his 
camp, and, supposing them to be spies, had cut off their hands ; this 
bloody spectacle, added to the terror occasioned by the fire arms 
and horses, filled them with dreadful impressions of the ferocity of 
their invaders. This uncertainty was apparent in the mode of ad- 
dressing the Spaniards. "If," said they, "you are divinities of a 
cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, that you 
may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, 
accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes. If 3'ou are 
men, here is meat, and bread, and fruit to nourish you." The peace, 
which both parties now desired with equal ardor, was soon con- 
cluded. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown 
of Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes in all his future operations. 
He took the republic under his protection, and promised to defend 
their persons and possessions from injury or violence. 



CHAPTER LV. 



CORTCS SOLICITOUS TO CAIN THE CONFIDENCE OF HIS NEW CONFEDERATES: WHICH BARELY 

GAINED, HE JEOPARDIZES BY HIS RELIGIOUS ZEAL. ADVANCES TO CHOLULA, 

WHERE HE MASSACRES 6000 INHABITANTS, AND THENCE 

ON TO THE CITY OF MEXICO. (1519.) 



HIS treaty was concluded at a sea- 
sonable juncture for the Spaniards. 
The fatigue of service among a small 
body of men, surrounded b}' such a 
multitude of enemies, was incredible. 
Half the arm}- was on duty every 
night, and even they whose turn it 
was to rest, slept alwa^-s upon their 
arms, that thej- might be ready to run 
to their posts on a moment's warning. 
Many of them were wounded ; a good number, and 
among these Cortes himself, labored under the 
distempers prevalent in hot climates, and several 
had died since they set out from Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding the 
supplies which they received from the Tlascalans, they were often 
in want of provisions, and so destitute of the necessaries most 
requisite in dangerous service, that they had no salve to dress 
their wounds, but what was composed with the fat of the Indians 
whom they had slain. Worn out with such intolerable toil and 
hardships, many of the soldiers began to murmur, and, when they 
reflected on the multitude and boldness of their enemies, more were 
ready to despair. It required the utmost exertion of Cortes' author- 
ity and address to check this spirit of despondency in its progress, 




27 



(4«]) 



484 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




II. 




III. 




IV. 





and to reanimate his followers with their wonted sense of 
their own superiority over the enemies with whom the}' had 
to contend. The submission of the Tlascalans, and their own 
triumphant entry into the capital city, where they were re- 
ceived with the reverence paid to beings of a superior order, 
banished, at once, from the minds of the Spaniards all memory 
of past sufferings, dispelled every anxious thought with re- 
spect to their future operations, and fully satisfied them that 
there was not now any power in America able to withstand 
their arms. 

Cortes remained twenty days in Tlascala, in order to 
allow his troops a short interval of repose after such hard 
service. During that time, he was employed in transactions 
and inquiries of great moment with respect to his future 
schemes. In his daily conferences with the Tlascalan chiefs, 
he received information concerning every particular relative 
to the state of the Mexican empire, or to the qualities of its 
sovereign, which could be of use in regulating his conduct, 
whether he should be obliged to act as a friend or as an 
enemy. As he found that the antipathy of his new allies to 
the Mexican nation was no less implacable than had been 
represented, and perceived what benefit he might derive 
from the aid of such powerful confederates, he emploved all 
his powers of insinuation in order to gain their confidence. 
Nor was any extraordinary exertion of these necessary. The 
Tlascalans, with the levity of mind natural to unpolished 
men, were, of their own accord, disposed to run from the ex- 
treme of hatred to that of fondness. Every thing in the ap- 
pearance and conduct of their guests was to them a matter 
of wonder. They gazed with admiration at whatever the 
Spaniards did, and, fancying them to be of heavenly origin, 
were eager not only to comply with their demands, but to 
anticipate their wishes. They offered, accordingly, to accom- 
pany Cortes in his march to Mexico, with all the forces of 
the republic, under the command of their most experienced 

D GODDESSES. CapLaiUS. 

But, after bestowing so much pains on cementing this 



MEXICAN GODS AN 

Fig. II., Cihuacoatl, 
represented as ancestral 

"v°'r her face^'i'v.'.'Tord! uniou, all the bcueficial fruits of it were on the point of 

chtlin, God cf the intoxi- _.-^ rr • ri* 1** 

cant Pulque; the Mexican beiug lost by a ucw efitusion of that intemperate religious 

Bacchus, with drinking o ./ 1^ o 

cup. v., center piece from 

column. Pecuhar and not 

at all in correspondence 

with the usual Mexican 

physiognomy are the noses 

HI., IV., V. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



real with which Cortes was animated no less than the other 
adventurers of the age. They all considered themselves as 
instruments employed by Heaven to propagate the Christian 
faith, and the less they were qualified, either by their knowl 
edge or morals, for such a function, the more eager they 
were to discharge it. The profound veneration of the Tlas- ^ 
calans for the Spaniards having encouraged Cortes to explain 
to some of their chiefs the doctrines of the Christian reli- 
gion, and to insist that they should abandon their own 

superstitions, and embrace the 
faith of their new friends, they, 
according to an idea universal 
among barbarous nations, readily 
acknowledged the truth and ex- 
cellence of what he taught; but 
contended, that the Teiilcs of 
Tlascala were divinities no less 
than the God in whom the Span- 
iards believed ; and as that Being 
was entitled to the homage of 
Europeans, so they were bound 
to revere the same powers which 
their ancestors had worshiped. 
Cortes continued, nevertheless, 
to urge his demand in a tone of 
authority, mingling threats with 
his arguments, until the Tlasca- 
lans could bear it no longer, and 
conjured him never to mention 
this again, lest the gods should avenge on their heads the 
guilt of having listened to such a proposition. Cortes, as- 
tonished and enraged at their obstinacy, prepared to execute 
by force what he could not accomplish by persuasion, and 
was going to overturn their altars, and cast down their idols, 
with the same violent hand as at Cempoala, if Father Bar- 
tholomew de Olmedo, chaplain to the expedition, had not 
checked his inconsiderate impetuosity. He represented 




SCULPTuSe FROM THE TEMPLE OF THE CHO'-S, PALENgUE 
'PRIEST ADORING AND SACRIFICING.' 

It i^ remarkable that the Mexican priests 
administ<:rt;d the rites of confession and abso- 
lution The secrets of the confessional were 
held m viola hie, and penances were imposed 
of much the '^ame kind as those enjoined by 
the Roman Cathniic Church. — Fr^scott, Con- 
quest, l\-'i. I p. 6S. 




VI. 




VII. 




VIII. 





the imprudence of such an attempt in 
reconciled, and filled with people no 



a large city newly 
\ess superstitious 



MEXICAN GODS AND GODDESSES. 

Figs. VI., VII.. IX., 

fie 



are 
center pieces from col- 
umns. IX , Guatlique, the 
Ceres of the Mexicans. 
VIII. and X. are entirely 
covered with masks: VII, 
ily with a nose mask. 
id VIII. have the 
usu il headijear, a feather 
pa-i ■<lie. 



only 
Vlf. 



486 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



than warlike ; he declared, that the proceedings at Cempoala had 
always appeared to him precipitate and unjust; that religion 
was not to be propagated by the sword, or infidels to be con- 
verted by violence ; that other weapons were to be employed 
in this ministry; patient instruction must enlighten the under- 
standing, and piouj excimple captivate the heart, before men could 
be induced to a.b:.ncon error, and embrace the truth. Amidst 
scenes, where a narrow-minded bigotry appears in such close union 
with oppression and cruelty, sentiments so liberal and humane 
soothe the mind with unexpected pleasure; and at a time when the 
rightj of conscience were little understood in the Christian world, 
and the idea of toleration unknown, one is astonished to find a 
Sp misli r.ionk of the sixteenth centur}' among the first advocates 
against persecution, and in behalf of religious liberty. The re- 
monstrancss o." an ecclesiastic, no less respectable for wisdom than 
virtue, had their proper weight with Cortes. He left the Tlascalans 
in the undisturbed exercise of their own rites, requiring onl}' that 
they shotild desist from their horrid practice of offering human 
victims in sacrifice. 

Cortes, as soon as his troops were fit for service resolved to 

continue 
h i s march 
towards 
Mexico, not- 
withstand- 
ingthe earn- 
est dissuas- 
ives of the 
Tlascalans, 
who repre- 
sented his 
destruction 
as unavoid- 
able, if h e 
put himself 
in the power 
of a prince 
s o faithless 

PRIESTS BEFORE AN ALTAR SURMOUNTED WITH A CROSS. j ■, 

and cruel as 

FROM THE TEMPLE 'NO. 2) OF THE CROSS. PALENQUE. 

An extraordinary coincidence with Christian rites may be traced in the prie<itly ceremony of naming the 
children. The lips and bosom of the infant were sprinkled with water, and " The Lord was implored to permit the 
holy drops to wa?;h away the sin that was given to it before the foundation of the world ; so that the child might be 
born anew,"— 5<j/;<i^K«. Nt'st. de Nueva Es/afta, lib. 6, ca/>,jy. 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



487 



Montezuma. As he was accompanied by six thousand Tlascalans, 
he had now the command of forces which resembled a regular 
army. They directed their course toward Cholula [Oct. 13J; 
Montezuma, who had at length consented to admit the Span- 
iards into his presence, having informed Cortes that he had given 
orders for his friendly reception there. Cholula was a consider- 
able town, and, though only five leagues distant from Tlascala, 
was formerly an independent state, but had been lately subjected 
to the Mexican empire. This was considered by all the people of 

New Spain as a ^^,-^.^.^— ===^^=^=:^ — — ^ 

holy place, the «^ , ^ a&kiMi^ Ji^i 

sane t u a r y and ^ ^_ ^fi Ij^^^l, J^ , 

chief seat of their 
gods, to which pil- 
grims resorted 
from every prov- 
ince, and a greater 
number of human 
victims were of- 
fered in its princi- 
pal temple than 
even in that of 
Alexico. Monte- 
zuma seems t > 
have invited th; 
Spaniards thithtr 
cither from soni 
superstitious hope 
that the gods 
would not suffer 
this sacred mansion to be defiled, without pouring down their 
wrath upon those impious strangers, who ventured to insult their 
power in the place of its peculiar residence; or from a belief that 
he himself might there attempt to cut them off with more certain 
success, under the immediate protection of his divinities. 

Cortes had been warned by the Tlascalans, before he set out 
on his march, to keep a watchful eye over the Cholulans. He 
himself, though received into the town with much seeming respect 
and cordiality, observed several circumstances in their conduct 




RECEPTION OF CORTES BY THE AZTEC DIGNITARIES, UPON HIS ENTRY INTO CHOLULA. 



488 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

which excited suspicion. Two of the Tlascalans, who were en- 
camped at some distance from the town, as the Cholulans refused 
to admit their ancient enemies within its precincts, having found 
means to enter in disguise, acquainted Cortes that they observed 
the women and children of the principal citizens retiring in great 
hurry every night; and that six children had been sacrificed in 
the chief temple, a rite which indicated the execution of some war- 
like enterprise to be approaching. At the same time, Marina the 
interpreter received information from an Indian woman of distinc- 
tion, whose confidence she had gained, that the destruction of her 
friends was concerted; that a body of Mexican troops lay concealed 
near the town; that some of the streets were barricaded, and in 
others, pits or deep trenches were dug, and slightly covered over, 
as traps into which the horses might fall ; that stones or massive 
weapons were collected on the tops of the temples, with which to 
overwhelm the infantry ; that the fatal hour was now at hand, and 
their ruin unavoidable. Cortes, alarmed at this concurring evi- 
dence, secretly arrested three of the chief priests, and extorted 
from them a confession, that confirmed the intelligence which he 
had received. As not a moment was to be lost, he instantly re- 
solved to prevent his enemies, and to inflict on them such dreadful 
vengeance as might strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror. 
For this purpose, the Spaniards and Cempoalans were drawn up 
in a large court, which had been allotted for their quarters near 
the centre of the town ; the Tlascalans had orders to advance ; the 
magistrates and several of the chief citizens were sent for, under 
various pretexts, and seized. On a signal given, the troops rushed 
out and fell upon the multitude, destitute of leaders, and so much 
astonished, that the weapons dropping from their hands, they stood 
motionless, and incapable of defense. While the Spaniards pressed 
them in front, the Tlascalans attacked them in the rear. The 
streets were filled with bloodshed and death. The temples, which 
afforded a retreat to the priests and some of the leading men, were 
set on fire, and they perished in the flames. This scene of horror 
continued two davs ; during which, the wretched inhabitants suf- 
fered all that the destructive rage of the Spaniards, or the implac- 
able revenge of their Indian allies, could inflict. At length the 
carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thousand Cholulans, with- 
out the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortes then released the magis- 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



4^9 



trates, and, reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, 
declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the offense, 
but required them to recall the citizens who had fled, and re-estab- 
lish order in the town. Such was the ascendant which the Span- 
iards had acquired over this superstitious race of men, and so deeply 
were they impressed with an opinion of their superior discernment, 
as well as power, that, in obedience to this command, the city was 
in a few days filled again with people, who, amidst the ruins of 
their sacred buildings, yielded 



respectful service to men whose 
hands w^ere stained with the 
blood of their relatives and fel- 
low-citizens. 

From Cholula, Cortes ad- 
vanced directly towards Mexico 
[Oct. 29], wdiicli was only twenty 
leagues distant. In every place 
through which he passed, he was 
received as a person possessed of 
sufficient power to deliver the 
empire from the oppression un- 
der which it groaned ; and the 
caciques or governors communi- 
cated to him all the grievances 
which they felt under the tyran- 
nical government of Montezuma, 
with that unreserved confidence 
which men naturally repose in 
superior beings. When Cortes 
first observed the seeds of dis- 
content in the remote provinces of the empire, hope dawned 
upon his mind ; but when he now discovered such symptoms of 
alienation from their monarch near the seat of government, he con- 
cluded that the vital parts of the constitution were affected, and 
conceived the most sanguine expectations of overturning a state 
whose natural strength was thus divided and impaired. While 
those reflections encouraged the general to persist in his arduous 
undertaking, the soldiers were no less animated by observations 
more obvious to their capacity. In descending from the mountains 




CORTES RELEASES THE IMPRISONED CHOLULAN UAOISTRATES, AND 
RECALL THE FUGITIVE CITIZENS. 



ADMONISHES THEM TO 



49° 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



of Chalco, across which the road lay, the vast plain of Mexico 
opened gradually to their view. When they first beheld this pros- 
pect, one of the most striking and beautiful on the face of the 
earth ; when they observed fertile and cultivated fields stretching 
further than the eye could reach ; when they saw a lake resembling 
a sea in extent, encompassed with large towns, and discovered the 
capital city rising upon an island in the middle, adorned with its 
temples and turrets ; the scene so far exceeded their imagination, 

that some believed the 
fanciful descriptions of ro- 
mance were realized, and 
that its enchanted palaces 
and gilded domes were 
presented to their sight; 
others could hardly per- 
suade themselves that this 
wonderful spectacle w^as 
anything more than a 
dream. As they advanced, 
their doubts were re- 
moved, but their amaze- 
ment increased. They were 
now fully satisfied that the 
country was rich beyond any 
conception which they had 
formed of it, and flattered them- 
selves that at length they 
should obtain an ample recom- 
pense for all their services and 
sufferings. 

Hitherto they had met with no enemy to oppose their progress, 
thoi:gh several circumstances occurred which led them to suspect 
that some design was formed to surprise and cut them off. Many 
messengers arrived successively from Montezuma, permitting them 
one day to advance, requiring them on the next to retire, as his 
hopes or fears alternately prevailed ; and so wonderful was this in- 
fatuation, which seems to be unaccountable on any supposition but 
that of a superstitious dread of the Spaniards, as beings of a su- 
perior nature, that Cortes was almost at the gates of the capital, 




CORTES AND MIS AftM. st-c iMt li(. Of MEXiCU SPHEAD UUT BEFORE 
, THEIR ENCHANTED VISION UPON REACHING THE 
HEIGHTS OF CHALCO. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



491 



before the monarch had determined whether to receive him as a 
friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hos- 
tility appeared, the Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuations 
of Montezuma's sentiments, continued their march along the cause- 
wa}' which led to Mexico through the lake, with great circumspec- 
tion and the strictest discipline, though without seeming to suspect 
the prince whom they were about to visit. 




THE STONE OF THE SUN OR TIZOC ; KNOWN ALSO BY THE MEXICAN NAME OF TEMALACTL, OR ITS SPANISH NAME 
GLAOIATORIAL STONE, IN THE NATIONAL MUSEUM, MEXICO. 

This Stone was always to be found in the courts of the Temple, placed over a basement 
varying in bulk according to the size of the stone, from which the captive, particularly if he 
happened to be a man of distinction, was allowed to light against a number of enemies in suc- 
cession ; but, besides the inequality of numbers, he was furnished only with a wooden sword, 
crn.imented with feathers along the blade, whereas his enemies had weapons of obsidian, "as 
sharp as steel." 

If he succeeded in defeating them all, as did occasionally happen, he was allowed to escape* 
but if vanquished, he was dragged to the Techcail, or stone of sacrifice. — Charnay, Ancient 
Cities. 



CHAPTER LVI. 



rrRST INTERVIEW WITH MONTEZUMA. ENTRY INTO THE CITY. THE DANGEROUS SITUATION 

OF HIS ARMY COMPELS HIM TO ADOPT EXTREME MEASURES. MONTEZUMA 

SEIZED IN HIS PALACE AND CARRIED PRISONER TO 

THE SPANISH QUARTERS. 



' HEN they drew near the city, about a 
thousand persons, who appeared to be 
of distinction, came forth to meet 
them, adorned with plumes and clad in 
mantles of fine cotton. Each of these 
in his order passed by Certes, and 
saluted him according to the mode 
deemed most respectful and submissive 
in their country. They announced the 
approach of Montezuma himself, and 
soon after his harbingers came in 
sight. There appeared first two hun- 
dred persons in a uniform dress, with 
large pli^mes of feathers, alike in 
fashion, marching two and two, in 
deep silence, barefooted, with their 
eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company 
of higher rank, in their most showy apparel, in the midst of whom 
was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold, 
and feathers of various colors. Four of his principal favorites car- 
ried him on their shoulders, others supported a canopy of curious 
workmanship over his head. Before him marched three ofiicers 
with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted up on high at 
certain intervals, and at that s-ignal all the people bowed their 




(49=) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



493 



heads, and hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so great a mon- 
arch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted, advancing towards 
him with officious haste, and in a respectful posture. At the same 
time IMoutezunia alighted from his chair, and, leaning on the arms 
of two of his near relations, approached with a slow and stately 
pace, his attendants covering the streets with cotton cloths, that he 
might not touch the ground. Cortes accosted him with profound 
reverence, after the European fashion. He returned the salutation, 
according to the mode of his countr}', by touching the earth with 
his hand, and then kissing it. This ceremony, the custom- 
ary expression of veneration 



from inferiors towards those 
who were above them in 
rank, appeared such amazing 
condescension in a proud 
monarch, who scarcely 
deigned to consider the rest 
of mankind as of the same 
species with himself, that 
all his subjects firmly be- 
lieved those persons, before 
whom he humbled himself 
in this manner, to be some- 
thing more than human. Ac- 
cordingly, as they marched 
through the crowd, th . 
Spaniards frequently, and 
w i t h m u c h satisfaction, 
heard themselves denomi- 
nated Tellies^ or divinities. 
Nothing material passed in 
this first interview. Monte- 
zuma conducted Cortes to 
the quarters which he had 
prepared for his reception, 
and immediately took leave 
of him, with a politeness not 
unworthy of a court more re- 
fined. " You are now," says 




MUST MEETING OF CORTES W.'TM THE EMPEROH M0NTE7UMA, ON THE 8Tm OF NOVEMBEB, 1519. 



494 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




PALACE OF THE GOVERNOR AT UXMAL, YUCATAN. 

The style of Aztec and M.iyan architeclnre being very similar, and none of the former remaining, 
the picture of this ruin is here introduced to give the reader a more vivid idea of the large stone houses 
abounding in the city of Mexico. See also page 496- 



he, " with your brothers, in your own house ; refresh yourselves after 
your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The place allotted to 
the Spaniards for their lodging was a house built by the father of 
Montezuma. It was surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at 
proper distances, which served for defense as 
well as for ornament, and its 
apartments and 
courts were so 
large as to accom- 
modate both the 
Spaniards and 
their Indian al- 
lies. The first 
care of Cortes 
was to take pre- 
cautions for his 
security, b}^ plant- 
ing the artillerj' 
so as to command the different avenues which led to it, by ap- 
pointing a large division of his troops to be alwa^'s on guard, and 
by posting sentinels at proper stations, with injunctions to observe 
the same vigilant discipline as if they were within sight of an en- 
emy's camp. 

In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests with 
the same pomp as in their first interview, and brought presents of 
such value, not onl}- to Cortes and to his officers, but even to the 
private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch to be suitable 
to the opulence of his kingdom. A long conference ensued, in 
which Cortes learned what was the opinion of Montezuma with 
respect to the Spaniards. It was an established tradition, he told 
him, among the Mexicans, that their ancestors came originally 
from a remote region, and conquered the provinces now subject to 
his dominion ; that after they were settled there, the great captain 
who conducted this colony returned to his own country', promising, 
that, at some future period, his descendants should visit them, as- 
sume the government, and reform their constitution and laws ; that 
from what he had heard and seen of Cortes and his followers, he 
was convinced that they were the very persons whose appearance 
the Mexican traditions and prophecies taught them to expect ; that 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



495 



Wf^,?^^\s^^ 




PLAN OF THE CITY OF MEXICO, SHOWING THE CREAT PLACE CF EACRIFICE ANO THE 
'MPERtAL ZOOLOGICAL GARDEN3. 

FROM THE NURNEIERG ORIGINAL OF THE LETTERS OF COHTES TO CHARLES V. 



accordingly he had received them, not as strangers, but as relations 
of the same blood and parentage, and desired that they might con- 
sider themselves as masters in his 
dominions, for both himself and his 
subjects should be ready to comply 
with their will, and even to prevent 
their wishes. Cortes made a reply 
in his usual style, with respect to 
the dignity and power of his sover- 
eign, and his intention in sending 
him into that country ; artfully en- 
deavoring so to frame his discourse, 
that it might coincide as much as 
possible with the idea which Monte- 
zuma had formed concerning the 
origin of the Spaniards. Next morn- 
ing, Cortes and some of his principal 

attendants were admitted to a public auaience of the emperor. The 
three subsequent days were employed in viewing the city ; the ap- 
pearance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and 
the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had be- 
held in America, and yet so little resembling the structure of an 
European cit}^ filled them with surprise and admiration. 

Mexico, or Tenochtitlan, as it was anciently 
called bv the natives, is situated in a large plain, 
environed by mountains of such height, that, 
though within the torrid zone, the temperature of 
its climate is mild and healthful. All the mois- 
ture which descends from the high grounds is 
collected in several lakes, the two largest of 
which, of about ninety miles in circuit, commu- 
nicate with each other. The waters of the one 
are fresh, those of the other brackish. On the 

banks of the latter, and on some small islands ''J^^^^^^^Sdj!^, 
adjoining to them, the capital of Montezuma's em- -XM.^^^'^ .¥:&^J^ 
pire was built. The access to the city was by arti- 
ficial causeways or streets formed of stones and 
earth, about thirty feet in breadth. As the waters 
of the lake during the rainy season overflowed the 



r-c:^ 






z"-^,^^-' ^-A,. i^^^ 

' "'^'^f^' 









THE GREAT TEOCALLI OUILOINGS IN THE CITV OF MEXICO. 
RESTORED AFTER GOMA'IA'S DESCRIPTION BY O. MOTHES. 



496 



THii nj-NOi^taT OF MEXICO. 



flat country, these causeways were of considerable length. That of 
Tacuba, on the west, extended a mile and a half; that of Tepeaca, on 
the northwest, three miles ; that of Cuoyacan, towards the south, six 
miles. On the east there was no causeway, and the city could be ap- 
proached only by canoes. In each of these causeways were openings 
at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed, and over these 
beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth; the 
causeway or street had everywhere a uniform appearance. As the 
approaches to the city were singular, its construction was remark- 
able. Not only the tem- 
ples of their gods, but 
the houses belonging to 
the monarch, and to 
persons of distinction, 
were of such dimensions, 
that, in comparison with 
any other buildings 
which hitherto had been 
discovered in America, 
they might be termed 
magnificent. The habi- 
tations of the common 
I people were mean, re- 
sembling the huts of 
other Indians. But they 
were all placed in a regu- 
lar manner, on the banks 
of the canals which 
passed through the city, in some of its districts, or on the sides of the 
streets which intersected it in other quarters. In several places 
were large openings or squares, one of which, allotted for the great 
market, is said to have been so spacious, that forty or fifty thou- 
sand persons carried on traffic there. In this cit}', the pride of the 
New World, and the noblest monument of the industry and art of 
man, while unacquainted with the use of iron, and destitute of aid 
from any domestic animal, the Spaniards, who are most moderate 
in their computations, reckon that there were at least sixty thou- 
sand inhabitants. 

But how much soever the novelty of those objects might amuse 




DETAIL FROM THE EASTERN FACADE OF THE PALACE OF THE NUNS AT UXMAL. 

Example of Maya architecture, which in the absence of an Aztec building of prominence 
now remaining, and to which it was closely allied, will show the richness of the decorations 
of the public buildings in Mexico. See also page 494. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



497 



or astonish the Spauiards, they felt the utmost solicitude with re- 
spect to their own situation. From a concurrence of circumstances, 
no less unexpected, than favorable to their progress, they had been 
allowed to penetrate into the heart of a powerful kingdom, and 
were now lodged in its capital, without having once met with open 
opposition from its monarch. The Tlascalans, however, had earn- 
estl}' dissuaded them from placing such confidence in Montezuma, 
as to enter a city of such a peculiar situation as Alexico, where that 
prince would have them at mercy, shut up as it were in 
a snare, from which it was impossible to escape. They 
assured them, that the Mexican priests had, in the name 
of the gods, counselled their sovereign to admit the Span- 
iards into the capital, that he might cut them off there 
at one blow with perfect security. They now perceived, 
too plainly, that the apprehensions of their allies were 
not destitute of foundation ; that, by breaking the bridges 
placed at certain intervals on the causeways, or by destroy- 
ing part of the causewaj-s themselves, their retreat would 
be rendered impracticable, and thej^ must remain cooped 
up in the center of a hostile city, surrounded by multi- 
tudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and without a possi- 
bility of receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, 
indeed, received them with distinguished respect. But 
ought they to reckon upon this as real, or to consider it as 
feigned ? Even if it were sincere, could they promise on 
its continuance ? Their safety depended iipon the will of 
a monarch, in whose attachment tliev had no reason to 
confide ; and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word 
uttered by him in passion, might decide irrevocably con- 
cerning their fate. 

These reflections, so obvious as to occur to the meanest soldier, 
did not escape the vigilant sagacity of their general. Before he 
set out from Cholula, Cortes had received advice from Villa Rica, 
that Qualpopoca, one of the Mexican generals on the frontiers, 
having assembled an army in order to attack some of the people 
whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mexican yoke, 
Escalante had marched out with part of the garrison to support his 
allies ; that an engagement had ensued, in which, though the Span- 
iards were victorious, Escalante, with seven of his men, had been 




QUETZALCOATL OR CUCULCAN. 

A lerrcstri:il hero who became 
deified, after his death, as sky- 
god and ctiltiire hero; the repre- 
sentative of light, opposed to the 
god of <Iarkness, Tezcatlipoca. 
Qiietzalcoatl, though worshipped 
as the promoter of fertility, still 
held celibacy in honor, and houses 
of nuns were consecrated to him. 



498 



THE CO::OUEST OF MEXICO. 



mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been 
surrounded by the enemy and taken alive ; that the head of this 
unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different 
cities, in order to convince the people that their invaders were not 
immortal, had been sent to Mexico. Cortes, though alarmed with 
this intelligence, as an indication of Montezuma's hostile inten- 
tions, had continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, 
he became sensible, that, from an excess of confidence in the supe- 
rior valor and discipline of his troops, as well as from the disad- 
- — vantage of having nothing to guide him 

_ ^~^^^\^ (. ^ in an unknown country, but the defective 







intelligence which he had received from 






lilds, people with whom his mode of communi- 
^ cation was very imperfect, he had pushed 
^ forward into a situation, where it was dififi- 
■^j cult to continue, and from which it was 
'Z dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and per- 
T V haps ruin, was the certain consequence of 
t 5 attempting the latter. The success of his 
enterprise depended upon supporting the 
high opinion which the people of New 
K Spain had formed with respect to the irre- 
sistible power of his arms. Upon the first 
svmptom of timidity on his part, their 
veneration would cease, and Montezuma, 
whom fear alone restrained at present, 
would let loose upon him the whole 
force of l:is empire. At the same time, 
he knew that the countenance of his own 
sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories, and 
that nothing but the merit of extraordinary success could screen 
his conduct from the censure of irregularity-. From all these 
considerations, it was necessary to maintain his station, and to 
extricate himself out of the difficulties in which one bold step 
had involved him, by venturing upon another still bolder. The 
situation was trying, but his mind was equal to it; and after re- 
volving the matter with deep attention, he fixed upon a plan 
no less extraordinar}- than daring. He determined to seize 
Montezuma in his palace, and to carry him as a prisoner to the 




MONTEZUMA'S GENERAL. QUALPOPOCA, ENGAGES ESCALANTE AND HIS 
MEXICAN ALLIES. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



499 



Spanish quarters. From the superstitious veneration of the Mexi- 
cans for the person of their monarch, as well as their implicit sub- 
mission to his will, he hoped, b}- having Montezuma in his power, 
to acquire the supreme direction of their affairs ; or, at least, with 
such a sacred pledge in his hands, he made no doubt of being 
secure from any effort of their violence. 

This he immediate]}' proposed to his officers. The timid 
startled at a measure so audacious, and raised objections. The 
more intelligent and resolute, conscious that it was the only re- 
source in which there appeared any prospect of safety, warmly ap- 
proved of it, and brought over their companions so cordially to the 
same opinion, that it was agreed instantl}' to make the attempt. 
At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortes went to the 
palace, accompanied by Alvarado, 
Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, 
and Davila, five of his principal offi- 
cers, and as many trusty soldiers. 
Thirty chosen men followed, not in 
regular order, but sauntering at 
some distance, as if they had no ob- 
ject but curiosity ; small parties were 
posted at proper intervals, in all the 
streets leading from the Spanish 
quarters to the court ; and the re- 
mainder of his troops, with the Tlas- 
calan allies, were under arms, ready 
to sail}' out on the first alarm. Cor- 
tes and his attendants were admitted 
Avithout suspicion ; the Mexicans re- 
tiring, as usual, out of respect. He 
addressed the monarch in a tone very 
different from that which he had em- 
ployed in former conferences, re- 
proaching him bitterly as the author 
of the violent assault made upon the 
Spaniards by one of his officers, and 
demanded public reparation for the 
loss which they had sustained bv 
the death of some of their com- 




28 



THE EMPEROR MONTEZUMA. 

FROM THE PNGRAVING IN NIEU'AE EN ONBEKENDE WEERELO, BV MONTANUS 



500 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




panions, as well as for the insult offered to the great prince 
whose servants thev were. Montezuma, confounded at this 
unexpected accusation, and changing color, either from con- 
sciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indignity with which 
he was treated, asserted his own innocence, with great 
earnestness, and, as a proof of it, gave orders instantly to 
bring Oualpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. 
Cortes replied, with seeming complaisance, that a declara- 
tion so respectable left no doubt remaining in his own 
mind, but that something more was requisite to satisf}^ his 
followers, who would never be convinced that Montezuma 
did not harbor hostile intentions against them, unless, as 
an evidence of his confidence and attachment, he removed 



SCULPTURE FROM COPAN TO SHOW DRESS, 
ARMOR, AND ORNAMENTS. 

A male figure at ihe foot of an 
altar; head covered with helmet, 
in imitation of some fanciful ani- 
mai. with gold appendages; the 
excessively large ears are symbols 
of a high station; breast covered 
with armor, upper part of which 
is made of balls, and lower part 
of some woven stuffs; arms, legs, 
and neck ornamented with bands 
*nd rings. 



from his own palace, and took up hi.^ 
Spanish quarters, where he should be 
served and honored as became a great 
monarch. The first mention of so 
strange a proposal bereaved Monte- 
zuma of speech, and almost of motion. 
At length, indignation gave him utter- 
ance, and he haughtily answered, 
"That persons of his rank were not 
accustomed voluntarily to give up 
themselves as prisoners; and were he 
mean enough to do so, his subjects 
would not permit such an affront to 
be offered to their sovereign." Cortes, 
unwilling to employ force, endeavored 
alternately to soothe and to intimidate him. 
The altercation became warm ; and having 
continued above three hours, Velasquez de 
Leon, an impetuous and gallant young man, 
exclaimed with impatience, "Why waste 
more time in vain? Let us either seize him 
instantly, or stab him to the heart." The 
threatening voice and fierce gestures with 
which these words were uttered, struck Monte- 
zuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had 
now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that 



nee 




SCULPTURE FROM COPAN TO SHOW DRESa 
AND ORNAMENTS. 



Female figure; the short dress 
ornamented with a net, bortiered 
with pearls and fringe; a girdle, 
similarly made, encircles her 
waist ; a broad strip of cloth, cov- 
ered with pold and pearls, falls 
from it to thegroitnd : an exquisite 
head-dress of feathers covers the 
figure ; the bare arms ornamented 
with bands, the breast covered 
with jewelry, reaching to the 
shoulders. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



501 



they would recede. His own danger was now imminent, the neces- 
sity unavoidable. He saw both, and abandoning himself to his fate, 
complied w-ith their request. 

His officers were called. He communicated to them his reso- 
lution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed not to 
question the will of their master, but carried him in silent pomp, 
all bathed in tears, to the Spanish quarters. When it was known 
that the strangers were conveying away the emperor, the people 
broke out into the wildest transports of grief and rage, threaten- 
ing the Spaniards with immediate destruction, as the punishment 
justly due to their impious audacit}-. But as soon as Montezuma 
appeared, with a seeming gayetj- of countenance, and waved his 
hand, the tumult was hushed ; and upon his declaring it to be of 
his owu choice that he went to reside for some time among his new 
friends, the multitude, taught to revere every intimation of their 
sovereign's pleasure, quietly dispersed. 

Thus was a pow^erful prince seized by a few* strangers in the 
midst of his capital, at noonday, and carried off as a prisoner, with- 
out opposition or bloodshed. Histor}- contains nothing parallel to 
this event, either with respect to the temerity of the attempt, or 
the success of the execution ; and were not all the circumstances of 
this extraordinar}' transaction authenticated b}' the most unques- 
tionable evidence, they would appear so wild and extravagant, as to 
go far beyond the bounds of that probability which must be pre- 
served even in fictitious narrations. 





CHAPTER LVII. 




INDIGNITIES HEAPED UPON MONTEZUMA. ACKNOWLEDGES HIMSELF A VASSAL OF SPAIN 
f^^^^ MEXICAN SCHEMES FOR LIBERATION. 



ONTEZUMA was received in the Spanish 
quarters with all the ceremonious respect 
which Cortes had promised. He was at- 
tended by his own domestics, and served 
with his usual state. His principal ofhcers 
had free access to him, and he carried on 
every function of government as if he 
had been at perfect liberty. The Spaniards, however, watched 
him with the scrupulous vigilance which was natural in guard- 
ing such an important prize, endeavoring at the same time to 
soothe and reconcile him to his situation, by every external de- 
monstration of regard and attachment. But from captive princes, 
the hour of humiliation and suffering is never far distant. Qual- 
popoca, his son, and five of the principal officers who served 
under him, were brought prisoners to the capital [Dec. 4], in 
consequence of the orders which IMontezuma had issued. The 
emperor gave them up to Cortes, that he might inquire into the 
nature of their crime, and determine their punishment. They 
were formally tried by a Spanish court-martial ; and though they 
had acted no other part than what became loyal subjects and brave 
men, in obeying the orders of their lawful sovereign, and in oppos- 
ing the invaders of their country, they were condemned to be burnt 
alive. The execution of such atrocious deeds is seldom long sus- 
pended. The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The pile 



(5o») 




(C03) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 5O5 

on which they were laid was composed of weapons collected in 
the royal magazine for the public defense. An innumerable multi- 
tude of Mexicans beheld, in silent astonishment, the double insult 
offered to the majesty of their empire, an ofl&cer of distinction com- 
mitted to the flames by the authority of strangers, for having done 
what he owed in duty to his natural sovereign ; and the arms pro- 
vided by the foresight of their ancestors for avenging public wrongs, 
consumed before their ej-es. 

But these were not the most shocking indignities which the 
Mexicans had to bear. The Spaniards, convinced that Qualpopoca 
would not have ventured to attack Escalante without orders from 
his master, were not satisfied with inflicting vengeance on the in- 
strument employed in committing that crime while the author of 
it escaped with impunity. Just before Qualpopoca was led out to 
suffer, Cortes entered the apartment of Montezuma, followed by 
some of his officers, and a soldier carrying a pair of fetters ; and 
approaching the monarch with a stern countenance told him, that 
as the persons who were now to undergo the punishment which 
they merited, had charged him as the cause of the outrage commit- 
ted, it was necessary that he likewise should make atonement for 
that guilt ; then turning away abruptly, without waiting for a re- 
ply, commanded the soldier to clap the fetters on his legs. The 
orders were instantly executed. The disconsolate monarch, trained 
up with an idea that his person was sacred and inviolable, and con- 
sidering this profanation of it as the prelude of immediate death, 
broke out into loud lamentations and complaints. His attendants, 
speechless with horror, fell at his feet, bathing them with their 
tears ; and, bearing up the fetters in their hands, endeavored with 
officious tenderness to lighten their pressure. Nor did their grief 
and despondency abate, until Cortes returned from the execution, 
and with a cheerful countenance ordered the fetters to be taken 
off. As Montezuma's spirits had sunk with unmanly dejection, 
they now rose into indecent joy ; and with an unbecoming transi- 
tion, he passed at once from the anguish of despair to transports 
of gratitude and expressions of fondness towards his deliverer. 

In those transactions, as represented by the Spanisli historians, 
we search in vain for tlic qualities which distinguish other parts of 
Cortes's conduct. To usurp a jurisdiction which could not belong 
to a stranger who assumed no higher character than tliat of an 



5o6 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



ambassador from a foreign prince, and, under color of it, to inflict 
a capital punishment on men whose conduct entitled them to es- 
teem, appears an act of barbarous cruelty. To put the monarch of 
a great kingdom in irons, and, after such ignominious treatment, 
suddenly to release him, seems to be a display of power no less in- 
considerate than wanton. According to the common relation, no 
account can be given either of the one action or the other, but that 
Cortes, intoxicated with success, and presuming on the ascendant 
which he had acquired over the minds of the Mexicans, thought 
nothing too bold for him to undertake, or too dangerous to execute. 
But, in one view, these procceedings, however repugnant to justice 
and humanity, may have flowed from that artful policy which reg- 
ulated every part of Cortes' behavior towards the Mexicans. They 
had conceived the Spaniards to be of an order of beings superior to 
men. It was of the utmost consequence to cherish this illusion, 
and to keep up the veneration which it inspired. Cortes wished 
that shedding the blood of a Spaniard should be deemed the most 
heinous of all crimes ; and nothing appeared better calculated to 
establish this opinion, than to condemn the first Mexicans who 
had ventured to commit it to a cruel death, and to oblige their 
monarch himself to submit to a mortifying indignity as an ex- 
piation for being accessory to a deed so atrocious. 

The rigor with which Cor- 



tes punished the unhapp}'- 
persons who first presumed 
to lay violent hands upon 
his followers, seems accord- 
ingly to have made all the 
impression that he desired. 
The spirit of Montezuma 
was not only overawed, but 
subdued. During six months 
that Cortes remained in 
Mexico, the monarch con- 
tinued in the Spanish quar- 
ters with an appearance of as 
entire satisfaction and tran- 
quillity as if he had resided 
there not from constraint, but 




PANEL IN THE HEAR OF THE ALTAH OF THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN, AT TIKAL. 
THE FIOUfiE SHOWS AN OFFICER OR DIGNITARY OF HIGH HANK. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



:5U/ 



through choice. His ministers aud officers attended him as usual. 
He took cognizance of all aitairs ; every order was issued in his 
name. The external aspect of government appearing the same 
and all its ancient forms being scrupulously observed, the people 
were so little sensible of any change, that they obeyed the mandates 
of their monarch with the same submissive reverence as ever. Such 
was the dread which both Montezuma and his subjects had of the 
Spaniards, or such the veneration in which the}- held them, that no 
attempt was made to deliver their sovereign from confinement ; and 
though Cortes, relying on this ascendant which he had acquired 
over their minds, permitted him not only to visit his temples, but 
to make hunting excursions beyond the lake, a guard of a few 
Spaniards carried with it such a terror as to intimidate the multi- 
tude, and secure the captive monarch. 

Thus, by the fortunate temerity of Cortes in seizing Monte- 
zuma, the Spaniards at once secured to themselves more extensive 
authority in the Mexican Empire than it was possible to have ac- 
quired in a long course of time by open force ; and the}' exercised 
more absolute sway in the name of another, than they could have 
done in their own. The arts of polished nations, in subjecting 
such as are less improved, have been nearly the same in every 
period. The sj'Stem of screening a foreign usurpation, under the 
sanction of authority derived from the natural rulers of a country, 
the device of employing the magistrates and forms alread}- estab- 
lished as instruments to introduce a new dominion, of which we 
are apt to boast as sublime refinements in policy peculiar to the 
present age, were inventions of a more early period, and had been 
tried with success in the West, long before they were practiced in 
the East. 

Cortes availed himself to the utmost of the powers whicli lie 
possessed by being able to act in the name 
of Montezuma. He sent some Spaniards, 
whom he judged best qualified for such com- 
missions, into different parts of the empire, 
accompanied by persons of distinction, whom 
Montezuma appointed to attend them, both as 
guides and protectors. They visited most 
of the provinces, viewed their soil and pro- 
ductions, surveyed with particular care the 




THE VOLCANOS POPOCATEPETL AND iZTACC IHUATL, FROM WHERE THE 
SPANIARDS PROCUSEO SULPHUR f"CR THEIR GUNPOWDEH. 



5o8 



THE. CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



MEXICAN TAMASES OR PORTERS. 



districts which yielded gold or silver, pitched upon several 
places as proper stations for future colonies, and endeavored to 
prepare the minds of the people for submitting to the Spanish 
yoke. While they were thus employed, Cortes, in the name and by 
the authority of Alontezuma, degraded some of the principal oflS- 
cers in the empire, whose abilities or independent spirit excited his 
jealousy, and substituted in their place persons less capable or 
more obsequious. 

One thing still was wanting to complete his security. He 
wished to have such command of the lake as might ensure a retreat, 
if, either from levity or disgust, the Mexicans should take arms 
against him, and break down the bridges or causeways. This, too, 
his own address, and the facility of Montezuma, enabled him 
to accomplish. Having frequently entertained his prisoner 
with pompous accounts of the European marine and art of liavi- 
gation, he awakened his curiosity to see those moving 
palaces which made their way through the water 
without oars. Under pretext of gratifying this 
desire, Cortes persuaded Montezuma to appoint some 
of his subjects to fetch part of the naval stores which 
the Spaniards had deposited at Vera Cruz to Mexico, 
and to employ others in cutting down and preparing 
timber. With their assistance, the Spanish carpenters soon 
completed two brigantines, which afforded a frivolous amuse- 
ment to the monarch, and were considered by Cortes as a cer- 
tain resource if he should be obliged to retire. 
Encouraged by so many instances of the monarch's tame sub- 
mission to his will, Cortes ventured to put it to a proof still more 
trying. He urged Montezuma to acknowledge himself a vassal of 
the king of Castile, to hold his crown of him as superior, and to 
subject his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. With 
this requisition, the last and most humbling that can be made to 
one possessed of sovereign authority, Montezuma was so obsequious 
as to comply. He called together the chief men of his empire, and 
in a solemn harangue, reminding them of the traditions and 
prophecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people sprung 
from the same stock with themselves, in order to take possession 
of the supreme power, he declared his belief that the Spaniards 
were this promised race ; tliat therefore he recognized the right of 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



509 



their monarch to govern the Mexican empire; that he would lay 
his crown at his feet, and obey him as a tributary. While uttering 
these words, Montezuma discovered how deeply he was affected in 
making such a sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently interrupted 
his discourse. Overawed and broken as his spirit was, it still re- 
tained siich a sense of dignity, as to feel that pang which pierces 
the heart of princes when constrained to resign independent power. 
The first mention of such a resolution struck the assembly dumb 
with astonishment. This was followed by a sudden murmur of 
sorrow, mingled with indignation, which indicated some violent 
irruption of rage to be near 
at hand. This Cortes fore- 
saw, and seasonably inter- 
posed to prevent it by de- 
claring that his master had 
no intention to deprive 
Montezuma of the royal 
dignity, or to make any in- 
novation upon the constitu- 
tion and laws of the Mexi- 
can empire. This assurance, 
added to their dread of the 
Spanish power, and to the 
authority of their monarch's 
example, extorted a reluctant 
consent from the assembly. 
The act of submission and 
homage was executed with 
all the formalities which the 
Spaniards were pleased to 
prescribe. 

Montezuma, at the de- 
sire of Cortes, accompanied 
this profession of fealty and 
homage with a magnificent 
present to his new sover- 
eign ; and, after his example, 
his subjects brought in very 
liberal contributions. The 




CCiHIti t-ttLAhtS UtfORt TMfc AJritMEJiti, vEXICAh NOBLfcS THAT MIS MASTth DOES NOT NTtND 
TO DEPRIVE MONTEZUMA OF HIS DIGNITIES. 



5IO • THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

Spaniards now collected all the treasures which had been either 
voluntarily bestowed upon them at different times by Monte- 
zuma, or had been extorted from his people under various pre- 
texts ; and having melted the gold and silver, the value of 
these, without including jewels and ornaments of various kinds, 
which were preserved on account of their curious workmanship, 
amounted to six hundred thousand pesos. The soldiers were impa- 
tient to have it divided, and Cortes complied with their desire. A 
fifth of the whole was first set apart as the tax due the king. 
Another fifth was allotted to Cortes as commander in chief. The 
sums advanced by Velasquez, by Cortes, and by some of the officers, 
towards defraying the expense of fitting out the armament, were 
then deducted. The remainder was divided among the army, in- 
cluding the garrison of Vera Cruz, in proportion to their different 
ranks. After so many defalcations, the share of a private man did 
not exceed a hundred pesos. This sum fell so far below their san- 
guine expectations, that some soldiers rejected it with scorn, and 
others murmured so loudly at this cruel disappointment of their 
hopes, that it required all the address of Cortes, and no small exer- 
tion of his liberality, to appease them. The complaints of the 
army were not altogether destitute of foundation. As the crown 
had contributed nothing towards the equipment or success of the 
armament, it was not without regret that the soldiers beheld it 
sweep away so great a proportion of the treasure purchased by 
their blood and toil. What fell to the share of the general ap- 
peared, according to the ideas of wealth in the sixteenth century, 
an enormous sum. Some of Cortes' favorites had secretly appro- 
priated to their own use several ornaments of gold, which neither 
paid the royal fifth, nor were brought into account as part of the 
common stock. It was, however, so manifestly the interest of 
Cortes, at this period, to make a large remittance to the king, that 
it is highly probable those concealments were not of great conse- 
quence. 

The total sum amassed by the Spaniards bears no proportion 
to the ideas which might be formed, either by reflecting on the de- 
scriptions given by historians of the ancient splendor of Mexico, 
or by considering the productions of its mines in modern times. 
But among the ancient Mexicans, gold and silver were not the 
standards by which the worth of other commodities was estimated; 



THE CONQUEST OP MEXICO. 



5" 



and destitute of the artificial value derived from this circumstance, 
were no further in request than as they furnished materials for 
ornaments and trinkets. These were either consecrated to the 
gods in their temples, or were worn as marks of distinction by 
their princes and some of their most eminent chiefs. As the con- 
sumption of the precious metal was inconsiderable, the demand for 
them was not such as to put either the ingenuity or industry of the 
Mexicans on the stretch, in order to augment their store. They 
were altogether unacquainted with the art of working the rich 
mines with which their country abounded. What gold they had 
was gathered in the beds of rivers, native, and ripened into a pure 
metallic state. The utmost effort of their labor in search of it was 
to wash the earth carried down by torrents from the mountains, 
and to pick out the grains of gold which subsided; and even this 
simple operation, according to the report of the persons whom 
Cortes appointed to survey the provinces where there was a pros- 
pect of finding mines, they performed very unskillfully. From all 
those causes, the whole mass of gold in possession of the Mexicans 
was not great. As silver is rarely found pure, and the Mexican art 
was too rude to conduct the process for refining it in a proper man- 
ner, the quantity of this metal was still less considerable. Thus, 

though the Spaniards had ex- ^ _^ 

erted all the power which they f^H^^^^^^^S 



possessed in Mexico, and often 
with indecent rapacity, in order 
to gratify their predominant 
passion, and though Monte- 
zuma had fondly exhausted his 
treasures, in hopes of satiating 
their thirst for gold, the product 
of both, which probablv in- 
cluded a great part of the bullion 
in the empire, did not rise in 
value above what has been men- 
tioned. 

But however pliant Monte- 
zuma might be in other matters, 
with respect to one point he was 
inflexible. Though Cortes often 




PRIESTS. WITH QUETZALCOATL'8 EMBLEM IN HAND, OFFICIATING BEFOBE AN ALTAR. 
SCULPTURED LINTEL FROM LOfllLLAHD, YUCATAN. 

The Aztecs recognized the existence of a supreme Creator, and Lord of the 
universe. They addressed him. in their prayers, "as the God by whom wc 
live," "omnipresent, that knowcth all thoughts, and giveth all gifts," " without 
whom man is as nothing." " invisible, incorporeal, one God, of perfect perfection 
and purity." "under wh<ise wings we find repose and sure defense." These 
sublime attributes infer no inadequate conception of the true God. But the idea 
of unity — of a being, with whom volition is action, who has no need of inferior 
ministers to execute his purposes — was loo simple or too vast, for their under- 
standings, and they sought relief, as usual, in a plurality of deities, who pre- 
sided over the elements, the changes of the seasons, and the various occtip*tion* 
of man.—Pnscott^ Contjueit, Vol. I. 



5^2 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



CORTES OVEBTHRO.' 
A MEXICAN ALTAR C 

THE TOP OF THE 

GREAT TEOCALLI, 
ERECTING IN ITS STEAD AN 'MAGE Q 
THE VIRGIN MART 



urged him, with the importunate zeal of a missionary, to renounce 
his false gods, and to embrace the Christian faith, he always re- 
jected the proposition with horror. Superstition, among the Mexi- 
cans, was formed into such a regular and complete system, that its 
institutions naturally took fast hold of the mind ; and while the 
rude tribes in other parts of America were easily induced to relin- 
quish a few notions and rites, so loose and arbitrary as hardly to 
merit the name of a public religion, the Mexicans adhered tena- 
ciously to their mode of worship, which, however barbarous, was 

accompanied with such order and solemnity 

..,' as to render it an object of the highest veuer- 
^f^ji'i*?^\^ ^tion. Cortes, finding all his attempts in- 
"jT^^^i effectual to shake the constancy of Monte- 
# ^iV' 7,uma, was so much enraged at his obstinacy, 
(-♦«is that in a transport of zeal he led out his sol- 
diers to throw down the idols in the grand 
temple by force. But the priests taking arms 
in defense of their altars, and the people 
crowding with great ardor to support them, 
^1 Cortes' prudence overruled his zeal, and in- 
duced him to desist from his rash attempt, 
after dislodging the idols from one of the 
shrines, and placing in their stead an image 
of the Virgin Mary. 

From that moment the Mexicans, who 
had permitted the imprisonment of their 
sovereign, and suffered the exactions of stran- 
gers without a struggle, began to meditate 
how they might expel or destroy the Span- 
iards, and thought themselves called upon to 
avenge their insulted deities. The priests and leading men held 
frequent consultations with Montezuma for this purpose. But as 
it might prove fatal to the captive monarch to attempt either 
the one or the other by violence, he was willing to try gentle 
means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that 
now, as all the purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, 
the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their 
desire, that he and his followers should instantly depart out of the 
empire. With this he required them to comply, or imavoidable 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



513 



destruction would fall siiddenl}' on their heads. The tenor of this 
unexpected requisition, as well as the determined tone in which it 
was uttered, left Cortes no room to doubt, that it was the result of 
some deep scheme concerted between Montezuma and his subjects. 
He quickly perceived that he might derive more advantage from a 
seeming compliance with the monarch's inclination, than from an 
ill-timed attempt to change or to oppose it ; and replied, with great 
composure, that he had already begun to prepare for returning to 
his own country ; but as he had destroyed the vessels in which he 
arrived, some time was requisite for building other ships. This ap- 
peared reasonable. A number of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz 
to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were appointed 
to superintend the work. Cortes flattered himself that, during this 
interval, he might either find means to avert the threatened danger, 
or receive such reinforcements as would enable him to despise it. 




FRONT AND REAR VIEW OF BUST OF A PRIESTESS, FOUND AT PALENQUE. 



CHAPTER LVIII. 



CORTES RECEIVES NEWS OF THE ARRIVAL OF NARVAEZ SENT AT THE HEAD OF A NEW ARMA- 
MENT FITTED OUT BY VELASQUEZ. ATTEMPTS NEGOTIATIONS WITH HIM, WHICH 
FAILING, HE MARCHES AGAINST, AND UTTERLY ROUTES HIM. 
THE EFFECTS OF THIS VICTORY. 




LMOST nine months were elapsed 
since Portocarrero and Montejo had 
sailed with his despatches to 
Spain ; and he daily expected 
their return with a confirma- 
tion of his authority from the 
king. Without this, his condi- 
tion was insecure and precarious , 
and after all the great things 
which he had done, it might 
e his doom to bear the name and 
uffer the punishment of a traitor. 
Rapid and extensive as his prog- 
ress had been, he could not hope 
to complete the reduction of a 
great empire with so small a body 
of men, which by this time, dis- 
eases of various kinds consider- 
ably thinned ; nor could he apply 
for recruits to the Spanish set- 
tlements in the islands, until he 
received the royal approbation 
of his proceedings. 
While he remained in this cruel situation, anxious about what 
was past, uncertain with respect to the future, and, by the late 



SANDOVAL. 
THE COVEHNOn Of" VERA CRUZ 



(514) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 515 

declaration of Montezuma, oppressed with a new addition of cares, 
a Mexican courier arrived with an account of some ships having 
appeared on the coast. Cortes, with fond credulity, imagining that 
his messengers were returned from Spain, and that the completion 
of all his wishes and hopes was at hand, imparted the glad tidings 
to his companions, who received them with transports of mutual 
congratulation. Their joy was not of long continuance. A courier 
from Sandoval, whom Cortes had appointed to succeed Escalante in 
command at Vera Cruz, brought certain information that the arma- 
ment was fitted out by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, and, instead 
of bringing the aid which they expected, threatened them with im- 
mediate destruction. 

The motives which prompted Velasquez to this violent meas- 
ure are obvious. From the circumstances of Cortes' departure, 
it was impossible not to suspect his intention of throwing off all 
dependence upon him. His neglecting to transmit any account of 
his operations to Cuba, strengthened this suspicion, which was at 
last confirmed beyond doubt, bv the indiscretion of the ofl&cers 
whom Cortes sent to Spain. They, from some motive which is not 
clearly explained b}- the contemporarv historians, touched at the 
island of Cuba, contrary to the peremptory orders of their gen- 
eral. By this means Velasquez not only learned that Cortes and 
his followers, after formally renouncing all connection with him, 
had established an independent colony in New Spain, and w^ere 
soliciting the king to confirm their proceedings by his authority ; 
but he obtained particular information concerning the opulence, of 
the country, the valuable presents which Cortes had received, and 
the inviting prospects of success that opened to his view. Every 
passion which can agitate an ambitious mind ; shame, at having 
been so grossly overreached; indignation, at being betra3'ed by the 
man whom he had selected as the object of his favor and confidence; 
grief, for having wasted his fortune to aggrandize an enemy ; and 
despair of recovering so fair an oDportunity of establishing his 
fame and extending his power, now raged in the bosom of Velas- 
quez. All these, with united force, excited him to make an extra- 
ordinary effort in order to be avenged on the author of his wrongs, 
and to wrest from him his usurped authority and conquests. Nor 
did he want the appearance of a good title to justify such an at- 
tempt. The agent whom he sent to Spain with an account of 



5l6 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

Grijalva's voyage, had met with a most favorable reception ; and 
from the specimens which he produced, such high expectations 
were formed concerning the opulence of New Spain, that Velas- 
quez was authorized to prosecute the discovery of the country, and 
appointed governor of it during life, with more extensive power 
and privileges than had been granted to any adventurer from the 
time of Columbus. Elated by this distinguishing mark of favor, 
and warranted to consider Cortes not only as intruding upon his 
jurisdiction, but as disobedient to the royal mandate, he determined 
to vindicate his own rights, and the honor of his sovereign, by force 
of arms. His ardor in carrying on his preparations was such as 
might have been expected from the violence of the passions with 
which he was animated; and in a short time an armament was 
completed, consisting of eighteen ships, which had on board four- 
score horsemen, eight hundred foot soldiers, of which eight}' were 
musketeers, and a hundred and twenty crossbow-men, together 
with a train of twelve pieces of cannon. As Velasquez's experi- 
ence of the fatal consequence of committing to another what he 
ought to have executed himself, had not rendered him more enter- 
prising, he vested the command of this formidable body, which, in 
the infancy of the Spanish power in America, merits the appella- 
tion of an army, in Pamphilo de Narvaez, with instructions to seize 
Cortes and his principal officers, to send them prisoners to him, 
and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in 
his name. 

After a prosperous voyage, Narvaez landed his men without 
opposition near St. Juan de Uloa [April]. Three soldiers, whom 
Cortes had sent to search for mines in that district, immediately 
joined him. By this accident, he not only received informa- 
tion concerning the progress and situation of Cortes, but, as 
these soldiers had made some progress in the knowledge of the 
Mexican language, he acquired interpreters, by whose means he 
was enabled to hold some intercourse with the people of the coun- 
try. But, according to the low cunning of deserters, they framed 
their intelligence with more attention to what they thought would 
be agreeable, than to what they knew to be true ; and represented 
the situation of Cortes to be so desperate, and the disaffection of 
his followers to be so general, as increased the natural confidence 
and presumption of Narvaez. His first operation, however, might 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO, 517 

have taught him not to rely on their partial accounts. Having 
sent to summon the governor of Vera Cruz to surrender, Guevara, 
a priest whom he employed in that service, made the requisition 
with such insolence, that Sandoval, an officer of high spirit, and 
zealously attached to Cortes, instead of complying with his de- 
mands, seized him and his attendants, and sent them in chains to 
Mexico. 

Cortes received them not like enemies, but as friends, and, 
condemning the severit)^ of Sandoval, set them immediately at lib- 
erty. By this well-timed clemenc}-, seconded by caresses and pres- 
ents, he gained their confidence, and drew from them such particu- 
lars concerning the force and intentions of Narvaez, as gave him a 
view of the impending danger in its full extent. He had not to 
contend now with half-naked Indians, no match for him in war, 
and still more inferior in the arts of polic}', but to take the field 
against an army in courage and martial discipline equal to his own, 
in number far superior, acting under the sanction of ro3'al author- 
ity, and commanded by an officer of known bravery. He was in- 
formed that Narvaez, more solicitous to gratify the resentment of 
Velasquez than attentive to the honor or interest of his country, 
had begun his intercourse with the natives, by representing him 
and his followers as fugitives and outlaws, guilty of rebellion 
against their own sovereign, and of injustice in invading the Mexi- 
can empire; and had declared that his chief object in visiting the 
country was to punish the Spaniards who had committed these 
crimes, and tc rescue the Mexicans from oppression. He soon per- 
ceived that the same unfavorable representations of his character 
and actions had been conveyed to Montezuma, and that Narvaez 
had found means to assure him, that as the conduct of those who 
kept him under restraint was higlih* displeasing to the king his 
master, he had it in charge not only to rescue an iniured monarch 
from confinement, but to reinstate him in the possession of his 
ancient power and independence. Animated with this prospect of 
being set free from subjection to strangers, the Mexicans in several 
provinces began openh- to revolt from Cortes, and to regai'd Nar- 
vaez as a deliverer no less able than willing to save them. IMonte- 
zuma himself kept up a secret intercourse with the new com- 
mander, and seemed to court him as a person siiperior in power 
and dignity to those Spaniards whom he had hitherto revered as 
the first of men. 



5l8 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

Such were the various aspects of danger and diflScultj^ which 
presented themselves to the view of Cortes. No situation can be 
conceived more trying to the capacity and firmness of a general, 
or where the choice of the plan which ought to be adopted was 
more difficult. If he should wait the approach of Narvaez m Mex- 
ico, destruction seemed to be unavoidable ; for, while the Spaniards 
pressed him from without, the inhabitants, whose turbulent spirit 
he could hardly restrain with all his authority and attention, would 
eagerly lay hold on such a favorable opportunity of avenging all 
their wrongs. If he should abandon the capital, set the captive 
monarch at libert}', and march out to meet the enemy, he must at 
once forego the fruits of all his toils and victories, and relinquish 
advantages which could not be recovered without extraordinary 
efforts and infinite danger. If, instead of employing force, he 
should have recourse to conciliating measures, and attempt an ac- 
commodation with Narvaez ; the natural haughtiness of that offi- 
cer, augmented by consciousness of his present superiority, forbade 
him to cherish any sanguine hope of success. After revolving 
every scheme with deep attention, Cortes fixed upon that which in 
execution was most hazardous, but, if successful, would prove most 
beneficial to himself and to his countr}- ; and with the decisive in- 
trepidity suited to desperate situations, determined to make one 
bold effort for victory under every disadvantage, rather than sacri- 
fice his own conquests and the Spanish interests in Mexico. 

But thoug-h he foresaw that the contest must be terminated 
finally bj- arms, it would have been not only indecent but criminal 
to hive marched against his countrymen, without attempting to 
adjust matters by an amicable negotiation. In this service he em- 
ployed Olmedo, his chaplain, to whose character the function was 
well suited, and who possessed, besides, such prudence and address 
as qualified him to carrv on the secret intrigues in which Cortes 
placed his chief confidence. Narvaez rejected with scorn every 
scheme of accommodation that Olmedo proposed, and was with 
difficukv restrained from laving violent hands on him and his 
attendants. He met, however, with a rr.ore favorable reception 
amouT^ the followers of Narvaez, to many of whom he delivered 
letters, either fi'om Cortes or his officers, their ancient friends and 
companions. Cortes artfully accompanied these with presents of 
rings, chains of gold, and other trinkets of value, which inspired 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



519 



those needy adventurers with high ideas of the wealth that he had 
acquired, and with envy of their good fortune who were engaged 
in his service. Some, from hopes of becoming sharers in those 
rich spoils, declared for an immediate accommodation with Cortes. 
Others, from public spirit, labored to prevent a civil war, which 
whatever party should prevail, must shake, and perhaps subvcit, 
the Spanish power in a country where it was so imperfectl}- estab- 
lished. Narvaez disregarded both, and by a public proclamation 
denounced Cortes and his adherents as rebels and enemies to their 
:ountry. Cortes, it is probable, was not much surprised at the 
Lintractable arrogance of Narvaez ; and after having given such a 
proof of his own pacific disposition as might justifv his recourse to 
3ther means, he determined to advance towards an enemy whom he 
bad labored in vain to appease. 

He left a hundred and fifty men in the capital []\IayJ, under 
the command of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of distinguished 
courage, for whom the Mexicans had conceived a singular degree 
af respect. To the custody of this slender garrison he committed 

I great city, with all the 
wealth he had amassed, 
md, what was of still 
^[•reater importance, the Wi 
person of the impris- sL=iii ! 
Dued monarch. His 

I I m o s t art was em- 
ployed in concealing 
"rom Montezuma the 
real cause of his march. 
He labored to persuade 
lim, that the strangers 
A'ho had lately arrived 
iVere his friends and fel- 
ow-subjects ; and that, 
ifter a short interview 
ivith them, they would 
iepart together, and 
return to their own 
:ountry. The captive 
prince, unable to com- 




CORTES MARCHES OUT OF MEXICO TO GIVE BATTLE TO THE AHMV OF NARVAEZ- 



520 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



prehend the designs of the Spaniards, or to reconcile what he 
now heard with the declarations of Narvaez, and afraid to dis- 
cover any symptom of suspicion or distrust of Cortes, promised 
to remain quietly in the Spanish quarters, and to cultivate the same 
friendship with Alvarado which he had uniformly maintained with 
him. Cortes, with seeming confidence in this promise, but relying 
principally upon the injunctions which he had given Alvarado to 
guard his prisoner with the most scrupulous vigilance, set out from 
Mexico. 

His strength, even after it was reinforced by the junction of 
Sandoval and the garrison of Vera Cruz, did not exceed two 
hundred and fifty men. As he hoped for success chiefly 
from the rapidity of his motions, his troops were not en- 
cumbered either with baggage or artillery. But as he dreaded 

extremely the impression which 
the enemy might make with their 
cavalry, he had provided against 
this danger with the foresight 
and sagacity which distinguish a 
great commander. Having ob- 
served that the Indians in the 
province of Chinantla used 
spears of extraordinary length 
and force, he armed his soldiers 
with these, and accustomed them 
to that deep and compact ar- 
rangement which the use of this 
formidable weapon, the best per- 
haps that ever was invented for 
defense, enabled them to assume. 
With this small but firm battalion, Cortes advanced towards 
Cempoala, of which Narvaez had taken possession. During his 
march, he made repeated attempts towards some accommodation 
with his opponent. But Narvaez requiring that Cortes and his 
followers should instantly recognize his title to be governor of 
New Spain, in virtue of the powers which he derived from Velas- 
quez ; and Cortes refusing to submit to any authority which was 
not foxmded on a commission from the emperor himself, under 
whose immediate protection he and his adherents had placed their 




MODERN MEXICAN INOrANS ENAMELING ^ 



EARTHENWARE 



Most of the Utensils employed to-day are of such primitive nature as yet, 
that a fair picture of an Aztec goldsmith shop of the time of the conquest, is 
produced upon the beholder of these patient toilers. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 52I 

infant colony; all these attempts proved fruitless. The inter- 
course, however, which this occasioned between the two parties, 
proved of no small advantage to Cortes, as it afforded him an op- 
portunity of gaining some of Narvaez's officers by liberal presents, 
of softening others by a semblance of moderation, and of dazzling 
all by the appearance of wealth among his troops, most of his sol- 
diers having converted their share of the Mexican gold into chains, 
bracelets, and other ornaments, which they displayed with military 
ostentation. Narvaez and a little junto of his creatures excepted, 
all the army leaned towards an accommodation with their country- 
men. This discover}' of their inclination irritated his violent tem- 
per almost to madness. In a transport of rage, he set a price upon 
the head of Cortes, and of his principal officers ; and having learned 
that he was now advanced within a league of Cempoala with his 
small body of men, he considered this an insult which merited im- 
mediate chastisement, and marched out with all his troops to offer 
him battle. 

But Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and experience 
than, on equal ground, to iight an enemy so far superior in num- 
ber, and so much better appointed. Having taken his station on 
the opposite bank of the river de Canoas, where he knew that he 
could not be attacked, he beheld the approach of the enemy with- 
out concern, and disregarded this vain bravado. It was then the 
beginning of the wet season, and the rain had poured down, during 
a great part of the day, with a violence peculiar to the torrid zone. 
The followers of Narvaez, unaccustomed to the hardships of mili- 
tary service, murmured so much at being thus fruitlessly exposed, 
that, from their unsoldier-like impatience, as well as his own con- 
tempt of his adversary, their general permitted them to retire to 
Cempoala. The very circumstance which induced them to quit the 
field, encouraged Cortes to form a scheme, by which he hoped at 
once to terminate the war. He observed that his hardy veterans, 
though standing under the torrents which continued to fall, with- 
out a single tent, or an}- shelter whatever to cover them, were so far 
from repining at hardships which were become familiar to them, 
that they were still fresh and alert for service. He foresaw that 
the enemy would naturally give themselves up to repose after their 
fatigue, and that, judging of the conduct of others by their own 
effeminacy, they would deem themselves perfectly secure at a sea- 



522 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



son SO unfit for action. He resolved, therefore, to fall upon them 
in the dead of night, when the surprise and terror of this unex- 
pected attack might more than compensate the inieriority of his 
numbers. His soldiers, sensible that no resource remained but in 
some desperate effort of courage, approved of the measure with 
such warmth, that Cortes, in a military oration which he addressed 
to them beiore they began their march, was more solicitous to 
temper than to inflame their ardor. He divided them into three 
parties. At the head of the first he placed Sandoval ; intrusting 
this gallant officer with the most dangerous and important service, 
that of seizing the enemy's artillery, which was planted before the 
principal tower of the temple, where Narvaez had fixed his head- 
quarters. Christoval de Olid commanded the second, with orders 

to assault the tower, and lay hold on 
the general. Cortes himself conducted 
the third and smallest division, which 
was to act as a body of reserve, and to 
sup23ort the other two as there should 
be occasion. Having passed the river 
de Canoas, which was much swelled 
with the rains, not without difficulty, 
the water reaching almost to their 
chins, they advanced in profound sil- 
ence, without beat of drum, or sound 
of any warlike instrument; each man 
armed with his sword, his dagger, and 
his Chinantlan spear. 
Narvaez, remiss in proportion to his security, had posted only 
two sentinels to watch the motions of an enemy whom he had such 
good cause to dread. One of these was seized by the advanced 
guard of Cortes' troops ; the other made his escape, and, hurrying 
to the town with all the precipitation of fear and zeal, gave such 
timely notice of the enemy's approach, that there was full leisure 
to have prepared for their reception. But, through the arrogance 
and infatuation of Narvaez, this important interval was lost. He 
imputed this alarm to the cowardice of the sentinel, and treated 
with derision the idea of being attacked by forces so unequal to his 
own. The shouts of Cortes' soldiers, rushing on to the assault, 
convinced him, at last, that the danger which he despised was real. 




C0RTE9 PASSING THE SWOLLEN RIVER OF DE CANOAS UNDER 
GREAT DIFFICULTY. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 525 

The rapidity with which they advanced was such, that only one can- 
non could be fired before Sandoval's party closed with the enemy, 
drove them from tlicir guns, and began to force their way up the 
steps of the tower. Narvaez, no less brave in action than presump- 
tuous in conduct, armed himself in haste, and b}' his voice and ex- 
ample aninuited his men to the combat. Olid advanced to sustain 
his companions ; and Cortes himself rushing to the front, conducted 
and added new vigor to the attack. The compact order in which 
this small body pressed on, and the impenetrable front which they 
presented with their long spears, bore down all opposition before 
it. They had now reached the gate, and were struggling to burst 
it open, when a soldier having set fire to the reeds with which the 
tower was covered, compelled Narvaez to sally out. In the first 
encounter he was wounded in the eye with a spear, and, falling to 
the ground, was dragged down the steps, and in a moment clapped 
in fetters. The cry of victory resounded among the troops of Cor- 
tes. Those who had sallied out with their leader now maintained 
the conflict feebly, and began to surrender. Among the remainder 
of his soldiers, stationed in two smaller towers of the temple, terror 
and confusion prevailed. The darkness was so great, that they 
could not distinguish between their friends and foes. Their own 
artillery was pointed against them. Wherever they turned their 
eyes, they beheld lights gleaming through the obscurity of the 
night, which, though proceeding only from a variety of shining 
insects, that abound in moist and sultry climates, their affrighted 
imaginations represented as numerous bauds 
of musketeers advancing with kindled matches 
to the attack. After a short resistance, the 
soldiers compelled their officers to capitulate, 
and before morning all laid down their arms, 
and submitted quietly to their conquerors. 

This complete victory proved more accept- 
able, as it was gained almost without blood- 
shed, only two soldiers being killed on the 
side of Cortes, and two officers, with fifteen 
private men of the adverse faction. Cortes 

treated the vanquished not like enemies, but as countrymen 
and friends, and offered either to send them back directly to 
Cuba, or to take them into his service, as partners in his fortune, 




THE CAPITULATION OF NAHVAEZ'S ARMV. 



526 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

on equal terms with his own soldiers. This latter proposition, 
seconded by a seasonable distribution of some presents from 
Cortes, and liberal promises of more, opened prospects so agree- 
able to the romantic expectations which had invited them to en- 
gage in this service, that all, a few partisans of Narvaez excepted, 
closed with it, and vied with each other in professions of fidelity 
and attachment to a general whose recent success had given them 
such a striking proof of his abilities for command. Thus, by a 
series of events no less fortunate than uncommon, Cortes not only 
escaped from perdition, which seemed inevitable, but, when he had 
least reason to expect.it, was placed at the head of a thousand 
Spaniards, ready to follow wherever he should lead them. Who- 
ever reflects upon the facility with which this victory was obtained, 
or considers with what sudden and unanimous transition the fol- 
lowers of Narvaez ranged themselves under the standard of his 
rival, will be apt to ascribe both events as much to the intrigues 
as to the arms of Cortes, and cannot but suspect that the ruin of 
Narvaez was occasioned no less by the treachery of his own follow- 
ers, than by the valor of the enemy. 




A MUSKETEER OF THE XVI. CGWTURV, 



CHAPTER LIX. 



IMPOLIT(C MEASURES OF ALVARAOO PRODUCE A CRISIS IN THE CITY OF MEXICO. RETURN OP 

CORTES, WHO FINDS HIMSELF BESIEGED IN HIS OWN QUARTERS SHORTLY AFTERWARDS. 

DEATH OF MONTEZUMA, AND HORRIBLE BUTCHERY OF THE SPANIARDS 

DURING THEIR RETREAT FROM THE CITY. THE "nOCHE TRISTE.' 

in one point, the prudent conduct 
and good fortune of Cortes were equally 
conspicuous. If, b\' the rapidity of his 
operations after he began his march, he 
had not brought matters to such a 
speedy issue, even this decisive vic- 
tory would have come too late to 
have saved his companions whom 
he left in Mexico. A few days after 
^ the discomfiture of Narvaez, a 
' courier arrived with an account 
^ that the Mexicans had taken 
arms, and, having seized and de- 
stroj-ed the two brigantines 
which Cortes had built in order 
to secure the command of the 
lake, and attacked the Spaniards 
in their quarters, had killed sev- 
eral of them, and wounded more, 
had reduced to ashes their mag- 
azine of provisions, and carried 
on hostilities with such fury, that 
though Alvarado and his men de- 
fended themselves with undaunted resolution, they must either be 
soon cut off by famine, or sink under the multitude of their ene- 
mies. This revolt was excited by motives which rendered it still 
more alarniifig. On the departiire of Cortes for Cempoala, the 
Mexicans flattered themselves, that the long-expected opportunity 
of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and of vindicating their 
country from the odious dominion of strangers, was at length ar- 
rived ; that while the forces of their oppressors were divided, and 




5^7) 



528 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



the arms of one party turned against the other, they might triumph 
with greater facility over both. Consultations were held, and 
schemes formed with this intention. The Spaniards in Mexico, 
conscious of their own feebleness, suspected and dreaded those 
machinations. Alvarado, though a gallant officer, possessed neither 
that extent of capacity, nor dignity of manners, by which Cortes 
had acquired such an ascendant over the minds of the Mexicans, as 
never allowed them to form a just estimate of his weakness or their 
own strength. Alvarado knew no mode of supporting his authority 
but force. Instead of emploA'ing address to disconcert the plans or 
to soothe the spirits of the Mexicans, he waited the return of one of 
their solemn festivals. When the principal persons in the empire 
were dancing, according to custom, in the court of the great temple, 

he seized all the avenues which led to it ; and, 
allured parth' by the rich ornaments which 
they wore in honor of their gods, and 
partly by the facility of cutting off at 
once the authors of that conspiracy 
which he dreaded, he fell upon 
them, unarmed and unsuspicious of 
,>_^^>; K any danger, and mas- 

sacred a great num- 
ber, none escaping 
but such as made 
their way over the 
battlements of the 
temple. An action 
so cruel and treach- 
erous filled not only 
the city, but the whole 
empire, with indigna- 
tion and rage. All 
called aloud for venge- 
ance ; and regardless 
of the safety of their 
monarch, whose life 
was at the mercy of the Spaniards, or of their own danger in as- 
saulting an enemy who had been so long the object of their ter- 
ror, they committed all those acts of violence of which Cortes 
received an account. 




ND1NG WALL Of THE GREAT TEOCALLt AND TEMPLE, SHOWING THE GREAT ENTRv-GaTE. 
RESTOnATION AFTER MOTHES, 



THE CONQUEST OK MEXICO. 1^39 

To him the danger appeared so imminent, as to admit neither 
of deliberation nor delay. He set out instantly with all his forces, 
and returned from Cempoala with no less rapidity than he had ad- 
vanced thither. At Tlascala he was joined b}- two thousand chosen 
warriors. On entering the Mexican territories, he found that dis- 
affection to the Spaniards was not confined to the capital. The 
principal inhabitants had deserted the towns through which he 
passed; no person of note appearing to meet him with the usual 
respect ; no provision was made for the subsistence of his troops ; 
and though he was permitted to advance without opposition, the 
solitude and silence which reigned in every place, and the horror 
with which the people avoided all intercourse with him, discovered 
a deep-rooted antipathy that excited the most just alarm. But im- 
placable as the enmity of the Mexicans was, they were so unac- 
quainted with the science of war, that they knew not how to take 
the proper measures, either for their own safety or the destruction 
of the Spaniards. Uninstructed by their former error in admitting 
a formidable enemy into their capital, instead of breaking down 
the causewaj'S and bridges, by which they might have inclosed Al- 
varado and his part}-, and have effectually stopped the career of 
Cortes, they again suffered him to march into the city without mo- 
lestation, and to take quiet possession of his ancient station. 

The transports of joy with which Alvarado and his soldiers re- 
ceived their companions can not be expressed. Both parties were 
so much elated, the one with their seasonable- deliverance, and the 
other with the great exploits which they had achieved, that this 
intoxication of success seems to have reached Cortes himself; and 
he behaved on this occasion neither with his usual sagacity nor at- 
tention. He not only neglected to visit Montezuma, but imbittered 
the insult by expressions full of contempt for that unfortunate 
prince and his people. The forces of which he had now the com- 
mand, appeared to him so irresistible, that he might assume a 
higher tone, and lay aside the mask of moderation, under which he 
had hitherto concealed his designs. Some ^Mexicans, who under- 
stood the Spanish language, heard the contemptuous words which 
Cortes uttered, and, reporting them to their countrymen, kindled 
their rage anew. They were now convinced that the inten- 
tions of the general were equally bloody with those of xA.lvarado, 
and that his original purpose in visiting their country had not 



530 



THE COXQUEST OF MEXICO. 




been, as he pretended, to court the alliance of their sovereign, but 
to attempt the conquest of his dominions. They resumed their 
arms with the additional fury which this discovery inspired, at- 
tacked a considerable body of Spaniards who were marching to- 
wards the great square in which the public market was held, and 
F -----__ — ^ __ compelled them to re- 

■'m^^^ ^^'^^fcH^TitiL-i ^^^^^^^^^^Wfcr tire with some loss. 
te A "^^fe^^^vS^l^Sli ■!«»» Emboldened by this 



success, and delighted 



/ tjArii l^f(i|« 







to find that their op- 
pressors were not in- 
vincible, they ad- 
vanced next da}- with 
extraordinary m a r - 
tial pomp to assault 
the Spaniards in their 
quarters. Their 
number was formid- 
able, and their un- 
daunted courage still 
more so. Though 
the artillery pointed 
against their numer- 
ous battalions, 
crowded together in 
narrow streets, swept 
off multitudes at ev- 
ery discharge; 
though every blow of the Spanish weapons fell with mortal effect upon 
their naked bodies, the inipetuosit}^ of the assault did not abate. 
Fresh men rushed forward to occupy the places of the slain, and, 
meeting with the same fate, were succeeded by others no less in- 
trepid and eager for vengeance. The iitmost efforts of Cortes' 
abilities and experience, seconded b}^ the disciplined valor of his 
troops, were hardly sufficient to defend the fortifications that sur- 
rounded the post where the Spaniards were stationed, into which 
the enemy were more than once on the point of forcing their way. 
Cortes beheld with wonder the implacable ferocity of a people 
who seemed at first to submit tamely to the yoke, and had contin- 




THE SPANIARDS BESIEGED IN THEIR OWN QUARTERS BY THE INFURIATED MEXICANS. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 531 

ued so long passive under it. The soldiers of Narvaez, who fondly 
imagined that they followed Cortes to share in the spoils of a con- 
quered empire, were astonished to find that they were involved in 
a dangerous war with an enemy whose vigor was still unbroken, 
and loudly execrated their own weakness, in giving such easy 
credit to the delusive promises of their new leader. But surprise 
and complaints were of no avail. Some immediate and extraordi- 
nary effort was requisite to extricate themselves out of their pres- 
ent situation. As soon as the approach of evening induced the 
Mexicans to retire, in compliance with their national custom of 
ceasing from hostilities with the setting sun, Cortes began to pre- 
pare for a sally, next day, with such a considerable force, as might 
either drive the enemy out of the city, or compel them to listen to 
terms of accommodation. 

He conducted in person the troops destined for this important 
service. Every invention known in the European art of war, as 
well as every precaution suggested by his long acquaintance with 
the Indian mode of fighting, were employed to ensure success. But 
lie found an enemy prepared and determined to oppose him. The 
force of the Mexicans was greatly augmented by fresh troops, 
which poured in continually from the country, and their animosity 
was in no degree abated. They were led by their nobles, inflamed 
b}^ the exhortations of their priests, and fought in defence of their 
temples and families, under the eye of their gods, and in presence 
of their wives and children. Notwithstanding their numbers, and 
enthusiastic contempt of danger and death, wherever the Spaniards 
could close with them, the superiority of their discipline and arms 
obliged the Mexicans to give way. But in narrow streets, and 
where many of the bridges of communication were broken down, 
the Spaniards could seldom come to a fair rencounter with the en- 
emy, and, as they advanced, were exposed to showers of arrows and 
stones from the tops of the houses. After a day of incessant exer- 
tion, though vast numbers of the Mexicans fell, and part of the city 
was burnt, the Spaniards, weary with the slaughter, and harassed 
by multitudes which successively relieved each other, were obliged 
at length to retire, with the mortiiication of having accomplished 
nothing so decisive as to compensate the unusual calamity of hav- 
ing twelve soldiers killed, and above sixty wounded. Another 
sally, made with greater force, was not more effectual, and in it the 
general himself was wounded in the hand. 



532 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 






Cortes now perceived, too late, the fatal error into which he 
had been betrayed by his own contempt of the Mexicans, and was 

satisfied that he could neither 



■^■: 



T/' 



M* 




maintain his present station 
in the center of a hostile 
city, nor retire from it with- 
out the most imminent dan- 
ger. One resource still re- 
mained, to try what effect 
the interposition of Monte- 
ziima might have to soothe 
or overawe his subjects. 
When the Mexicans ap- 
proached next morning to 
renew the assault, that un- 
fortunate prince, at the 
mercy of the Spaniards, and 
reduced to the sad necessity 
of becoming the instrument 
of his own disgrace, and of 
the slavery of his people, ad- 
vanced to the battlements in 
his royal robes, and with all 
the pomp in which he used 
to appear on solemn occa- 
sions. At sight of their sov- 
ereign, whom they had long 
been accustomed to honor, 
and almost to revere as a god, 
the weapons dropped from 
their hands, every tongue was 
silent, all bowed their heads, and many prostrated themselves on 
the ground. Montezuma addressed them with every argument 
that could mitigate their rage, or persuade them to cease from 
hostilities. When he ended his discourse, a sullen murmur of 
disapprobation ran through the ranks ; to this succeeded reproaches 
and threats ; and the fury of the multitude rising in a moment 
above every restraint of decency or respect, flights of arrows and 



MONTEZUMA MORTALLY •' 

WOUNDED ON THE BATTLEMENTS "' ■ ■ 

OF THE SPANISH QUARTERS. 

WHILE ATTEMPTING TO PACIFY HIS SUBJECTS 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 533 

volleys of stones poured in so violently upon the ramparts, that 
before the Spanish soldiers, appointed t(; cover Alontezuma with 
their bucklers, had time to lift them in his defence, two arrows 
wounded the unhappy monarch, and the blow of a stone on his 
temple struck him to the ground. On seeing him fall, the Mexi- 
cans were so much astonished, that with a transition not uncom- 
mon in popular tumults, they passed \u a moment from one 
extreme to the other, remorse succeeded to insult, and the}' fled 
with horror, as if the vengeance of heaven were pursuing the crime 
which the}^ had committed. The Spaniards, without molestation, 
carried Montezuma to his apartments, and Cortes hastened thither 
to console him under his misfortune. But the unhappy monarch 
now perceived how low he was sunk ; and, the haughty spirit, 
which seemed to have been so long extinct, returning he scorned 
to survive this last humiliation, and to protract an ignominious 
life, not only as the prisoner and tool of his enemies, but as the 
object of contempt or detestation among his subjects. In a trans- 
port of rage he tore the bandages from his wounds, and refused, 
with such obstinacy, to take any nourishment, that he soon ended 
his wretched days, rejecting with disdain all the solicitations of the 
Spaniards to embrace the Christian faith. 

Upon the death of Montezuma, Cortes, having lost all hope of 
bringing the Mexicans to an accommodation, saw no prospect of 
safety but in attempting a retreat, and began to prepare for it. 
But a sudden motion of the Mexicans engaged him in new conflicts. 
They took possession of a high tower in the great temple which 
overlooked the Spanish quarters, and placing there a garrison of 
their principal warriors, not a Spaniard could stir without beiug 
exposed to their missile weapons. From this post it was necessary 
to dislodge them at any risk ; and Juan de Escobar, with a numer- 
ous detachment of chosen soldiers, was ordered to make the attack. 
But Escobar, though a gallant officer, and at the head of troops ac- 
customed to conquer, and who now fought under tli-.- eyes of their 
countrymen, was thrice repulsed. Cortes, sensible that not only 
the reputation but the safety of his armv depended on the success 
of this assault, ordered a buckler to be tied to his arm, as he covild 
not manage it with his wounded hand, and rushed with his drawn 
sword into the thickest of the combatants. Encouraged by the 
presence of their general, the Spaniards returned to the charge with 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



such vigor, that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and 
drove the Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. There 

a dreadful carnage began; 



when two young Mexicans 
of high rank, observing 
Cortes as he animated his 
soldiers by his voice and 
example, resolved to sacri- 
fice their own lives in order 
to cut off the author of all 
the calamities which deso- 
lated their country. They 
approached him in a sup- 
pliant posture, as if they 
had intended to lay down 
their arms, and seizing him 
in a moment, hurried him 
towards the battlements, 
over which they threw 
themselves headlong, in 
hopes of dragging him along 
to be dashed in pieces by the 
same fall. But Cortes, by 
his strength and agility, 
broke loose from their grasp, 
and the gallant 3'ouths per- 
ished in this generous 
though iinsuccessful attempt 
to save their country. As 
soon as the Spaniards be- 
came masters of the tower, 
they set fire to it, and, with- 
out farther molestation, con- 
tinued the preparations for 
their retreat. 
This became the more necessar}', as the Mexicans were so much 
astonished at the last effort of the Spanish valor, that they began 
to change their whole system of hostility, and, instead of incessant 
attacks, endeavored, by barricading the streets and breaking down 




COHTES IN IMMINENT DANGER OF Mi^ OW 



L'FE. SAVED Bv H'S STRENGTH 



THE CONOUKST OF MKXICO. 



535 



the cause\va3-s, to cut off the communication of the Spaniards with 
the continent, and thus to starve an enemj- whom the}- conld not 
subdue. The first point to be determined by Cortes and his follow- 
ers, was, whether they should march out openly in the face of day, 
when they could discern every danger, and see how to regulate their 
own motions, as well as how to resist the assaults of the enemy ; or, 
whether they should endeavor to retire secretly in the night ? The 
latter was preferred, partly from hopes that their national supersti- 
tion wotild restrain the Mexicans from venturing to attack them in 
the night, and partly from their fond belief in the predictions of a 
private soldier, who, having acquired universal credit by a smatter- 
ing of learning, and his pretensions to astrology, boldly assured his 
countrymen of success, if they made their re- ■ 
treat in this manner. They began to move, to- 
wards midnight, in three divisions. Sandoval 
led the van ; Pedro Alvarado and Velasquez de 
Leon had the conduct of the rear; and Cortes 
commanded in the center, where he placed the 
prisoners, among whom were a son and two 
daughters of Montezuma, together with several 
Mexicans of distinction, the artillery, the bag- 
gage, and a portable bridge of timber, intended 
to be laid over the breaches 
in the causeway. They [; 
marched in profound si- 
lence along the catiseway 
which led to Tacuba, be- 
cause it was shorter than 
any of the rest, and, lying 
most remote from the road 
towards Tlascala and the 
sea-coast, had been left 
more entire by the Mexi- 
cans. The}' reached the 
first breach in it without 
molestation, hoping., that 
their retreat was undis- 
covered. 

But the Mexicans, unper- 




30 



'NOCME TRt^TE." THE SOBROWFU 



536 THE CONQUEST OF MEX-ICO. 

ceived, had not only watched all their motions with attention, 
but had made proper dispositions for a most formidable attack. 
While the Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridge in 
the breach, and occupied in conducting their horses and artiller}' 
along it, the}' were suddenly alarmed with a tremendous sound 
of warlike instruments, and a general shout from an innumer- 
able multitude of enemies ; the lake was covered with canoes ; 
^.ights of arrows and showers of stones poured in upon them 
fro-m every quarter ; the Mexicans rushing forward to the charge 
with fearless impetuosity, as if they hoped in that moment to be 
avenged for all their wrongs. Unfortunately the wooden bridge, 
by the weight of the artillery, was wedged so fast into the stones 
and mud, that it was impossible to remove it. Dismayed at this 
accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipitation towards the 
second breach. The Mexicans hemmed them in on every side ; 
and though they defended themselves with their usual courage, 
yet, crowded together as the}- were on a narrow^ causeway, their 
discipline and military skill were of little avail, nor did the obscu- 
rity of the night permit them to derive great advantage from their 
fire-arms, or the superiority of their other weapons. All IMexico 
was now in arms ; and so eager were the people on the destruction 
of their oppressors, that they who were not near enough to anno}' 
them in person, impatient of the delay, pressed forward with such 
ardor as drove on their countrymen in the front with irresistible 
violence. Fresh warriors instantly filled the place of such as fell. 
The Spaniards, weary with slaughter, and unable to sustain the 
weight of the torrent that poured in upon them, began to give way. 
In a moment the confusion was universal ; horse and foot, ofi&cers 
and soldiers, friends and enemies, were mingled together ; and while 
all fought, and many fell, they could hardly distinguish from what 
hand the blow came. 

Cortes, with about a hundred foot-soldiers and a few horse, forced 
his way over the two remaining breaches in the causeway, the bod- 
ies of the dead serving to fill up the chasms, and reached the main- 
land. Having formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with 
such as were yet capable of service to assist his friends in their re- 
treat, and to encourage them, by his presence and example, to per- 
severe in the efforts requisite to effect it. He met with part of his 
soldiers, who had broke through the enemy, but found many more 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



54' 



overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggressors, or perishiug in 
the lake ; and heard the pitious lamentations of others, whom the 
Mexicans, having taken alive, were carrying off in triumph to be 
sacrificed to the god of war. Before day, all who had escaped assem- 
bled at Tacuba. But when the morning dawned, and discovered to 
the view of Cortes, his shattered battalion, reduced to less than half 
its number, the survivors dejected, and most of them covered with 
wounds, the thoughts of what they had suffered, and the remem- 
brance of so man}- faithful friends and gallant followers who had 
fallen in that night of sorrow, pierced his soul with such anguish, 
that while he was forming their ranks, and issuing some necessary 
orders, the soldiers observed the tears trickling from his eyes, and 
remarked, with much satisfaction, that while attentive to the duties 
of a general, he was not insensible to the feelings of a man. 

In this fatal retreat many officers of distinction perished, and 
among these Velasquez de Leon, who having forsaken the part}' of 
his kinsman, the governor of Cuba, to follow the fortunes of his 
companions, was, on that account, as -well as for his superior merit, 
respected by them as the second person in the ariny. All the artil- 
lery, ammunition, and baggage, were lost ; the greater part of the 
horses, and above two thousand Tlascalans, were killed, and only 
a ver}' small portion of the treasure wdiich they had amassed was 
saved. This, which had alwa^^s been their chief object, proved a 
great cause of their calamity; for man}' of the soldiers having so 
overloaded themselves with bars of gold as rendered them unfit for 
action, and retarded their flight, fell ignominiously, the victims of 
their own inconsiderate avarice. Amidst so manj^ disasters, it was 
some consolation to find that Aguilar and Marina, whose function 
as interpreters was of such essential importance, had made their 
escape. 













jg«^W| 




"■^S"^ 


^^SlAi 


1S^W%^ 






^J^^ 

k^B 


m 


m 


m 


var^jH^ 


S 





CHAPTER LX. 




RETREAT AND BATTLE OF OTUMBA RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS IN TLASCALA. MUTINOUS 
SPIRIT OF THE TROOPS AND MEANS EMPLOYED BY CORTES TO REVIVE THEIR CON- 
FIDENCE STRENGTHENED BY SEVERAL REINFORCEMENTS, HE AGAIN 
MARCHES AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO '1520.) 

HE first care of Cortes was to find some shelter for his 
wearied troops ; for, as the Mexicans infested them on 
every side, and the people of Tacuba began to take 
arms, he could not continue in his present station. He 
directed his march towards the rising ground, and, having fortu- 
nately discovered a temple situated on an eminence, took possession 

of it. There he found not only 
the shelter for which he wished, 
but, what was no less wanted, 
some provisions to refresh his 
men ; and though the enemy did 
not intermit their attacks 
throughout the day, they were 
with less difficulty prevented 
from making any impression. 
During this time Cortes was en- 
gaged in deep consultation with 
his officers, concerning the route 
which they ought to take in 
their retreat. They were now on 
the west side of the lake. Tlas- 
cala, the only place where they 
could hope for a friendl}' recep- 
tion, lay about sixty-four miles 
to the east of Mexico; so that 
they were obliged to go round 
the north end of the lake before 
they could fall into the road 




(54») 



THE ■' NOCHE TniSTE ■• THEE AT POPOTLAH. 
PIACE WMME CORTES FOUND SHELTER AFTER HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 543 

which led thither. A Tlascalaii soldier undertook to be their 
guide, and conducted ther.i through a country in some places 
marshy, in others mountainous, in all ill cultivated and thinly 
peopled. They marched for six days with little respite, and under 
continual alarm.;., numerous bodies of the Mexicans hovering 
around them, sometimes harassing them at a distance with their 
missile weapons, and sometimes attacking them closely in front, 
in rear, in flank, with great boldness, as they now knew that they 
were not invincible. Nor were the fatigue and danger of those in- 
cessant conflicts the worst evils to which they were exposed. As 
the barren country througli which they passed afforded hardlv any 
provisions, the}' were reduced to feed on berries, roots, and the 
stalks of green maize; and at the very time that famine was de- 
pressing their spirits and wasting their strength, their situation 
required the most vigorous and unremitting exertions of courage 
and activity. Amidst those complicated distresses, one circum- 
stance supported and animated the Spaniards. Their commander 
sustained this sad reverse of fortune with unshaken magnanimity. 
His presence of mind never forsook him; his sagacity foresaw 
every event, and his vigilance provided for it. He was foremost 
in every danger, and endured every hardship with cheerfulness. 
The difficulties with which he was surrounded seemed to call forth 
new talents ; and his soldiers, though despairing themselves, con- 
tinued to follow him with increasing confidence in his abilities. 

On the sixth day they arrived near to Otumba, not far from 
the road between Mexico and Tlascala. Early next morning they 
began to advance towards it, flying parties of the eneni}- still hang- 
ing on the rear ; and, amidst the insults with which they accompanied 
their hostilities, Marina remarked that they often exclaimed with 
exultation, " Go on, robbers; go to the place where j'ou shall quickly 
meet ^he vengeance due to your crimes." The meaning of this 
threat ihe Spaniards did not comprehend, until the}' reached the 
summit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley 
opened to their view, covered with a vast army extending as far as 
the eye could reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of their 
troops they harassed the Spaniards in their retreat, had assembled 
their principal force on the other side of the lake ; and marching 
along the road which led directly to Tlascala, posted it in the plain 
of Otumba, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the 



544 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



sight of this incredible multitude, which they could survey at once 
from the rising ground, the Spanish were astonished, and even 
the boldest began to despair. But Cortes, without allowing leis- 
ure for their fears to acquire strength by reflection, after warning 
them briefly that no alternative now remained but to conquer or to 
die, led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans waited their 
approach with unusual fortitude. Such, however, was the superi- 
ority of the Spanish discipline and arms, that the impression of 
this small body was irresistible ; and whichever way its force was 
directed, it penetrated and dispersed the most numerous battalions. 
But while these gave way in one quarter, new combatants advanced 
from another, and the Spaniards, though successful in every attack, 
were ready to sink under those repeated efforts, without seeing any 
end of their toil, or any hope of victory. At that time, Cortes ob- 
served the great standard of the empire, which was carried before 
the Mexican general, advancing ; and fortunatel}^ recollecting to 
have heard, that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle. 
he assembled a few of his bravest officers, whose horses were still 
capable of service, and, placing himself at their head, pushed for- 
ward towards the standard with an impetuosity which bore down 
every thing before it. A chosen body of nobles, who guarded the 
standard, made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortes, with 
a stroke of his sword, wounded the Mexican General, and threw him 
to the ground. One of the Spanish ofi&cers, alighting, put an end 
t ^- to his life, and laid hold of the imperial stand- 

ard. The moment that their leader fell, and 
the standard, towards which all directed their 
eyes, disappeared, a universal panic struck 
the Mexicans ; and, as if the bond which held 
them together had been dissolved, every en- 
sign was lowered, each soldier threw away his 
weapons, and all fled with precipitation to the 
mountains. The Spaniards, unable to pursue 
them far, returned to collect the spoils of the 
field, which were so valuable as to be some 
compensation for the wealth which they had 
lost in Mexico ; for in the enemy's army were 
most of their principal warriors dressed out 
in their richest ornaments, as if they had 







"Nf 




STBATEGV OF CjaTES AT THE BATTLE OF OTUMBA. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



545 



been marching to assured victory. Next day [July 8], to their 
great joy, they entered the Tlascalan territories. 

But, amidst their satisfaction in having got beyond the pre- 
cincts of a hostile country, they could not look forward without 
solicitude, as they were still uncertain what reception they might 
meet with from allies, to whom they returned in a condition very 
different from that in which they had lately set out from their do- 
minions. Happilv for them, the enmity of the Tlascalanr. to the 
Mexican name was so inveterate, their desire to avenge the death 
of their countrymen so vehement, and the ascendant which Cortes 
had acquired over the chiefs of the republic so complete, that, far 
from entertaining a thought of taking any advantage of the dis- 
tressed situation in which they beheld the Spaniards, they received 
them with a tender- 
ness and cordiality 
which quickh^ dis- 
sipated all their 
siispicions. 

Some interval 
of tranquillity 
and indulgence 
was now absolute- 
ly necessary ; not 
only that the 
Spaniards might 
give attention to 
the cure of their wounds, which had been too long neglected, 
but in order to recruit their strength, exhausted by such a long 
succession of fatigue and hardships. During this, Cortes learned 
that he and his companions were not the only Spaniards who had 
felt the effects of the Mexican enmity. A considerable detachment 
which was marching from Cempoala towards the capital, had been 
cut off by the people of Tepeaca. A smaller party, returning from 
Tlascala to Vera Cruz, with the share of the Mexican gold allotted 
to the garrison, had been surprised and destroyed in the mountains. 
At a juncture when the life of every Spaniard was of importance, 
such losses were deeply felt. The schemes which Cortes was med- 
itating rendered them peculiarly afflictive to him. While his ene- 
mies, and even many of his own followers, considered the disasters 



MEXICAN SOLDIERS WAYLAY THE TREASURE-LADEN SPANIARDS IN THE MOUNTAINS, AND UTTERLY 




-IHILATE THEM. 



546 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICi 



which had befallen him as fatal to the progress of his arms, and 
imagined that nothing now remained but speedily to abandon a 
country which he had invaded with unequal force, his mind, as em- 
inent for perseverance as for enterprise, was still bent on accom- 
plishing his original purpose, of subjecting the Mexican empire to 
the crown of Castile. Severe and unexpected as the check was 
which he had received, it did not appear to him as a sufl&cient rea- 
son for relinquishing the conquests which he had already made, or 
against resuming his operations with better hopes of success. The 
colony at Vera Cruz was not only safe, but had remained unmo- 
lested. The people of Cempoala and the adjacent districts had 
discovered no symptoms of defection. The Tlascalans continued 
faithful to their alliance. On their martial spirit, easily roused to 
arms, and inflamed with implacable hatred of the Mexicans, Cortes 
depended for powerful aid. He had still the command of a body 
of Spaniards, equal in number to that with which he had opened 
his way into the centre of the empire, and had taken possession of 
the capital ; so that with the benefit of greater experience, as well 
as more perfect knowledge of the country, he did not despair of 
quickly recovering all that he had been deprived of by untoward 
events. 

Full of this idea, he courted the Tlascalan chiefs with such at- 
tention, and distributed among them so liberally the rich spoils of 
Otumba, that he was secure of obtaining whatever he should require 
of the republic. He drew a small supply of ammunition and two 
or three field-pieces from his stores at Vera Cruz. He despatched 
an officer of confidence with four ships of Narvaez's fleet to 
Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventurers, and to pur- 
chase horses, gunpowder, and other military stores. As he 
knew that it would be vain to attempt the reduction of Mexico, 
unless he could secure the command of the lake, he 
gave orders to prepare in the mountains of Tlascala, 
materials for building twelve brigantines, so as they 
might be carried thither in pieces ready to be put 
together, and launched when he stood in need of 
their service. 

But while, with provident attention, he was 
taking those necessary steps towards the execu- 
tion of his measures, an obstacle arose in a quarter 




TLASCALANS CUTTING DOWN TIMBER FOR THE CON- 
STRUCTION OF THE BRIGANTINE6. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 547 

where it was least expected, but most formidable. The spirit 
of discontent and mutiny broke out in his own army. Many 
of Narvaez's followers were planters rather than soldiers, and had 
accompanied him to New Spain with sanguine hopes of obtaining 
settlements, but with little inclination to engage in the hardships 
and dangers of war. As the same motives had induced them to 
enter into their new engagements with Cortes, they no sooner be- 
came acquainted with the nature of the service, than they bitterly 
repented of their choice. Such of them as had the good fortune to 
survive the perilous adventures in which their own imprudence had 
involved them, happy in having made their escape, trembled at the 
thoughts of being exposed a second time to similar calamities. As 
soon as they discovered the intention of Cortes, they began se- 
cretly to murmur and cabal, and, waxing graduall}- more audacious, 
they, in a body, offered a remonstrance to their general against the 
imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered 
forces, and formally required him to lead them back directly to 
Cuba. Though Cortes, long practiced in the arts of command, 
employed arguments, entreaties, and presents to convince or soothe 
them ; though his own soldiers, animated with the spirit of their 
leader, warmly seconded his endeavors ; he found their fears too 
violent and deep-rooted to be removed, and the utmost he could 
effect was to prevail with them to defer their departure for some 
time, on a promise that he would, at a more proper juncture, dis- 
miss such as should desire it. 

That the malecontents might have no leisure to brood over the 
causes of their disaffection, he resolved instantly to call forth his 
troops into action. He proposed to chastise the people of Tepeaca 
for the outrage which they had committed ; and as the detachment 
which they had cut off happened to be composed mostly of soldiers 
who had served under Narvaez, their companions, from the desire 
of vengeance, engaged the more willingly in this war. He took 
the command in person [August] accompanied by a numerous body 
of Tlascalans, and in the space of a few weeks, after various en- 
counters, with great slaughter of the Tepeacans, reduced that prov- 
ince to subjection. During several months, while he waited for the 
supplies of men and ammunition which he expected, and was car- 
rying on his preparations for constructing the brigantines, he kept 
his troops constantly employed in various expeditions against the 



548 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



THE SPANIARDS. ASSI 
THE 



adjacent provinces, all of which were conducted with a uniform tenor 
ci success. By these, his men became again accustomed to victory, 
and resumed their wonted sense of superiority ; the Mexican 
power was weakened ; the Tlascalan warriors acquired the habit 
oi acting in conjunction with the Spaniards; and the chiefs of 
^^ the republic delighted to see their country 
{ enriched with the spoils of all the people 
around them ; and, astonished every day with 
fresh discoveries of the irresistible prowess of 
their allies, declined no effort requisite to sup- 
port them. 

All those preparatory arrangements, how- 
, ever, though the most prudent and eihcacious 
!if ] which the situation of Cortes allowed him to 
make, would have been of little avail without 
a reinforcement of Spanish soldiers. Of this 
he was so deeply sensible, that it was the chief 
object of his thoughts and wishes ; and j^et his 
only prospect of obtaining it from the return 
of the officer whom he had sent to the isles to 
solicit aid, was both distant and uncertain. 
But what neither his own sagacity nor power 
k*".!^ could have procured, he owed to a series of 
fortunate and unforeseen incidents. The gov- 
ernor of Cuba, to whom the success of Narvaez 
appeared an event of infallible certainty, having sent two small 
ships after him with new instructions, and a supply of men and 
military stores, the officer whom Cortes had appointed to command 
on the coast, artfully decoyed them into the harbor of Vera Cruz, 
seized the vessels, and easily persuaded the soldiers to follow the 
standard of a more able leader than him whom they were destined to 
join. Soon after, three ships of more considerable force came into 

the harbor separately. These belonged to an 
armament fitted out by Francisco de Garay, 
governor of Jamaica, w-ho, being possessed 
with the rage of discovery and conquest 
which animated every Spaniard settled in 
America, had long aimed at intruding into 
some district of New Spain, and dividing 




STED BY THEIR TLASCALAN ALLIES. REDUCE 
TEPEACANS TO SUBJECTION. 




THE GARRISON OF VERA CRUZ StGHT THE VESSELS SENT BY THE 

GOVERNOR OF CUBA IN AID OF NARVAEZ, AND DECOY 

THEM INTO THE HARBOR. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 549 

with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing that empire to the 
crown of Castile. They unadvisedly made their attempt on the 
northern provinces, where the country was poor, and the people 
fierce and warlike ; and after a cruel succession of disasters, famine 
compelled them to venture into Vera Cruz, and cast themselves 
upon the mercy of their countrymen [Oct. 28]. Their fidelity was 
not proof against the splendid hopes and promises which had se- 
duced other adventurers ; and, as if the spirit of revolt had been 
contagious in New Spain, they likewise abandoned the master whom 
they were bound to serve, and enlisted under Cortes. Nor was it 
America alone that furnished such unexpected aid ; a ship arrived 
from Spain, freighted by some private merchants with military 
stores, in hopes of a profitable market in a country, the fame of 
whose opulence began to spread over Europe. Cortes eagerly pur- 
chased a cargo which to him was invaluable, and the crew, follow- 
ing the general example, joined him at Tlascala. 

From those various quarters, the army of Cortes was augmented 
with a hundred and eight}- men, and twenty horses, a reinforcement 
too inconsiderable to produce an}' consequence which would have 
entitled it to have been mentioned in the history of other parts of 
the globe. But in that of America, where great revolutions were 
brought about by causes which seemed to bear no proportion to 
their effects, such small events rise into importance, because they 
were sufficient to decide with respect to the fate of kingdoms. Nor 
is it the least remarkable instance of the singular felicity conspicu- 
ous in many passages of Cortes' storj', that the two persons chiefly 
instrumental in furnishing him with those seasonable supplies^ 
should be an avowed enemy who aimed at his destruction, and an 
envious rival who wished to supplant him. 

The first effect of the junction with his new followers was to 
enable him to dismiss such of Narvaez's soldiers as remained with 
reluctance in his service. After their departure, he still mustered 
five hundred and fifty infantry, of which fourscore were armed with 
muskets or crossbows, forty horsemen, and a train of nine field- 
pieces. At the head of these, accompanied by ten thousand Tlas- 
calans and other friendly Indians, Cortes began his march towards 
Mexico, on the 28th of December, six months after his disastrous 
retreat from that city. 



CHAPTER LXI. 



PREPARATIONS OF THE MEXICANS FOR THEIR DEFENSE. CORTES' SLOW AND CAUTIOUS 

OPERATIONS IN INVESTING THE CITY. LAUNCH OF THE BRIGANTINES. 

GUATEMOTZIN'S HEROIC DEFENSE OF THE PALLADIUM 

OF THE EMPIRE. 



IR did he advance to 
ittack an enemy un- 
prepared to receive 
him. Upon the 
death of Monte- 
zuma, the Mexican 
chiefs, in whom the 
right of electing 
the emperor was 
vested, had in- 
stantly raised his 
jrother Quetlavaca to 
the throne. His 
avowed and inveterate 
enmity to the Spaniards 
would have been sufficient 
to gain their suffrages, 
although he had been 
less distinguished for 
courage and capacity. 
He had an immediate 
opportunity of show- 
ing that he was worthy of their choice, by conducting in person those 
fierce attacks which compelled the Spaniards to abandon his capital ; 

*The Spartan Leonidas defended the pass of Thermopylae with 300 of his countrymen, 
against the legions of Persia under Xerxes, only one making his escape. He, upon reaching 
Sparta, was disowned by his 7nother for this piece of cowardice. 




GUATEMOTZIN. 



LEONIDAS OF MEXICO.* 



(SSO) 



THK CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 551 

as soon as their -etreat afforded him any respite from action, he 
took measures for preventing their return to Mexico, with prudence 
equal to the spirit which he had displayed in driving them out of 
it. As from the vicinity of Tlascala, he could not be unacquainted 
with the motions and intentions of Cortes, he observed the storm 
that was gathering, and began earl}- to provide against it. He re- 
paired what the Spaniards had ruined in the city, and strength- 
ened it with such new fortifications as the skill of his subjects was 
capable of erecting. Besides filling his magazines with the usual 
weapons of war, he gave directions to make long spears headed 
with the swords and daggers taken from the Spaniards, in order to 
annoy the cavalry. He summoned the people in every province of 
the empire to take arms against their oppressors, and, as an encour- 
agement to exert themselves with vigor, he promised them exemption 
from all the taxes which his predecessors had imposed. But what 
he labored with the greatest earnestness, was, to deprive the Span- 
iards of the advantages which they derived from the friendship of 
the Tlascalans, by endeavoring to persuade that people to renounce 
all connection with men who were not only avowed enemies of the 
gods whom they worshiped, but who would not fail to subject them 
at last to the same yoke, which they were now inconsiderately lend- 
ing their aid to impose upon others. These representations, no 
less striking than well-founded, were urged so forcibly by his am- 
bassadors, that it required all the address of Cortes to prevent their 
making a dangerous impression. 

But while Quetlavaca was arranging his plan of defense, with 
a degree of foresight uncommon in an American, his days were cut 
short by the small-pox. This distemper, which raged at that time 
in New Spain with fatal malignity, was unknown in that quarter 
of the globe, until it was introduced by the Europeans, and may be 
reckoned among the greatest calamities brought upon them by 
their invaders. In his stead the Mexicans raised to the throne 
Guatemotzin, nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma, a young man 
of such high reputation for abilities and valor, that, in this danger- 
ous crisis, his couutymen, with one voice, called him to the supreme 
command. 

As soon as Cortes entered the enemy's territories, he discov- 
ered various preparations to obstruct his progress. But his troops 
forced their way with little difficulty, and took possession of Tez- 



552 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



cuco, the second city of the empire, situated on the banks of the 
lake about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he determined to 
establish his headquarters, as the most proper station for launching 
his brigantines, as well as for making his approaches to the cap- 
ital. In order to render his residence there more secure, he de- 
posed the cacique, or chief, who was at the head of that community, 
under pretext of some defect in his title, and substituted in his 
place a person whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the 
right heir of that dignity. Attached to him by this benefit, the 

new cacique and his ad- 
herents served the 
Spaniards with inviol- 
able fidelity. 

As the preparations 
for constructing the 
brigantines advanced 
slowly under the un- 
skillful hands of sol- 
diers and Indians, 
whom Cortes was 
obliged to employ in 
assisting three or four 
carpenters who liap- 
^S pened fortunately to be 
^^ in his service ; and as 
he had not yet re- 
c e i v e d the reinforce- 
ments which he ex- 
pected from Hispaniola, 
he was not in a con- 
dition to turn his arms directly against the capital. To have 
attacked, at this period, a city so populous, so well prepared for 
defense, and in a situation of such peculiar strength, must have 
exposed his troops to inevitable destruction. Three months 
elapsed before the materials for the brigantines were finished, 
and before he heard any thing with respect to the success of 
the officer whom he had sent to Hispaniola. This, however, was 
not a season of inaction to Cortes. He attacked successively 
several of the towns situated around the lake ; and though all the 




CORTES AND HIS ALLIES TAKE THE CITV OF TEZCUCO 6V STORM. 



THE COXOrHST OF MEXICO. 553 

Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his operations, he either 
compelled them to submit to the Spr.nish crown, or reduced them 
to ruins. The inhabitants of other towns he endeavored to con- 
ciliate by more gentle means ; and though he could not hold any 
intercourse with them but by the intervention of interpreters, yet, 
under all the disadvantages of that tedious and imperfect mode of 
communication, he had acquired such thorough knowledge of the 
state of the country, as well as of the dispositions of the people, 
that he conducted his negotiations and intrigues with astonishing 
dexterity and success. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico were 
originally the capitals of small independent states; and some of 
them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, still 
retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with 
impatience the rigorous yoke of their new masters. Cortes, having 
earlv observed symptoms of their disaffection, availed himself of 
this knowledge to gain their confidence and friendship. By offer- 
ing with confidence to deliver them from the odious dominion of 
the [Mexicans, and by liberal promises of more indulgent treatment, 
if thev would unite with him against their oppressors, he prevailed 
on the people of several considerable districts, not only to acknowl- 
edge the King of Castile as their sovereign, but to supply the 
Spanish camp with provisions, and to strengthen his army with 
auxiliary troops. Guatemotzin, on the first appearance of defection 
among his subjects, exerted himself with vigor to prevent or to 
punish their revolt; but, in spite of his efforts, the spirit continued 
to spread. The Spaniards gradually acqiiired new allies, and with 
deep concern he beheld Cortes arming against his empire those 
very bands which ought to have been active in its defense, and 
read}' to advance against the capital at the head of a numerous 
body of his own subjects. 

While, by those various methods, Cortes was gradually circum- 
scribing the Mexican power in siich a manner that his prospect of 
overturning it seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his 
schemes were well-nigh defeated by a conspiracj' no less unejcpected 
than dangerous. The soldiers of Narvaez had never united per- 
fectly with the original companions of Cortes, nor did they enter 
into his measures with the same cordial zeal. Upon every occasion 
that required any extraordinary effort of courage or of patience, 
their spirits were apt to sink ; and now, on a near view of what 



554 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

they had to encounter, in attempting to reduce a city so inaccessi- 
ble as Mexico, and defended by a numerous army, the resolution 
even of those among them who had adhered to Cortes when he was 
deserted by their associates, began to fail. Their fears led them to 
presumptuous and unsoldier-likc discussions concerning the propri- 
ety of their general's measures, and the improbability of their suc- 
cess. From these they proceeded to censure and invectives, and 
at last began to deliberate how they might provide for their own 
safety, of which they deemed their commander to be totally negli- 
gent. Antonio Villefana, a private soldier, but bold, intriguing, 
and strongl}' attached to VelaL;.quez, artfull}' fomented this growing 
spirit of disaffection. His quarters became the rendezvous of the 
malcontents, where, after many consultations, they could discover 
no method of checking Cortes in his career, but by assassinating 
him and his most considerable officers, and conferring the command 
upon some person who would relinquish his wild plans, and adopt 
measures more consistent with the general security. Despair in- 
spired them with courage. The hour for perpetrating the crime, 
the persons whom they destined as victims, the officers to succeed 
them in command, were all named ; and the conspirators signed an 
association, by which they bound themselves with most solemn oaths 
to mutual fidelity. But on the evening before the appointed day, 
one of Cortes' ancient followers, who had been seduced into the con- 
spiracy, touched with compunction at the imminent danger of a man 
whom he had long been accustomed to revere, or struck with horror 
at his own treachery, went privately to his general, and revealed to 
him all that he knew. Cortes, though deeply alarmed, discerned at 
once what conduct was proper in a situation so critical. He repaired 
instantly to Villefafla's quarters, accompanied by some of his most 
trusty officers. The astonishment and confusion of the man at this 
unexpected visit anticipated the confession of his guilt. Cortes, 
while his attendants seized the traitor, snatched from his bosom a 
paper containing the association signed by the conspirators. Im- 
patient to know how far the defection extended, he retired to read 
it, and found there names which filled him with surprise and sor- 
row. But, aware how dangerous a strict scrutiny might prove at 
such a juncture, he confined his judicial inquiries to Villefaiia 
alone. As the proofs of his guilt were manifest, he was condemned 
after a short trial, and next morning he was seen hanging before 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



555 



the door of the house in which he had lodged. Cortes called his 
troops together, and having explained to them the atrocious pur- 
pose of the conspirators, as well as the 
justice of the punishment inflicted on Vil- 
lefaiia, he added, with an appearance of 
satisfaction, that he was entirely ignorant 
ith respect to all the circumstances of 



w 




EXECUTION OF VILLEFANA IN THE PRESENCE OF BOMB OF HIS 
FELLOW-CONSPIRATOna. 



this dark transaction, as the traitor, when 
arrested, had suddenly torn and swallowed 
a paper, which probably contained an ac- 
count of it, and under the severest tortures 
possessed such constancy as to conceal 
the names of his accomplices. This artful 
declaration restored tranquillity to many 
a breast that was throbbing, while he 
spoke, with consciousness of guilt and dread of detection ; and by 
this prudent moderation, Cortes had the advantage of having dis- 
covered, and of being able to observe such of his followers as were 
disaffected ; while they, flattering themselves that their past crime 
was unknown, endeavored to avert any suspicion of it, by redoubling 
their activity and zeal in his service. 

Cortes did not allow them leisure to ruminate on what had 
happened ; and as the most effectual means of preventing the re- 
turn of a mutinous spirit, he determined to call forth his troops 
immediately to action. Fortunately, a proper occasion for this oc- 
curred without his seeming to court it. He received intelligence 
that the materials for building the brigantines were at length 
completely finished, and waited only for a bodv of Spaniards to 
conduct them to Tezcuco. The command of this convoy, consist- 
ing of two hundred foot soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field- 
pieces, he gave to Sandoval, who, by the vigilance, activity, and 
courage which he manifested on every occasion, was growing daily 
in his confidence, and in the estimation of his fellow-soldiers. The 
service was no less singular than important ; the beams, the planks, 
the masts, the cordage, the sails, the iron-work, and all the infinite 
variety of articles requisite for the construction of thirteen brigan- 
tines, were to be carried sixty miles over land, through a mountain- 
,j-' countrjr, by people who were unacquainted with the ministry 
. 'lomestic animals, or the aid of machines to facilitate any work 



tl 



556 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




A MODERN MEXICAN PORTER 
OR TAMENE. 



of labor. The Tlascalans furnished eight thousand Tamenes, an 
inferior order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the mate- 
rials on their shoulders, and appointed fifteen thousand warriors 
to accompau}' and defend them. Sandoval made the disposition 
for their progress with great propriety, placing the Tamenes in the 
centre, one body of warriors in the front, another in the rear, with 
considerable parties to cover the flanks. To each of these he 
joined some Spaniards, not only to assist them in danger, but to 
accustom them to regularity and subordination. A body so numer- 
ous, and so much encumbered, advanced leisurely but in excellent 
order ; and in some places, where it was confined by the woods or 
mountains, the line of march extended above six miles. Par- 
ties of ]\Iexicans frequently appeared hovering around them 
on the high grounds ; but perceiving no prospect of success in 
attacking an eneni}^ continually on his guard, and prepared to 
receive them, they did not venture to molest him ; and San- 
doval had the glory of conducting safel}' to Tezcuco, a convoy 
on which all the future operations of his countrymen de- 
pended. 

This was followed b}^ another event of no less moment. 
Four ships arrived at Vera Cruz from Hispaniola, with two 
hundred soldiers, eighty horses, two battering cannon, and a 
considerable supply of ammunition and arms. Elevated with 
observing that all his preparatory schemes, either for recruit- 
ing his own army, or impairing the force of the enemy, had 
now produced their full effect, Cortes, impatient to begin 
the siege in form, hastened the launching of the brigan- 
tines. To facilitate this, he had employed a vast number of 
Indians for two months, in deepening the small rivulet which 
runs by Tezcuco into the lake, and in forming it into a canal 
near two miles in length ; and though the Mexicans, aware of his 
intentions, as well as of the danger which threatened them, en- 
deavored frequently to interrupt the laborers, or to burn the brigan- 
tiues, the work was at last completed. On the sSth of April, all 
the Spanish troops, together with the auxiliary Indians, were dnv.-n 
up on the banks of the canal ; and with extraordinary military po; i ; 
rendered more solemn by the celebration of the most sacred rites 
of religion, the brigantines were launched. As they fell down the 
canal in order. Father Olmedo blessed them, and gave each its nam- 



->. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 557 

Every eye followed them with wonder and hope, until they entered 
the lake, when they hoisted their sails, and bore away before the 
wind. A general shout of joy was raised ; all admiring that bold 
inventive genius, which, by means so extraordiuar}' that their suc- 
cess almost exceeded belief, had acquired the command of a fleet, 
without the aid of which Mexico would have continued to set the 
Spanish power and arms at defiance. 

Cortes determined to attack the city from three different quart- 
ers; from Tepeaca on the north side of the lake, from Tacuba on 
the west, and from Cuyocan towards the south. Those towns were 
situated on the principal causeways which led to the capital, and 
intended for their defense. He appointed Sandoval to command 
in the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the second, and Christoval de 
Olid in the third; allotting to each a numerous body of Indian 
auxiliaries, together with an equal division of Spaniards, who, by 
the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounted now to 
eighty-six horsemen, and eight himdred and eighteen foot soldiers ; 
of whom one hundred and eighteen were armed with muskets or 
crossbows. The train of artiller}' consisted of three battering can- 
non, and fifteen field-pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station 
of greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, 
each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with twenty- 
five Spaniards. 

As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned 
them [Ma}' 10], they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity 
of the Mexicans had erected for conveying water into the capital, 
and, b}' the distress to which this reduced the inhabitants, gave a 
beginning to the calamities which they were destined to suffer. 
Alvarado and Olid found the towns of which they were ordered to 
take possession deserted by their inhabitants, who had fled for 
safety to the capital, where Guatemotzin had collected the chief 
force of his empire, as there alone he could hope to make a success- 
ful stand against the formidable enemies who were approaching to 
assault him. 

The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the fleet of 
brigantines, the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw and 
dreaded. Though the brigantines, after all the labor and merit of 
Cortes in forming them, were of inconsiderable bulk, rudely con- 
structed, and manned chiefly with landsmen hardly possessed of 



558 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

skill enough to conduct them, they must have been objects of terror 
to a people unacquainted with any navigation but that of their lake, 
and possessed of no vessel larger than a canoe. Necessitj', however, 
urged Guatemotzin to hazard the attack ; and hoping to supply by 
numbers what he wanted in force, he assembled such a multitude of 
canoes as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on boldly to 
the charge, while the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could 
scarcely advance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a 
breeze suddenly sprung up ; in a moment the sails were spread, the 
brigantines, with the utmost ease, broke through their feeble oppo- 
nents, overset many canoes, and dissipated the whole armament 
with such slaughter, as convinced the Mexicans, that the progress 
of the Europeans in knowledge and arts rendered their superiority 
greater on this new element than they had hitherto found it by 
land. 

From that time Cortes remained master of the lake, and the 
brigantines not on'.y prcc^erved a communication between the Span- 
iards in their different stations, though at considerable distance 
from each other, but were employed to cover the causeways on each 
side, and keep off the canoes, when they attempted to annoy the 
troops as they advanced towards the city. Cortes formed the brig- 
antines in three divisions, appointing one to cover each of the 
stations from which an attack was to be carried on against the city; 
with orders to second the operations of the officer who commanded 
there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against 
the city with equal vigor ; but in a manner so very different from 
the conduct of sieges in regular war, that he himself seemed afraid 
it would appear no less improper than singular to persons unac- 
quainted with his situation. Each morning his troops assaulted 
the barricades which the enemy had erected on the causeways, 
forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and through 
the canals where the bridges were broken down, and endeavored to 
penetrate into the heart of the citj', in hopes of obtaining some de- 
cisive advantage which might force the enemy to surrender, and term- 
inate the war at once ; but when the obstinate valor of the Mexicans 
rendered the effort of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in 
the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger 
were, in some measure, continually renewed ; the Mexicans repairing 
in the night what the Spaniards had destroyed through the day. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



559 



aud recovering the posts from which they had driven them. But 
necessity prescribed this slow and untoward mode of operation. 
The number of his troops were so small, that Cortes durst not, with 
a handful of men, attempt to make a lodgment in a city where he 
might be surrounded and annoyed b}- such a multitude of enemies. 
The remembrance of what he had already suffered by the ill-judged 
confidence with which he had ventured into such a dangerous situ- 
ation, was still fresh in his mind. The Spaniards, exhausted with 
fatigue, were unable to guard the vari- 
ous posts which they daily gained ; and 
though their camp was filled with In- 
dian auxiliaries, they durst not devolve 
this charge upon them, because they 
were so little accustomed to discipline, 
that no confidence could be placed in 
their vigilance. Besides this, Cortes 
was extremely solicitous to preserve the 
city as much as possible from being 
destro5^ed, both because he destined it 
to be the capital of his conquests, and 
wished that it might remain as a monu- 
ment of his glory. From all these con- 
siderations, he adhered obstinately, for 
a month after the siege was opened, to 
the system which he had adopted. 
The Mexicans, in their own defense, 
displayed valor w^hich was hardly in- 
ferior to that with which the Spaniards 
attacked them. On land, on w-ater, be- 
night and by day, one furious conflict 
succeeded to another. Several Spaniards were killed, more wounded, 
and all were ready to sink under the toils of unremitting service, 
which were rendered more intolerable by the iniuries of the season, 
the periodical rains being now set in with their usual violence. 

Astonished and disconcerted with the length and difficulties of 

o 

the siege, Cortes determined to make one great effort to get pos- 
session of the city, before he relinquished the plan which he had 
hitherto followed, and had recourse to anj' other mode of attack. 
With this view, he sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval to 




THE SAGRAHIO, ADJOINING THE CATHEDRAL OF MEXICO. 
BUILT ON THE RUINS OF The GREAT TEMPLE. 



i6o 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 




THE MOUSE 



THE HOUSE OF CORTES IN MEXICO I FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 

WAS 8JILT B¥ INDIAM LABOR, UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE Or A SPANIARD 



advance with their divi- 
sions to a general as- 

sault, and took the com- 

^B mand in person [July 
3] of that posted on the 
causeway of Cuyocan. 
Animated by his pres- 
ence, and the expecta- 
tion of some decisive 
event, the Spaniards 
pushed forward with ir- 
resistible impetuosity. 
They broke through 
one barricade after an- 
other, forced their way 
over the ditches and 
canals, and, having en- 
tered the city, gained 
ground incessantl}', in 
spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, 
thou^^^-h delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did not forget 
that he might still find it necessary to retreat ; and, in order to 
secure it, appointed Julian de Alderete, a captain of chief note in 
the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, to fill up the 

canals and gaps in the causeway as the 
main bod}- advanced. That officer, 
deeming it inglorious to be thus em- 
ployed, while his companions were in 
the heat of action and the career of 
victory, neglected the important charge 
committed to him, and hurried on, in- 
consideratel}^, to mingle with the com- 
batants. The Mexicans, whose mili- 
tary attention and skill were daih' im- 
proving, no sooner observed this than 
they carried an account of it to their 
monarch. 

Guatemotzin instantly discerned 
the consequence of the error which 




THE SPANIARDS FORCING THEIR WAY OVER DITCHES AND CANALS INTO THE 
BELEAGUERED CITY 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



561 



the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, 
prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops 
posted in the front to slacken their efforts, in order to allure the 
Spaniards to push forward, while he despatched a large body of 
chosen warriors through different streets, some by land, and others 
by water, towards the great breach in the causeway which had 
been left open. On a signal which he gave, the priests in the 
principal temple struck the great drum consecrated to the god of 
war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, 
calculated to inspire them with contempt of death and enthusias- 
tic ardor, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The 
Spaniards, unable to resist men urged on no less by religious fury 
than hope of success, began to retreat, at first leisurely, and with 
a good countenance ; but as the enemy pressed on, and their own 
impatience to escape increased, the terror and confusion became so 
general, that when they arrived at the gap in the causeway, Span- 
iards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in promis- 
cuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every 
side, their light canoes carrying them through shoals which the 
brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to 
stop and rally his flying troops ; fear rendered them regardless of 
his entreaties or commands. Finding all his endeavors to renew 
the combat fruitless, his next care was to save some of those who 
had thrown them- 
selves into the 
water; but while 
thus employed, with 
more attention to 
their situation than 
to his own, six Mex- 
ican captains sud- 
denly laid hold of 
him, and were hur- 
rying him off in 
triumph; and 
though two of his 
officers rescued him 
a t t h e expense of 
their own lives, he 




THE GOD OF WAR. 

UIT2IL0P0CMTLI. OR VIT2- 

LIPUTZLI. 




THE PRIESTS 



THt TOP Of THE GPEAT TEOCALLI SOUNDING THE DRUM MADE OF SNAKE 6KIN, AND 
CONSECRATED TO THE GOD OP WAR. 



562 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



received several dangerous wounds before he could break loose. 
Above sixty Spaniards perished in the rout; and what rendered 
the disaster more afflicting, forty of these fell alive into the hands 
of an enemy never known to show mercy to a captive. 

The approach of night, though it delivered the dejected Span- 
iards from the attacks of the enemy, ushered, in what was hardly 
less grievous, the noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the 
horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every 
quarter of the city was illuminated ; the great temple shone with 
such peculiar splendor, that the Spaniards could plainly see the 
people in motion, and the priests busy in hastening the prepara- 
tions for the death of the prisoners. Through the gloom, they 
fancied that they discerned their companions by the whiteness of 
their skins, as they were stript naked, and compelled to dance be- 
fore the image of the god to whom they were to be offered. They 
heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, 
and thought that they could distinguish each 
unhappy victim, by the well-known sound 
of his voice. Imagination added to what 
they really saw or heard, and augmented 
its horror. The most unfeeling melted 
into tears of compassion, and the 
stoutest heart trembled at the dreadful 
spectacle which they beheld. 

Cortes, who, besides all that he 
lelt in :;-.:"mon with his soldiers, 
was oppiessed with the additional 
load of anxious reflections natural 
to a general on such an unex- 
pected calamity, could not, like 
them, relieve his mind by giving 
vent to its anguish. He was 
obliged to assume an air of tran- 
quillity, in order to revive the 
spirit and hopes of his follow- 
ers. The juncture, indeed, re- 
quired an extraordinary exef- 
tion of fortitude. The Mexi- 
cans, elated with their victory, 




SACRIFICE OF FORTY SPANIARDS AND HUNDREDS OF TLASCAlAnS, CAPTURED BY 
GUATEMOTZIN DURING THE *eSAULT UPON TnE CiTV. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO 



563 




MUIT2IL0P0CHTLI, OR VITZLIPUTZLI 
FROM A SCULPTURE FOUND 



sallied out next morning to attack him in liis quarters. But 
they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. They 
sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had 
sacrificed, to the leading men in the adjacent prov- 
inces, and assured them that the god of war, ap- , 
peased by the blood of their invaders, which had 
been shed so plentifully on his altars, had declared 
with an audible voice, that in eight days' time those 
hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and 
peace and prosperity re-established in the empire. |^ 

A prediction uttered with such confidence, 
and in terms so void of ambiguity, gained universal -- 
credit among a people prone to superstition. The 
zeal of the provinces, which had alread}- declared 
against the Spaniards, augmented ; and several, 
which had hitherto remained inactive, took arms, with enthusiastic 
ardor, to execute the decree of the gods. The Indian auxiliaries who 
had joined Cortes, accustomed to venerate the same deities with the 
Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their priests with the 
same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race of men de- 
voted to certain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlascalans 
was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their 
stations. Cortes, finding that he attempted in vain to dispel the 
superstitious fears of his confederates by argument, took advan- 
tage, from the imprudence of those who had framed the prophecy, 
in fixing its accomplishment so near at hand, to give a striking 
demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all military opera- 
tions during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover 
of the brigantines, which kept the enemv at a distance, his troops 
la}' in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster. 



, THE GOO OF 
NEAR MITLA. 











STATUE OF THE GOD TLALOC, OF TLASCALA. MUSEUM OF MEXICtl 
(SEE PAGES 456, 497, khq 611.' 



CHAPTER LXII. 




CORTES REGAINS THE FRIENDSHIP OF HIS INDIAN ALLIES, AND ADOPTS A NEW SYSTEM 

OF ATTACK. 



ANY of his allies, ashamed of their own 
credulity, returned to their station. Other 
tribes, judging that the gods, who had now 
deceived the Mexicans, had decreed finally 
to withdraw their protection from them, 
joined his standard; and such was the 
levity of a simple people, moved by every slight impression, that, in 
a short time after such a general defection of his confederates, Cortes 
saw himself, if we may believe his own account, at the head of a 
hundred and fifty thousand Indians. Even with such a numerous 
army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more wary system 
of operation. Instead of renewing his attempts to become master 
of the city at once, by such bold but dangerous efforts of valor 
as he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with 
every possible precaution against exposing his men to any calamity 
similar to that which they still bewailed. As the Spaniards 
pushed forward, the Indians regularly repaired the causeways be- 
hind them. As soon as they got possession of any part of the 
town, the houses were instantly leveled with the ground. Da^' by 
day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies gained ground, 
were hemmed in within more narrow limits. Guatemotzin, though 
unable to stop the career of the enemy, continued to defend his 
capital with obstinate resolution, and disputed every inch of 
ground. The Spaniards not only varied their mode of attack, 
but, by orders of Cortes, changed the weapons with which they 



(564) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



565 



fought. They were again armed with the long Chinantlan spears 
which they had employed with such success against Narvaez ; and, 
by the firm array in which this enabled them to range themselves, 
they repelled, with little danger, the loose assault of the Mexicans; 
incredible numbers of them fell in the conflicts which they renewed 
every day. While war wasted without, famine began to consume 
them within the city. The Spanish brigantines, having the entire 
command of the lake, rendered it almost impossible to convey to 
the besieged any sup- 
ply of provisions by 
water. The immense 
number of his Indian 
auxiliaries enabled 
Cortes to shut up the 
avenues to the cit}^ by 
land. The stores which 
Guatemotzin had laid 
up were exhausted by 
the multitudes which 
had crowded into the 
capital to defend their 
sovereign and the tem- 
ples of their gods. Not 
only the people, but 
persons of the highest 
rank, felt the utmost 
distress of famine. 
What they suffered, 
brought on infectious 
and mortal distempers, 
the last calamity that 
visits besieged cities, 
and filled up the meas- 
ure of their woes. 

But, under the pres- 
sure of so many and 
such various evils, the 
spirit of Guatemotzin 
remained firm and un- 




THE MEHOIC GUATEMOTZIN DEFENDS THE PALLADIUM OF MI8 COUNTRY WITH OBSTINATE RESOLUTION^ 
DISPUTING EVERY INCH OF GROUND. 



566 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

subdued. He rejected, with scorn, every overture of peace from Cor- 
tes ; and, disdaining the idea of submitting to the oppressors of his 
country, determined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards con- 
tinued their progress. At length all the three divisions penetrated 
into the great square in the centre of the city, and made a secure 
lodgment there [July 27]. Three-fourths of the city were now 
reduced and laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so closely 
pressed, that it could not long withstand assailants, who attacked 
it from their new station with superior advantage, and more 
assured expectation of success. The Mexican nobles, solicitous 
to save the life of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on 
Guatemotziu to retire from a place where resistance was now 
vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the em- 
pire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with 
the public enem3^ In order to facilitate the execution of this 
measure, they endeavored to amuse Cortes with overtures of 
submission, that, while his attention was employed in adjust- 
ing the articles of pacification, Guatemotziu might escape un- 
perceived. But the}- made this attempt upon a leader of greater 
sagacity and discernment than to be deceived by their arts. Cor- 
tes, suspecting their intention, and aware of what moment it was 
to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer on whose vigilance he 
could most perfectly rely, to take the command of the brigantines, 
with strict injvmctions to watch every motion of the enemy. San- 
doval, attentive to the charge, observing some large canoes crowded 
with people rowing across the lake with extraordinary rapidity, in- 
stantly gave the signal to chase. Garcia Holguin, who commanded 
the swiftest-sailing brigantine, soon overtook them, and was pre- 
paring to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry some 
person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. x'Vt once, the rowers 
dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, 
conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was 
there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize ; and Guatemotziu, with 
a dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting 
only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. 
When conducted to Cortes, he appeared neither with the sullen 
fierceness of a barbarian, nor with the dejection of a supplicant. 
" I have done," said he, addressing himself to the Spanish general, 
** what became a monarch.' I have defended my people to the last 




(so?; 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



569 



extremity. Nothing now remains bnt to die. Take this dagger," 
laying his hand on one which Cortes wore, " plant it in my breast, 
and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use." 

As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resist- 
ance of the Mexicans ceased ; and Cortes took possession of that 
small part of the capital which yet remained undestroyed [Aug. 13]. 
Thus terminated the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in 
the conquest of America. It continued seventy-five da3's, hardly 
one of which passed without some extraordinary eifort of one party 
in the attack, or of the other in the defense of a city, on the fate of 
which both knew that the fortune of the em- 
pire depended. As the struggle here was 
more obstinate, it was likewise more equal, 
than any between the inhabitants of the Old 
and New Worlds. The great abilities of 
Guatemotzin, the number of his troops, the 
peculiar situation of his capital, so far counter- 
balanced the superiority of the Spaniards in 
arms and discipline, that they must have re- 
linquished the enterprise if they had trusted 
for success to themselves alone. But ^Mexico 
was overturned by the jealous}^ of neighbors 
who dreaded its power, and b}- the revolt of 
subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. 
By their effectual aid, Cortes was enabled to 
accomplish what, without such support, he 
would hardly have ventured to attempt. How 
much soever this account of the reduction 

of Mexico ma}- detract, on the one hand, from the marvelous re- 
lations of some Spanish writers, by ascribing that to simple and 
obvious causes which the}' attribute to the romantic valor of their 
countrymen, it adds, on the other, to the merit and abilities of Cor- 
tes, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendency 
over unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards car- 
rying his schemes into execution. 

A procession of the whole army was formed, with Father 
Olmedo at its head. The soiled and tattered banners of Castile, 
which had waved over many a field of battle, now threw their shad- 
ows on the peaceful array of the soldiery, as they slowly moved 




GUATEMOTZIN REQUESTS CORTES TO END H 
WITH HIS POIGNARD. 



USELESS LIFE 



570 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



along, rehearsing the litany, and displa3-ing the image of the Vir- 
gin and the blessed symbol of man's redemption. The reverend 
father pronounced a discourse, in which he briefly reminded the 
troops of their great cause for thankfulness to Providence for con- 
ducting them safe through their long and perilous pilgrimage ; 
and, dwelling on the responsibility incurred by their present po- 
sition, he besought them not to abuse the rights of conquest, but 
to treat the unfortunate Indians with humanity. The sacrament 
was then administered to the commander-in-chief and the principal 
cavaliers, and the services concluded with a solemn thanksgiving 

to the God of battles, 



who had enabled them to 
carry the banner of the 
Cross triumphant over 
this barbaric empire. 

The exultation of the 
Spaniards, on accomp- 
lishing this arduous en- 
terprise, was at first ex- 
cessive. But this was 
quickly damped by the 
cruel disappointment of 
those sanguine hopes, 
w h i c h had animated 
them amidst so many 
hardships and dangers. 
Instead of the inexhaust- 
ible wealth which they 
expected from becoming 
masters of Alontezuma's 
treasures, and the orna- 
ments of so many tem- 
ples, their rapaciousness 
could only collect an 
inconsiderable booty 
amidst ruin and desola- 
tion. Guatemotzin, 
aware of his impending 
fate, had ordered what 




FATHER OLMEDO CELEBRATES MASS AMIDST THE RUINS OF GUATEMOTZiN'S CAPITAL. 



/HE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



571 



remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors to be thrown 
into the lake. The Indian auxiliaries, while the Spaniards were 
engaged in a conflict with the enemy, had carried off the most 
valuable part of the spoil. The sum to be divided among the 
conquerors was so small, that many of them disdained to accept 
of the pittance which fell to their share, and all murmured and 
exclaimed; some against Cortes and his confidants, whom they 
suspected of having secretly appropriated to their own use a large 
portion of the riches which should have been brought i::~. -^-"^ 
common stock; others, against Guatemotziu, whom they accused of 
obstinacy in refusing to discover the place where he had hidden his 
treasure. 

Arguments, entreaties, and promises were emploj-ed in order 
to soothe them, but with so little effect, that Cortes, from solicitude 
to check this growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed 
which stains the glor^' of all his great actions. Without regarding 
the former dignity of Guatemotziu, or feeling any reverence for 
those virtues which he had displa^-ed, he subjected the unhappy 
monarch, together with his chief favorite, to torture, in order to 
force from them a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was 
supposed he had concealed. Guatemotziu bore whatever the refined 
cruelt}^ of hi's tormentors could inflict, with the invincible fortitude 
of an American warrior. His fellow-sufferer, overcome by the vio- 
lence of the anguish, turned a dejected eye towards his master, which 
seemed to implore his permission to reveal all that 
he knew. But the high-spirited prince, darting 
on him a look of authority mingled with scorn, 
checked his weakness by asking, "Am I now re- 
posing on a bed of flowers?" Overawed by the 
reproach, the favorite persevered in his dutiful 
silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed of a scene 
so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands 
of his torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for 
new indignities and sufferings. 

The fate of the capital, as both parties had 
foreseen, decided that of the empire. The prov- 
inces submitted one after another to the conqiier- 
ors. Small detachments of Spaniards marching 
through them without interruption, penetrated in 




GUATEMOT2IN AND HIS FAVORITE OFFICER fUT TO IQRTUHE. 
"AM I NOW REPOSING ON A BED OF FtOWERSr" 



572 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



different quarters to the great Southern Ocean, which, according 
to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short as 
well as easy passage to the East Indies, and secure to the crown 
of Castile all the envied wealth of those fertile regions ; and the 
active mind of Cortes began already to form schemes for attempt- 
ing this important discovery. 

He did not know, that during the progress of his victorious 

arms in Mexico, the 



very scheme, of 
which he began to 
form some idea, had 
been undertaken and 
accomplished. As 
this is one of the 
most splendid events 
in the history of the 
Spanish discoveries, 
and has been pro- 
^ ductive of effects pe- 
culiarlj- interesting 
to those extensive 
provinces which Cor- 
tes had now sub- 
jected to the crown 
of Castile, the ac- 
count of its rise and 
progress merits a 
particular detail. 

Ferdinand Magal- 
haes, or Magellan, a 
Portuguese gentle- 
man of honorable 
birth, having served 
several years in the 
East Indies, with 
distinguished valor, 
under the famous Al- 
buquerque, demand- 
ed the recompense 



FERNAO DE MAGALHAES. 

GENEflALLV KNO*»* «■• THE NAME OF FERDINAND MAGELLAN. HEDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF COPPER ENGRAVING BY FEHO. SELMA. 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 573 

which he thought due to his services, with the boldness natural 
to a high-spirited soldier. But as his general would not grant 
his suit, and he expected greater justice from his sovereign, 
whom he knew to be a good judge and a generous rewarder of 
merit, he quitted India abruptly, and returned to Lisbon. In 
order to induce Emanuel to listen more favorably to his claim, he 
not only stated his past services, but offered to add to them by 
conducting his countrymen to the Molucca or Spice Islands, by 
holding a westerly course ; which he contended would be both 
shorter and less hazardous than that which the Portuguese now 
followed by the Cape of Good Hope, through the immense extent 
of the Eastern Ocean. This was the original and favorite project 
of Columbus, and IMagellan founded his hopes of success on the 
ideas of that great navigator, confirmed by manj' observations, the 
result of his own naval experience, as well as that of his country- 
men in their intercourse with the East. But though the Portu- 
guese monarchs had the merit of having first awakened and encour- 
aged the spirit of discovery in that age, it was their destiny, in 
the course of a few years, to reject two grand schemes for this 
purpose, the execution of which would have been attended with a 
great accession of glory to themselves, and of power to their king- 
dom. In consequence of some ill-founded prejudice against Magel- 
lan, or of some dark intrigue which contemporary historians have 
not explained, Emanuel would neither bestow the recompense which 
he claimed, nor approve of the scheme which he proposed, and dis- 
missed him with a disdainful coldness intolerable to a man conscious 
of what he deserved, and animated with the sanguine hopes of suc- 
cess peculiar to those who are capable of forming or of conducting 
new and great undertakings. In a transport of resentment, Ma- 
gellan formally renounced his allegiance to an ungrateful master, 
and fled to the court of Castile, where he expected that his talents 
would be more justly estimated. He endeavored to recommend 
himself by offering to execute, under the patronage of Spain, that 
scheme which he had laid before the court of Portugal, the accom- 
plishment of which, he knew, would wound the monarch against 
whom he was exasperated in the most tender part. In order to es- 
tablish the justness of his theory, he produced the same arguments 
which he had employed at Lisbon ; acknowledging, at the same 
time, that the undertaking was both arduous and expensive, as it 



33 



5-74 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

could not be attempted but with a squadron of considerable force, 
and victualled for at least two years. Fortunatelj', he applied to a 
minister who was not apt to be deterred, either by the boldness of 
a design, or the expense of carrying it into execution. Cardinal 
Ximenes, who at that time directed the affairs of Spain, discerning 
at once, what an increase of wealth and glory would accrue to his 
country by the success of Magellan's proposal, listened to it with a 
most favorable ear. Charles V., on his arrival in his Spanish do- 
minions, entered into the measure with no less ardor, and orders 
were issued for equipping a proper squadron at the public charge, 
of which the command was given to Alagellan, whom the king hon- 
ored with the habit of St. Jago and the title of Captain-General. 

On the loth of August, 15 19, Magellan sailed from Seville 
with five ships, which, according to the ideas of the age, were 
deemed to be of considerable force, though the burden of the 
largest did not exceed one hundred and twenty tons. The crews 
of the whole amounted to two hundred and thirty-four men, 
among whom were some of the most skillful pilots in Spain, 
and several Portuguese sailors, in whose experience, as more ex- 
tensive, Magellan placed still greater confidence. After touching 
at the Canaries, he stood directly south towards the equinoctial 
line along the coast of America, but was so long retarded by 
tedious calms, and spent so much time in searching every bay 
and inlet for that communication with the Southern Ocean which 
he wished to discover, that he did not reach the river De la Plata 
till the 1 2th of January [1520]. That spacious opening, through 
which its vast body of waters pour into the Atlantic, allured him to 
enter ; but, after sailing up it for some days, he concluded, from the 
shallowness of the stream and the freshness of the water, that the 
wished-for strait was not situated there, and continued his course 
towards the south. On the 31st of March he arrived in the Port of 
St. Julian, about forty-eight degrees south of the line, where he 
resolved to winter. In this uncomfortable station he lost one of his 
squadron ; and the Spaniards suffered so much from the excessive 
rigor of the climate, that the crews of three of his ships, headed 
by their officers, rose in open mutiny, and insisted on relinquishing 
the visionary project of a desperate adventurer, and returning di- 
rectly to Spain. This dangerous insurrection Magellan suppressed, 
by an effort o^ courage no less prompt than intrepid, and inflicted 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



575 



exemplary punishment on the ringleaders. With the remainder of 
his followers, overawed but not reconciled to his scheme, he contin- 
ued his voyage towards the south, and at length discovered, near 
the fiftj'-third degree of latitude, the mouth of a strait, into which 
he entered, notwithstanding the murmurs and remonstrances of the 
people under his command. After sailing twenty da3's in that wind- 
ing, dangerous channel, to which he gave his own name, and where 
one of his ships deserted him, the great Southern Ocean opened to 




THE STRAITS OF MAGELLAN. (From a Pmotogbaph.) 

his view, and with tears of joy he returned thanks to Heaven for 
having thus far crowned his endeavors with success. 

But he was still at a greater distance than he imagined from 
the object of his wishes. He sailed during three months and twenty 
days, in a uniform direction towards the north-west, without discov- 
ering land. In this voyage, the longest that had ever been made in 
the unbounded ocean, he suffered incredible distress. His stock of 
provisions was almost exhausted, the water became putrid, the men 
were reduced to the shortest allowance with which it was possible 



f • 



576 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



to sustain life, and the scurvy, the most dreadful of all the maladies 
with which seafaring people are afflicted, began to spread among the 
crew. One circumstance alone afforded them some consolation ; they 
enjoyed an uninterrupted course of fair weather, with such favorable 
winds, that Magellan bestowed on that ocean the name of Paeifie, 
which it still retains. When reduced to such extremity that they 
must have sunk under their sufferings, they fell in with a cluster 
of small but fertile islands [March 6], which afforded them refresh- 
ments in such abundance, that their health was soon re-established. 
From these isles, which he called de los Ladrones, he proceeded on 
his voyage, and soon made a more important discovery of the isl- 
ands now known by the name of the Philippines. In one of these he 
got into an unfortunate quarrel with the natives, who attacked him 

with a numerous bod}' of 
troops well armed ; and 
while he fought at the head 
of his men with his usual 
valor, he fell [April 26] by 
the hands of those bar- 
barians, together with sev- 
eral of his principal offi- 
cers. 

The expedition was pros- 
ecuted under other com- 
manders. After visiting 
many of the smaller isles 
scattered in the eastern part 
of the Indian ocean, they 
touched at the great island 
of Borneo [Nov. S], and at 
length landed in Tidore, 
one of the Moluccas, to the 
astonishment of the Portu- 
guese, who could not com- 
prehend how the Spaniards, 
by holding a westerly 
course, had arrived at that 
sequestered seat of their 
most valuable commerce, 




THE DEATH OF MAGELLAN ON THE ISLAND OF MACTAN. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 577 

which they themselves had discovered by sailing in an opposite direc- 
tion. There, and in the adjacent isles, the Spaniards found a people, 
acquainted with the benefits of extensive trade, and willing to open 
an intercourse with a new nation. They took in a cargo of the 
precious spices, which are the distinguished production of these 
islands ; and with that, as well as with specimens of the rich com- 
modities yielded by the other countries which they had visited, the 
Victory, which, of the two ships that remained of the squadron, was 
most fit for a long voyage, set sail for Europe [Jan. 1522J, under 
the command of Juan Sebastian del Cano. He followed the course 
of the Portuguese, by the Cape of Good Hope, and after many dis- 
asters and sufferings he arrived at St. Lucar on the 7th of Septem- 
ber, 1522, having sailed round the globe in the space of three years 
and twentj^-eight days. 

Though an untimely fate deprived Magellan of the satisfaction 
of accomplishing this great undertaking, his contemporaries, just 
to his memory and talents, ascribed to him not only the honor of 
having formed the plan, but of having surmounted almost every 
obstacle to the completion of it ; and, in the present age, his name 
is still ranked among the highest in the roll of eminent and suc- 
cessful navigators. The naval glory of Spain now eclipsed that of 
every other nation ; and by a singular felicity she had the merit, in 
the course of a few years, of discovering a new continent almost as 
large as that part of the earth which w-as formerh' known, and of 
ascertaining b}' experience the form and extent of the whole ter- 
raqueous globe. 

The Spaniards were not satisfied with the glory of having first 
encompassed the earth ; they expected to derive great commercial 
advantages from this new and boldest effort of their maritime skill. 
The men of science among them contended, that the Spice Islands, 
and several of the richest countries in the East, were so situated as 
to belong of right to the crown of Castile, in consequence of the 
partitions made by Alexander VL The merchants, without attend- 
ing to this discussion, engaged eagerly in that lucrative and allur- 
ing commerce, which was now open to them. The Portuguese, 
alarmed at the intrusion of such formidable rivals, remonstrated 
and negotiated in Europe, while in Asia they obstructed the trade 
of the Spaniards by force of arms. Charles V., not sufficiently in- 
structed with respect to the importance of this valuable branch of 



578 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



commerce, or distracted by the multiplicity of his schemes and 
operations, did not afford his subjects pi'oper protection. At last, 
the low state of his finances, exhausted b}' the efforts of his arms 
in every part of Europe, together with the dread of adding a new 
war with Portugal to those in which he was already engaged, in- 
duced him to make over his claim of the Moluccas to the Portu- 
guese for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. He reserved, 
however, to the crown of Castile the right of reviving its preten- 
sions on repayment of that sum ; but other objects engrossed his 
attention and that of his successors ; and Spain was finally excluded 
from a branch of commerce in which it was engaging with sanguine 
expectations of profit. 

Though the trade with the Moluccas was relinquished, the voy- 
age of Magellan was followed by commercial effects of great moment 
to Spain. Philip II., in the year 1564, reduced those islands which 
he discovered in the Eastern ocean to subjection, and established 
settlements there ; between which and the kingdom of New Spain 
a regular intercourse, the nature of which shall be explained in its 
proper place, is still carried on. I return now to the transactions in 
New Spain. 






NATIVES OF THE LADRONE ISLANDS. 

The enlarging of the car lobe is accomplished by the insertion, from time to time of wooden plugs, varyiDf io 
diameter, until the desired size is attained. 



CHAPTER LXIII. 



AN ORDER TO SUPERSEDE CORTES, WHICH HE ELUDES, ARRIVES FROM SPAIN. HE DE- 
SPATCHES DEPUTIES, WHO SUCCEED IN HAVING HIM APPOINTED CAPTAIN-GENERAL 
AND GOVERNOR OF NEW SPAIN. INSURRECTION OF THE MEXICANS. POV- 
ERTY OF THE CONQUERORS. CORTES RETURNS TO SPAIN, FORMS 
NEW SCHEMES OF DISCOVERY. HIS DEATH. 



T the time that Cortes was acquiring 
such extensive territories for his native 
country, and preparing the way for fu- 
ture conquests, it was his singular fate 
not onh^ to be destitute of any com- 
mission or authority from the sover- 
eign whom he was serving with such 
successful zeal, but to be regarded as 
an undutiful and seditious subject. 
Bv the influence of Fonseca, Bishop of 
Burgos, his conduct in assuming the gov- 
ernment of New Spain was declared to be an 
irregular usurpation, in contempt of the ro3-al 
authority ; and Christoval de Tapia received a 
commission, empowering him to supersede Cor- 
tes, to seize his person, to confiscate his effects, 
to make a strict scrutiny into his proceedings, and to transmit the 
result of all the inquiries carried on in New Spain to the Council 
of the Indies, of which the Bishop of Burgos was president. A 
few weeks after the rediiction of Mexico, Tapia landed at Vera 
Cruz with the royal mandate to strip its conqueror of his power, 
and treat him as a criminal. But Fonseca had chosen a ver}' im- 
proper instrument to wreak his vengeanee on Cortes. Tapia had 




(579) 



58o 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



neither the reputation nor the talents that suited the high com- 
mand to which he was appointed. Cortes, while he publicly ex- 
pressed the most respectful veneration for the emperor's authority, 
secretly took measures to defeat the effect of his commission; and 
having involved Tapia and his followers in a multiplicity of nego- 
tiations and conferences, in which he sometimes had recourse to 
threats, but more frequently employed bribes and promises, he at 
length prevailed on that weak man to abandon a province which he 
was unworthy of governing. 

But, notwithstanding the fortunate dexterity with which he 
had eluded this danger, Cortes was so sensible of the precarious 
tenure by which he held his power, that he despatched deputies to 
Spain [May 15], with a pompous account of the success of his 
arms, with further specimens of the productions of the country, 
and with rich presents to the emperor, as the earnest of future 
contributions from his new conquests; requesting, in recompense 
for all his services, the approbation of his proceedings, and that 
he might be intrusted with the government of those dominions, 
which his conduct and the valor of his followers had added to the 
crown of Castile. The juncture in which his deputies reached the 
court was favorable. The internal commotions in Spain, which 
had disquieted the beginning of Charles' reign, were just appeased. 

The ministers had leisure to turn their 
attention towards foreign affairs. The 
account of Cortes' victories filled his 
countrymen with admiration. The ex- 
tent and value of his conquests became 
the object of vast and interesting hopes. 
Whatever stain he might have contracted, 
by the irregularity of the steps which he 
took in order to attain power, was so fully 
effaced by the splendor and merit of the 
ereat actions which this had enabled him 
to perform, that every heart revolted at 
the thought of inflicting any censure on a 
man, whose services entitled him to the 
highest marks of distinction. The public 
voice declared warmly in favor of his pre- 
tensions; and Charles, arriving in Spain 




(AFTER TITIAN.) 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



581 




about this time, adopted the sentiments of his subjects with a 
youthful ardor. Notwithstanding the claims of Velasquez, and the 
partial representations of the Bishop of Burgos, the emperor ap- 
pointed Cortes captain-general and governor of New Spain, judging 
that no person was so capable of maintaining the royal authority, 
or of establishing good order, both among his Spanish and Iiidian 
subjects, as the victorious leader whom the former had long been 
accustomed to obey, and the latter had been taught to fear and to 
respect. 

Bven before his jurisdiction received this legal sanction, Cortes 
ventured to exercise all the powers of a governor, and, by various 
arrangements, endeavored to render his conqiiest a secure and 
beneficial acquisition to his country. He determined to establish 
the seat of government in its ancient station, 
and to raise Mexico again from its ruins; and 
having conceived high ideas concerning the 
future grandeur of the state of which he was 
laying the foundation, he began to rebuild its 
capital on a plan which hath gradually formed 
one of the most magnificent cities in the New 
World. At the same time, he employed skillful persons to search for 
mines, indifferent parts of the country, and opened some which were 
found to be richer than any which the Spaniards had hitherto dis- 
covered in America. He despatched his principal officers into the 
remote provinces, and encouraged them to settle there, not only by 
bestowing upon them large tracts of land, but bj^ granting them 
the same dominion over the Indians, and the same right to their 
service, which the Spaniards had assumed in the islands. 

It was not, however, without difficulty that the Mexican empire 
could be entirel}' reduced into the form of a Spanish colony. En- 
raged and rendered desperate b}? oppression, 
the natives often forgot the superiority of 
their enemies, and ran to arms in defense of 
their liberties. In every contest, however, 
the European valor and discipline prevailed. 
But, fatally for the honor of their country, 
the Spaniards sullied the glory redounding 
from these repeated victories bv their mode 
of treating the vanquished people. After 



CHURCH AND HOSPITAL OF JESUS IN ^ 
FOUNDED BY CORTES. 




0^^^ 







GALLERIES AND PATIOS OF THE HOSPITAL OF JESUS. 



582 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



IGNOMINIOUS AND EXCRUCtATING TORTURE 
OF A MEXICAN CACIQUE. 



taking Guatemotzin, and becoming masters of his capital, they sup- 
posed that the king of Castile entered on possession of all the rights 
of the captive monarch, and affected to consider every effort of the 
Mexicans to assert their own independence, as the rebellion of 
vassals against their sovereign, or the mutiny of slaves against their 
master. Under the sanction of those ill-founded maxims, the}^ vio- 
lated ever}^ right that should be held sacred between hostile nations. 
After each insurrection, they reduced the common people, in the 
provinces which they subdued, to the most humiliating of all con- 

- ditions, that of personal servitude. Their 
chiefs, supposed to be more criminal, were 
punished with greater severity, and put to 
death in the most ignominious or the most 
excruciating mode that the insolence or the 
cruelty of their conquerors could devise. 
In almost ever}^ district of the Mexican 

- empire, the progress of the Spanish arms 
is marked with blood, and with deeds so 
atrocious as disgrace the enterprising valor 
that conducted them to success. In the 
country of Panuco, sixty caciques or 
leaders, and four hundred nobles, were 
burned at one time. Nor was this shock- 
ing barbarity perpetrated in any sudden 

sally of rage, or by a commander of inferior note. It was 
the act of Sandoval, an officer whose name is entitled to 
the second rank in the annals of New Spain, and executed 
after a solemn consultation with Cortes ; and to complete 
the horror of the scene, the children and relations of the 
wretched victims were assembled, and compelled to be spec- 
tators of their dying agonies. It seems hardly possible to ex- 
ceed in horror this dreadful example of severity ; but it was 
followed by another, which affected the Mexicans still more sensi- 
bly, as it gave them a most feeling proof of their own degrad- 
ation, and of the small regard which their haughty masters re- 
tained for the ancient dignity and splendor of their state. On 
a slight suspicion, confirmed by very imperfect evidence, that 
Guatemotzin had formed a scheme to shake off the yoke, and to 
excite his former subjects to take arms, Cortes, without the form- 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



583 



ality of a trial, ordered the unliapp}- monarch, together with 
the caciques of Tezcuco and Tacuba, the two persons of greatest 
eminence in the empire, to be hanged ; and the Mexicans, with 
astonishment and horror, beheld this disgraceful punishment in- 
flicted upon persons, to whom they were accustomed to look up 
with reverence, hardl}' inferior to that which they paid to the gods 
themselves. The example of Cortes and his principal officers en- 
couraged and justified persons of subordinate rank to venture upon 
committing greater excesses. Nuflo de Guzman, in particular, 
stained an illustrious name by deeds of peculiar enormity and rigor, 
in various expeditions which he conducted. 

One circumstance, however, saved the Mexicans from further 
consumption, perhaps from one as complete as that which had de- 
populated the islands. The first conquerors did not attempt to search 
for the precious metals in the bowels of the earth. They were 
neither sufficiently wealthy to carry on the expensive works, which 
are requisite for opening those deep recesses where nature has con- 
cealed the veins of gold and silver, nor sufficiently skillful to per- 
form the ingenious operations by which those precious metals are 
separated from their respective ores. They were satisfied with the 
more simple method, practiced b}' the Indians, of washing the earth 

carried down rivers and torrents from — 

the mountains, and collecting the 
grains of native metal deposited there. 
The rich mines of New Spain, which 
have poured forth their treasures with 
such profusion on every quarter of the 
globe, were not discovered for several 
3'ears after the conquest. Bj^ that time 
[1552, etc.], a more orderly government 
aud police were introduced into the 
colon)' ; experience, derived from for- 
mer errors, had suggested many useful 
and humane regulations for the pro- 
tection and preservation of the Indians; 
and though it then became necessary 
to increase the number of those em- 
ployed in the mines, and they were en- 
gaged in a species of labor more per- 




STATUE OF l.uATevOt:in, MEXICO. 



584 THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 

nicioiis to the human constitiitiou, they suffered less hardship or 
diminution than from the ill-judged, but less extensive, schemes 
of the first conquerors. 

While it was the lot of the Indians to suffer, their new masters 
seemed not to have derived any considerable wealth from their ill- 
conducted researches. According to the usual fate of first settlers 
in new colonies, it was their lot to encounter danger and to strug- 
gle with difficulties ; the fruits of their victories and toils were re- 
served for times of tranquillit\-, and reaped by successors of greater 
industry, but of inferior merit. The early historians of America 
abound with accounts of the sufferings and of the poverty of its 
conquerors. In New Spain, their condition was rendered more 
grievous by a peculiar arrangement. When Charles V. advanced 
Cortes to the government of that country, he, at the same time, 
appointed certain commissioners to receive and administer the 
royal revenue there, with independent jurisdiction. These men, 
chosen from inferior stations in various departments of public busi- 
ness at Madrid, were so much elevated with their promotion, that 
they thought they were called to act a part of the first consequence. 
But, being accustomed to the minute formalities of oflice, and hav- 
ing contracted the narrow ideas suited to the sphere in which they 
had hitherto moved, they were astonished, on arriving in Mexico 
[1524J, at the high authority which Cortes exercised, and could not 
conceive that the mode of administration, in a country recently 
subdued and settled, must be different from what took place in one 
where tranquillity and regular government had been long estab- 
lished. In their letters, they represented Cortes as an ambitious 
tj-rant, who, having usurped a jurisdiction superior to law, aspired 
at independence, and, by his exorbitant wealth and extensive influ- 
ence, might accomplish those disloyal schemes which he apparently 
meditated. These insinuations made such deep impression upon 
the Spanish ministers, most of whom had been formed to business 
under the jealous and rigid administration of Ferdinand, that, un- 
mindful of all Cortes' past services, and regardless of Avhat he was 
then suffering in conducting that extraordinary expedition, in which 
he advanced from the Lake of Mexico to the western extremity 
of Honduras, they infused the same suspicions into the mind of 
their master, and prevailed on him to order a solemn inquest to be 
made into his conduct [1525], with powers to the licentiate Ponce 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



585 



de Leon, intrusted with that commission, to seize his person, if he 
should find that expedient, and send him prisoner to Spain. 

The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, a few days after his ar- 
rival in New Spain, prevented the execution of this commission. 
But as the object of his appointment was known, the mind of Cor- 
tes was deeply wounded with his unexpected return for services 
which far exceeded whatever au}- subject of Spain had rendered to 
his sovereign. He endeavored, however, to maintain his station, 
and to recover the con- 
fidence of the court. 
But ever}' person in 
office, who had arrived 
from Spain since the 
conquest, was a spy 
upon his conduct, and 
with malicious ingen- 
uity gave an unfavora- 
ble representation of 
all his actions. The ap- 
prehensions of Charles 
and his ministers in- 
creased. A new com- 
mission of inquir}' was 
issued [1528], with 
more extensive 
powers, and various 
precautions were taken 
in order to prevent or 
to punish him, if he 
should be so presump- 
tuous as to attempt what was inconsistent with the fidelity of 
a subject. Cortes beheld the approaching crisis of his fortune 
with all the violent emotions natural to a haughty mind, conscious 
of high desert, and receiving unworthy treatment. But though 
some of his desperate followers urged him to assert his own rights 
against his ungrateful country, and, with a bold hand, to seize that 
power which the courtiers meanly accused him of coveting, he re- 
tained such self-command, or was actuated with such sentiments 
of loyalty, as to reject their dangerous counsels, and to choose the 




ABJECT HOMAGE PAID TO CORTES SV THE MEXICAN MAGISTRATES. UPON HIS SUDDEN RETURN FROM THE 
EXPEDITION TO HONDURAS. 



586 



THE CONQIKST OF MEXICO. 



only course in which lie could secure his own dignity, without de- 
parting from his duty. He resolved not to expose himself to che 
ignominy of a trial, in that country which had been the scene of 
his triumphs; but, without waiting for the arrival of his judges, to 
repair directly to Castile, and commit himself and his cause to the 
justice and generosity of his sovereign. 

Cortes appeared in his native countr_y with the splendor that 
suited the conqueror of a mighty kingdom. He brought with him 
a great part of his wealth, many jewels and ornaments of great 

value, several curious pro- 
ductions of the countr}^, 
and was attended by some 
Mexicans of the first rank, 
as well as by the most 
considerable of his own 
officers. H i s arrival in 
Spain removed at once 
every suspicion and fear 
that had been entertained 
with respect to his inten- 
tions. The emperor, hav- 
ing now nothing to ap- 
prehend from the designs 
of Cortes, received him 
like a person whom con- 
sciousness of his own in- 
nocence had brought into 
the presence of his master, 
and who was entitled, by 
the eminence of his serv- 
ices, to the highest marks 
of distinction and respect. 
The order of St. Jago, the 
title of Marquis del Valle 
de Guaxaca, the grant of 
an ample territory in New 
Spain, were successively 
bestowed upon him ; and as 
his manners were correct 



tUTHY OF COKIES INTO TOLEDO. SURROUNDED WITH THE POMP AND 6PLEND0H SUITED THE CONOUESOH 




THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



587 




coat of arms ghanteo cortes bv cmarlefl v. 

motto: "the judgment of god reached them, 

and his courage has strengthened 

MY ARM." 



and elegant, although he had passed the greater part of his life 
among rough adventurers, the emperor admitted him to the same 
familiar intercourse with himself, that was enjoyed 
by noblemen of the first rank. 

But, amidst those external proofs of regard, 
symptoms of remaining distrust appeared. Though 
Cortes earnestly solicited to be reinstated in the 
government of New Spain, Charles, too sagacious 
to commit such an important charge to a man whom 
he had once suspected, peremptorily refused to in- 
vest him again with powers which he might iind 
it impossible to control. Cortes, though dignified 
with new titles, returned to Mexico [1530], with 
diminished authority. The military department, 
with powers to attempt new discoveries, was left 
in his hands; but the supreme direction of civil 
affairs was placed in a board called 'The Audience 
of New Spain.' At a subsequent period, when, upon 
the increase of the colony, the exertion of authority more united 
and extensive became necessary, Antonio de Mendoza, a nobleman 
of high rank, was sent hither as Viceroy, to take the government 
into his hands. 

This division of power in New Spain proved, as was unavoid- 
able, the source of perpetual dissension, which embittered the life 
of Cortes, and thwarted all his schemes. As he had now no op- 
portunity to display his active talents but in attempting new dis- 
coveries, he formed various schemes for that purpose, all of which 
bear impressions of a genius that delighted in what was bold and 
splendid. He early entertained an idea, that, either by steering 
through the Gulf of Florida along the east coast of North America, 
some strait would be found that communicated w-ith the western 
ocean ; or that, by examining the isthmus of Darien, some passage 
would be discovered between the North and South Seas. But hav- 
ing been disappointed in his expectations with respect to both, he 
now confined his views to such voyages of discovery as he could 
make from the ports of New Spain to the South Sea. There he 
fitted out successively several small squadrons, which either per- 
ished in the attempt, or returned without making any discovery 
of moment. Cortes, weary of intrusting the conduct of his opera- 



588 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



tions to others, took the command of a new armament in person 
[^536]; and, after enduring incredible hardships, and encounter- 
ing dangers of every species, he discovered the large peninsula of 
California, and purveyed the greater part of the gulf which sepa- 
rates it from New Spain. The discovery of a country of such ex- 
tent would have reflected credit on a common adventurer; but it 
could add little new honor to the name of Cortes, and was far from 

satisfying the san- 
guine expectations 
which he had formed. 
Disgusted with ill 
success, to which he 
had not been accus- 
tomed, and weary of 
contesting with adver- 
s a r i e s to whom he 
considered it as a dis- 
grace to be opposed, 
he once more sought 
for redress in his na- 
tive country [1540]. 

But his reception 
there was very differ- 
ent from that which 
gratitude, and even 
decency, ought to 
have secured for him. 
The merit of his an- 
cient exploits was al- 
ready, in a great 
measure, forgotten or eclipsed b}^ the fame of recent and more valu- 
able conquests in another quarter of America. No service of moment 
was now expected from a man of declining years, and who began to 
be unfortunate. The emperor behaved to him with cold civility; his 
ministers treated him sometimes with neglect, sometimes with in- 
solence. His grievances received no redress ; his claims were urged 
without effect ; and after several years spent in fruitless application 
to ministers and judges, an occupation the most irksome and mor- 
tifying to a man of high spirit, who had moved in a sphere where 




IN SEVILLE, WHERE CORTES DIED. 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



589 



he was more accustomed to command than solicit, Cortes ended his 
days on the 2d of December, 1547, in the sixty-second year of his 
age. 

His funeral obsequies were celebrated with due solemnity by 
a long train of Andalusian nobles, and of the citizens of Seville, 
and his bod}* was transported to the chapel of the monastery, San 
Isidro, in that city, where it was laid in the family vault of the 
Duke of Medina Sidonia. In the year 1562, it was removed, by 
order of his son, Don Martin (natural son of Doiia Marina), to 
New Spain, not, as directed by his will, to Cojohuacan, but to the 
monastery of St. Francis, in Tezcuco, where it was laid by the 
side of a daughter, and of his mother, Dona Catalina Pizarro. In 
1629, the remains of Cortes were again removed; and on the death 
of Don Pedro, fourth marquess of the Valley, it was decided by 
the authorities of Mexico to transfer them to the church of St. 
Francis, in that capital. 

Yet his bones were not permitted to rest here undisturbed; 
and in 1794 they were removed to the Hospital of Jesus of Naza- 
reth. It was a more fitting place, since it was the same institution, 
which, under the name of "Our Lady of the Conception," had 
been founded and endowed by Cortes, and which, with a fate not 
too freqiient in similar charities, has been administered to this 
day on the noble principles of its foundation. The mouldering 
relics of the warrior, now deposited in a crystal coifin secured by 
bars and plates of silver, were laid in the chapel, and over them 
was raised a simple monument, displaying the arms of the family', 
and surmounted by a bust of the Conqueror, executed in bronze 
bj^ Tolsa, a sculptor worthy of the best period of the arts. 

Unfortunately for Mexico, the tale does not stop here. 
In 1823, the patriot mob of the capital, in their zeal to com- 
memorate the era of the national independence, and their 
detestation of the " old Spaniards," prepared to break open 
the tomb which held the ashes of Cortes, and to scatter them 
to the winds! The authorities declined to interfere on the 
occasion; but the friends of the family, as is commonly re- 
ported, entered the vault by night, and, secretly removing the 
relics, prevented the commission of a sacrilege, which must 
have left a stain, not easy to be effaced, on the scutcheon of 
the fair city of Mexico. 




33 



MONUML-T 

IN THE HOSPITAL OF 
JESUa, MEXICO. 



590 



THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 



The fate of Cortes was t' e same with that of all the persons 
who distinguished themselves in the discovery or conquests of rhe 
New World. Envied by his contemporaries, and ill requited by the 
court which he served, he has been admired and celebrated by suc- 
ceeding ages. Which has formed the most just estimate of his 
character, an impartial consideration of his actions must de- 
termine. 




CAPTIVE FASTENED TO THE TEMALACATL FIGHTINP A GLADIATOR, BOTH 
ARMED WITH SERRATED ITZTLI SWORDS. 



Book III. 



% I 



I \ 



(w*} 



5 S 




o 

< m 
S r- 
S ^ 








I/' II 'Ik' II. 



(se4 




CHAPTER LXIV. 



SeTTLEMCNTS ON THE ISTHMUS OF DAHiEN BY OJEDA AND NICUESA. ELECTION OF VASCO 

NUNEZ OE BALBOA. BALBOA DISCOVERS THE SOUTH SEA. RECEIVES INFORMATION 

CONCERNING A MORE OPULENT COUNTRY. DISSENSIONS BETWEEN 

PEDRARIAS AND BALBOA END IN THE PUBLIC EXECUTION OF 

A MAN UNIVERSALLY BELOVED. 



HOUGH it was about ten years since 
Columbus had discovered the main land 
of America, the Spaniards had hitherto 
made no settlement in an}- part of it. 
What had been so long neglected was 
now seriously attempted, and with 
considerable vigor. This scheme took 
its rise from Alonzo de Ojeda, who had 
already made two voyages as a dis- 
coverer, by which he acquired consider- 
able reputation, but no wealth. But 
his character for intrepidity and con- 
duct easily procured him associates, 
(Y'W^c^ ■'-' '\vho advanced the money requisite to 

vy^ ^'* defray the charges of the expedition. About 
"^^ the same time, Diego de Nicuesa, who had ac- 
quired a large fortune in Hispaniola, formed a 
similar design. Ferdinand encouraged both ; and though he re- 
fused to advance the smallest sum, was extremely liberal of titles 




(595) 



596 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

and patents. He erected two governments on the continent, one 
extending from Cape de Vela to the gulf of Darien, and the 
other from that to Cape Gracias a Dios. The former was given 
to Ojeda, the latter to Nicuesa. Ojeda fitted out a ship and 
two brigantines, with three hundred men; Nicuesa, six vessels, 
with seven hundred and eighty men. They sailed about the 
same time from St. Domingo for their respective governments. In 
order to give their title to those countries some appearance of va- 
lidity, several of the most eminent divines and lawyers in Spain 
were employed to prescribe the mode in which they should take 
possession of them. They instructed those invaders, as soon 
as the}- landed on the continent, to declare to the natives the 
principal articles of the Christian faith ; to acquaint them, in par- 
ticular, with the supreme jurisdiction of the pope over all the king- 
doms of the earth ; to inform them of the grant which this holy 
pontiff had made of their country to the king of Spain ; to require 
them to embrace the doctrines of that religion which the Spaniards 
made known to them; and to submit to the sovereign whose au- 
thorit}- they proclaimed. If the natives refused to comply with 
this requisition, then Ojeda and Nicuesa were authorized to attack 
them with fire and sword ; to reduce them, their wives and children, 
to a state of servitude ; and to compel them by force to recognize 
the jurisdiction of the church, and the authority of the monarch, to 
which they would not voluntarily subject themselves. 

As the inhabitants of the continent could not at once yield as- 
sent to doctrines too refined for their uncultivated understand- 
ings, and explained to them by interpreters imperfectly acquainted 
with their language ; as they did not conceive how a foreign priest, 
of whom they had never heard, could have any right to dispose of 
their country, or how an unknown prince should claim jurisdiction 
over them as his subjects, they fiercely opposed the new invaders 
of their territories. Ojeda and Nicuesa endeavored to effect by 
force what they could not accomplish by persuasion. But they 
found these natives to be of a character very difi'erent from that 
of their countrymen in the islands. They were fierce and warlike. 
Their arrows were dipped in a poison so noxious, that every wound 
was followed with certain death. In one encounter they slew above 
seventy of Ojeda's followers, and the Spaniards, for the first time, 
were taught to dread the inhabitants of the New World. Nothing 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 597 

could soften their ferocity. They refused to hold any intercourse, 
or to exchange any friendly office, with men whose residence among 
them they considered as fatal to their liberty and independence. 
This implacable enmity of the natives, though it rendered an at- 
tempt to establish a settlement in their country extremely difficult 
as well as dangerous, might have been surmounted at length by 
the perseverance of the Spaniards, by the superiority^ of their arms, 
and their skill in the art of war. But every disaster which can be 
accumulated upon the unfortunate, combined to complete their 
ruin. Though they received two considerable reinforcements from 
Hispaniola, the greater part of those who had engaged in this un- 
happy expedition perished, in less than a year, in the most extreme 
miser3^ A few who survived, settled as a feeble colony at Santa 
Maria el Antigua, on the gulf of Darien, under the command of 
Vasco Nuiiez de Balboa, who, in the most desperate exigencies, dis- 
pla}'ed such courage and conduct, as first gained the confidence of 
his countrymen, and marked him out as their leader in more splen- 
did and successful undertakings. 

Having been raised to the government of the small colony at 
Santa IMaria in Darien, by the voluntarj' suffrage of his associates, 
he was so extremely desirous to obtain from the crown a confirma- 
tion of their election, that he despatched one of his officers to 
Spain, in order to solicit a royal commission, which might invest 
him with a legal title to the supreme command. Conscious, how- 
ever, that he could not expect success from the patronage of Ferdi- 
nand's ministers, with whom he was unconnected, or from negoti- 
ating in a court to the arts of which he was a stranger, he endeav- 
ored to merit the dignity to which he aspired, and aimed at per- 
forming some signal service that would secure him the preference 
to every competitor. Full of this idea he made frequent inroads 
into the adjacent country, subdued several of the caciques, and 
collected a considerable quantity of gold, which abounded more in 
that part of the continent, than in the islands. In one of those 
excursions, the Spaniards contended with such eagerness about 
the division of some gold, that they were at the point of proceed- 
ing to acts of violence against one another. A young cacique who 
was present, astonished at the high value which they set upon a 
thing of which he did not discern the use, tumbled the gold out 
of the balance with indignation ; and, turning to the Spaniards, 



59^ THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

" Why do you quarrel (said he) about such a trifle ? If you are so 
passionately fond of gold, as to abandon your own country, and to 
disturb the tranquillity of distant nations for its sake, I will con- 
duct you to a region where the metal which seems to be the chief 
object of your admiration and desire, is so common that the mean- 
est utensils are formed of it." Transported with what they heard, 
Balboa and his companions inquired eagerly where this happy 
country lay, and how they might arrive at it. He informed them 
that at the distance of six suns, that is, of six days' journey, towards 
the south, they should discover another ocean, near to which this 
wealthy kingdom was situated ; but if they intended to attack that 
powerful state, they must assemble forces far superior in number 
and strength to those with which they now appeared. 

This was the first information which the Spaniards received 
concerning the great southern ocean, or the opulent and extensive 
country known afterwards by the name of Peru. Balboa had now 
before him objects suited to his boundless ambition, and the enter- 
prising ardor of his genius. He immediately^ concluded the ocean 
which the cacique mentioned, to be that for which Columbus had 
searched without success in this part of America, in hopes of open- 
ing a more direct communication with the East Indies. He was 
impatient until he could set out upon this enterprise, in compari- 
son of which all his former exploits appeared inconsiderable. But 
previous arrangement and preparation were requisite to ensure 
success. He began with courting and securing the friendship of 
the neighboring caciques. He sent some of his officers to Hispani- 
ola with a large quantity of gold, as a proof of his past success, 
and an earnest of his future hopes. By a proper distribution of 
this, they secured the favor of the governor, and allured volunteers 
into the service. A considerable reinforcement from that island 
joined him, and he thought himself in a condition to attempt the 
discovery. 

The isthmus of Darien is not above sixty miles in breadth ; 
but this neck of land which binds together the continents of North 
and South America, is strengthened by a chain of lofty mountains 
stretching- through its whole extent, which render it a barrier of 
solidity sufficient to resist the impulse of two opposite oceans. 
The mountains are covered with forests almost inaccessible. The 
valleys in that moist climate, where it rains during two-thirds of 



THE CONQUEST OK PERU. 



.S99 



the year, are marshy, and so frequently overflowed that the inhab- 
itants find it necessary, in many places, to build their houses upon 
trees, in order to be elevated at some distance from the damp soil, and 
the odious reptiles inhabiting the murky and putrid waters. Large 
rivers rush down with an impetuous current from the high grounds. 
In a region thinly inhabited by wandering savages, the hand of in- 
dustry had done nothing 
to mitigate or correct those 
natural disadvantages. To 
march across this unex- 
plored country with no 
other guides but Indians, 
whose fidelity could be 
little trusted, was, on all 
those accounts, the boldest 
enterprise on which the 
Spaniards had hitherto 
ventured in the New- 
World. But the intrepidi- 
ty of Balboa was such as 
distinguished him amonj^ 
his countrymen, at a period 
when every adventurer 
was conspicuous for daring 
courage [15 13]. Nor was 
bravery his only merit ; he 
was prudent in conduct, 
generous, affable, and pos- 
sessed of those popular 
talents which, in the most 
desperate undertakings, 
inspire confidence and se- 
c u r e attachment. Even 
after the junction of the volunteers from Hispaniola, he was able 
to muster only a hundred and ninetv raen for his expedition. 
But they were hardy veterans, inured to the climate of America, 
and ready to follow him through everv danger. A thousand In- 
dians attended them to carry their provisions ; and, to complete 
their warlike array, they took with them several of those fierce 




BOA-CONSTRICTOR FISHING. 



6oo THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

dogs, which were no less formidable than destructive to their naked 
enemies. 

Balboa set out upon this important expedition on the first of 
September, about the time that the periodical rains began to abate. 
He proceeded by sea, and without any difficulty, to the territories 
of a cacique whose friendship he had gained ; but no sooner did he 
begin to advance into the interior part of the country, than he was 
retarded by every obstacle, which he had reason to apprehend, from 
the nature of the territory, or the disposition of its inhabitants. 
Some of the caciques, at his approach, fled to the mountains with 
all their people, and carried off or destroj-ed whatever could afford 
subsistence to his troops. Others collected their subjects, in order 
to oppose his progress ; and he quickly perceived what an arduous 
undertaking it was to conduct such a body of men through hostile 
nations, across swamps, and rivers, and woods, which had never 
been passed but by straggling Indians. But by sharing in every 
hardship with the meanest soldier, by appearing the foremost to 
meet every danger, b}' promising confidently to his troops the en- 
joyment of honor and riches superior to what had been attained by 
the most successful of their countrymen, he inspired them with 
such enthusiastic resolution, that they followed him without mur- 
muring. When they had penetrated a good way into the mount- 
ains, a powerful cacique appeared in a narrow pass, with a numer- 
ous body of his subjects, to obstruct their progress. But men who 
had surmounted so many obstacles, despised the opposition of such 
feeble enemies. They attacked them with impetuosity, and, having 
dispersed them with much ease and great slaughter, continued their 
march. Though their guides had represented the breadth of the 
isthmus to be only a journey of six days, they had already spent 
twentj'-five in forcing their way through the woods and mountains. 
Many of them were ready to sink under such uninterrupted fatigue 
in that sultry climate, several were taken ill of the dysentery and 
other diseases frequent in that country, and all became impatient 
to reach the period of their labors and sufferings. At length the 
Indians assured them, that from the top of the next mountain they 
should discover the ocean which was the object of their wishes. 
When, with infinite toil, they had climbed up the greater part of 
that steep ascent, Balboa commanded his men to halt, and advanced 
alone to the summit, that he might be the first who should enjoy a 



THE C0NQUP:ST of PERU. 



60 1 



spectacle which he had so long desired. As soon as he beheld the 
South Sea stretching in endless prospect below him, he fell on his 
knees, and, lifting up his hands to heaven, returned thanks to God, 
who had conducted him to a discover}- so beneficial to his country, 
and so honorable to himself. His followers, observing his transports 
of joy, rushed forward to join in his wonder, exultation, and grati- 
tude. They held on their course to the shore with great alacrity, 
when Balboa, advancing up to the middle in the waves with his 
buckler and sword, took pos- 
session of that ocean in the 
name of the king his mas- 
ter, and vowed to defend it, 
with these arms, against all 
his enemies. 

That part of the great 
Pacific or Southern Ocean, 
which Balboa first discov- 
ered, still retains the name 
of the Gulf of St. Michael, 
Avliich he gave to it, and is 
situated to the east of Pana- 
ma. From several of the 
petty princes, who governed 
in the districts adjacent to 
that gulf, he extorted pro- 
visions and gold bj- force of 
arms. Others sent them to 
him voluntarily. To these 
acceptable presents some of 
the caciques added a con- 
siderable quantity' of pearls ; 
and he learned from them, 
with much satisfaction, that 
pearl 03'sters abounded in 
the sea which he had newly 
discovered. 

Together with the ac- 
quisition of this wealth, 
which served to soothe and 




BAL8UA, *hVEO AiTH SWORD AND BUCKLER, WAIST DEEP IN THE WATERS OF THE PACi^'C QC^Afi, CLA1M6 

THIS UNKNOWN SEA, WITH ALL THAT IT CONTAINS, FOR THE KING OF CASTILE, *i»Q THAT 

"HE WOULD MAKE GOOD THE CLAIM AGAINST ALL CHRISTIANS OR 

INFIDELS, WHO DARED TO GAINSAY IT." 



6o2 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



encourage his followers, he received accounts which confirmed 
his sanguine hopes of future and more extensive benefits from 
the expedition. All the people on the coast of the South Sea 
concurred in informing him that there was a mighty and opulent 
kingdom situated at a considerable distance towards the south-east, 
the inhabitants of which had tame animals to carry their burdens. 
In order to give the Spaniards an idea of these, they drew upon the 
sand the figure of the llama or sheep, afterwards found in Peru, 
which the Peruvians had taught to perform such services as they 
described. As the llama, in its form, nearly resembles a camel, a 
beast of burden deemed peculiar to Asia, this circumstance, in con- 
junction with the discovery of the pearls, another noted production 
of that country, tended to confirm the Spaniards in their mistaken 

theory with respect to the vicinity of the New 
World to the East Indies. 

But though the information which Balboa 
received from the people on the coast, as wdl 
as his own conjectures and hopes, rendered 
him extremely impatient to visit this unknow n 
country, his prudence restrained him from at- 
tempting to invade it with a handful of men 
exhausted by fatigue and weakened by diseases. 
He determined to lead back his followers, at 
present, to their settlement of Santa Maria in 
Darien, and to return next season with a force 
more adequate to such an arduous enterprise. 
In order to acquire a more extensive knowledge of the isthmus, he 
marched back by a different route, which he found to be no less 
dangerous and difficult than that which he had formerly taken. But 
to men elated with success, and animated with hope, nothing is in- 
surmountable. Balboa returned to Santa Ma.ia [1514], from which 
he had been absent four months, with greater glory and more 
treasure than the Spaniards had acquired in any expedition in the 
New World. None of Balboa's officers distinguished themselves 
more in this service than Francisco Pizarro, or assisted with greater 
courage and ardor in opening a communication with those coun- 
tries in which he was destined to act soon a more illustrious part. 
Balboa's first care was to send information to Spain of the 
important discovery which he had made ; and to demand a rein- 




LLAMA, OR PERUVIAN SHEEP. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



603 



forcenient of a thousand men, in order to attempt the conquest of 
that opulent country, concerning which he had received such invit- 
ing intelligence. The first account of the discovery of the New 
World hardly occasioned greater joy, than the unexpected tidings 
that a passage was at last found to the great Southern ocean. The 
communication with the East Indies, by a course to the westward 
of the line of demarcation drawn by the Pope, seemed now to be 
certain. The vast wealth which flowed into Portugal, from its 
settlements and conquests in that country, excited the envy and 
called forth the emulation of other states. Ferdinand hoped now 
to come in for a share in this lucrative commerce, and, in his eager- 
ness to obtain it, was willing to make an effort beyond what Bal- 
boa required. But even in this exertion, his jealous policy, as well 
as the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now Bishop of Burgos, to every 
man of merit who distinguished himself in the New World, was 
conspicuous. Notwithstanding Balboa's recent services, which 
marked him out as the most proper person to finish that great 
undertaking which he had begun, Ferdinand was so ungenerous as 
to overlook these, and to appoint Pedrarias Davila governor of 
Darien. He gave him the 
command of fifteen stout 
vessels, and twelve hundred 
soldiers. These were fitted 
out at the public expense, 
w i t h a liberality which 
Ferdinand had never dis- 
played in any former arma- 
ment destined for the New 
World ; and such was the 
ardor of the Spanish gen- 
tlemen to follow a leader 
who was about to conduct 
them to a countr}-, where, 
as fame reported, they had 
only to throw their nets 
into the sea and draw out 
gold, that fifteen hundred 
embarked on board the 
fleet and, if they had not 




SOUTH AMERICA ACCORDING TO THE GLOBUS CONETHUCTED BY J. SCHOENER, 1BI6. 



6o4 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

been restrained, a much greater number would Have engaged in the 
service. 

Pedrarias reached the Gulf of Darien without any remarkable 
accident, and immediately sent some of his principal officers ashore 
to inform Balboa of his arrival, with the king's commission to be 
governor of the colon}'. To their astonishment, they found Bal- 
boa, of whose great exploits they had heard so much, and of whose 
opulence they had formed such high ideas, clad in a canvas jacket, 
and wearing coarse hempen sandals used oul}- b}- the meanest peas- 
ants, employed, together with some Indians, in thatching his own 
hut with reeds. Even in this simple garb, which corresponded so 
ill with the expectations and wishes of his new guests, Balboa re- 
ceived them with dignity. The fame of his discoveries had drawn 
so many adventurers from the islands, that he could now muster 
four hundred and fifty men. At the head of those daring veterans, 
he was more than a match for the forces which Pedrarias brought 
with him. But, though his troops murmured loudly at the in- 
justice of the king in superseding their commander, and com- 
plained that strangers would now reap the fruits of their toil and 
success, Balboa submitted with implicit obedience to the will of his 
sovereign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his 
character. 

Notwithstanding this moderation, to which Pedrarias owed the 
peaceable possession of his government, he appointed a judicial in- 
quiry to be made into Balboa's conduct, while under the command of 
Nicuesa, and imposed a considerable fine upon him, on account of 
the irregularities of which he had then been guilty. Balboa felt 
sensibly the mortification of being subjected to trial and to punish- 
ment in a place where he had so lately occupied the first station. 
Pedrarias could not conceal his jealousy of his superior merit; so 
that the resentment of the one. and the envy of the other, gave rise 
to dissensions extreme!}' detrimental to the colony. It was threat- 
ened with a calamity still more fatal. Pedrarias had landed in 
Darien at a most unlucky time of the year [July], about the middle 
of the rainy season, in that part of the torrid zone where the 
clouds pour down such torrents as are vmknown in more temperate 
climates. The village of Santa Maria was seated in a rich plain, 
environed with marshes and woods. The constitution of Euro- 
peans was unable to withstand the pestilential influence of such a 



THE CONQUEST OP PERU. 



605 



situation, in a climate naturally so noxious, and at a season so 
peculiarly unhealthy. A violent and destructive malady carried off 
many of the soldiers who accompanied Pedrarias. An extreme 
scarcity of provisions augmented this distress, as it rendered it im- 
possible to find proper refreshment for the sick, or the necessary 
sustenance for the healthy. In the space of a month, above six 
hundred persons perished in the utmost misery. Dejection and 
despair spread through the colony. Many principal persons solic- 
ited their dismission, and were glad to relinquish all their hopes of 
wealth, in order to escape from that perni- - 

cious region. Pedrarias endeavored to 
divert those who remained from brooding 
over their misfortunes, by finding them 
employment. With this view, he sent 
several detachments into the interior parts 
of the country, to lev}- gold among the na- 
tives, and to search for the mines in which 
it was produced. Those rapacious adven- ■ 
turers, more attentive to present gain 
than to the means of facilitating their fu- 
ture progress, plundered without distinc- 
tion wherever they marched. Regardless of 
the alliances which Balboa had made with 
several of the caciqiles, they stripped them 
of everything valuable, and treated them, as 
well as their subjects, with the utmost inso- 
lence and cruelty. By their tyranny and ex- 
actions, which Pedrarias, either from want 
of authority or inclination, did not restrain, all the country from 
the Gulf of Darien to the lake of Nicaragua was desolated, and the 
Spaniards were inconsiderately deprived of the advantages which 
the}' might have derived from the friendship of the natives, in ex- 
tending their conquests to the South Sea. Balboa, who saw with 
concern that such ill-judged proceedings retarded the execution of 
his favorite scheme, sent violent remonstrances to Spain against 
the imprudent government of Pedrarias, which had ruined a happy 
and flourishing colony. Pedrarias, on the other hand, accused him 
of having deceived the king, by magnifying his own exploits, as 

well as by a false representation of the opulence and value of the 
country. 




PEDRARIAS' RAIDING EXPEDITIONS AMONG THE CACIQUCS OF THE 
ISTHMUS OF DARIE+J 'OR PANAMA.) 



34 



6o6 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

Ferdinand became sensible at length of his imprudence in su- 
perseding the most active and experienced ofi&cer he had in the 
New World, and, by way of compensation to Balboa, appointed him 
Adclantado^ or Ivieutenant-Governor of the countries upon the 
South Sea, with very extensive privileges and authority. At the 
same time, he enjoined Pedrarias to support Balboa in all his oper- 
ations, and to consult with him concerning every measure which 
he himself pursued [1515J. But to effect such a sudden transition 
from inveterate enmity to perfect confidence, exceeded Ferdinand's 
power. Pedrarias continued to treat his rival with neglect ; and 
Balboa's fortune being exhausted by the payment of his fine, and 
other exactions of Pedrarias, he could not make suitable prepara- 
tions for taking possession of his new government. At length, by 
the interposition and exhortations of the Bishop of Darien, they 
were brought to a reconciliation ; and, in order to cement this union 
more firmly, Pedrarias agreed to give his daughter in marriage to 
Balboa [15 16]. The first effect of their concord was, that Balboa 
was permitted to make several small incursions into the country. 
These he conducted with such prudence, as added to the reputation 
which he had already acquired. Many adventurers resorted to 
him, and, with the countenance and aid of Pedrarias, he began to 
prepare for his expedition to the South Sea. In order to accom- 
plish this, it was necessary to build vessels capable of conveying 
his troops to those provinces which he proposed to invade [1517]. 
After surmounting many obstacles, and enduring a variety of 
those hardships which were the portion of the conquerors of 
America, he at length finished four small brigantines. In these, 
with three hundred chosen men, a force superior to that with 
which Pizarro afterwards undertook the same expedition, he was 
ready to sail towards Peru, when he received an unexpected mes- 
sage from Pedrarias. As his reconciliation with Balboa had never 
been cordial, the progress which his son-in-law was making re- 
vived his ancient enmity, and added to its rancor. He dreaded the 
prosperity and elevation of a man whom he had injured so deeply. 
He suspected that success would encourage him to aim at inde- 
pendence upon his jurisdiction ; and so violently did the passion 
of hatred, fear, and jealousy operate upon his mind, that, in order 
to gratify his vengeance, he scrupled not to defeat an enterprise of 
the greatest moment to his country. Under pretexts which were 



THE CONOUKST OF PRRIT. 



607 



false, but plausible, he desired Balboa to postpone his voyage for a 
short time, and to repair to Ada, in order that he might have an 
interview with him. Balboa, with the unsuspicious confidence of a 
man conscious of no crime, instanth' obeyed the summons; but as 
soon as he entered the place, he was arrested by order 
of Pedrarias, whose impatience to satiate his revenge 
did not suffer him to languish long in confinement. 
Judges were immediately appointed to proceed to his 
trial. An accusation of disloyalty to the king, and 
of an intention to revolt against the governor, was pre- 
ferred against him. Sentence of death was pro- 
nounced ; and though the judges who passed it, 
seconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for 
his pardon, Pedrarias continued inexorable ; and the 
Spaniards beheld, with astonishment and sorrow, 
the public execution of a man whom they univers- 
ally deemed more capable than any one who had 
borne command in America, of forming and accomp- 
lishing great designs. Upon his death, the expedition 
which he had planned was relinquished. Pedrarias, 
notwithstanding the violence and injustice of his pro- 
ceedings, was not only screened from punishment by 
the powerful patronage of the Bishop of Burgos and other courtiers, 
but continued in power. Soon after he obtained permission to re- 
move the colony from its unwholesome station of Santa Maria to 
Panama, on the opposite side of the isthmus ; and though it did 
not gain much in point of healthfulness by the change, the com- 
modious situation of this new settlement contributed greatly to 
facilitate the subsequent conquests of the Spaniards in the exten- 
sive countries situated upon the Southern Oceau. 




COSTUME OF EXECUTIONER, XV. AND XVI. CENTURIES. 




HOLLOW TEHHA GOTTA FIGURES, 

SO-CALLED CHIBCHA-ANTIQUITIES FROM COLUMBIA. 

ETHNOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM, BERLIN. 



CHAPTER LXV. 



SCHEMES FOR THE DISCOVERY OF PERU UNSUCCESSFUL FOR SOME TIME. THE ENTERPRISE 
AT LAST UNDERTAKEN BY PIZAHHO. ALMAGRO, AND LUQUE. !lS24.) 




ROM the time that Nunez 
de Balboa discovered the 
great Southern ocean, and received the 
first obscure hints concerning the opu- 
•^ lent countries with which it might open a 
communication, the wishes and schemes 
, of every enterprising person in the col- 
onies of Darien and Pana- 
ama were turned towards 
the wealth of those 
unknown regions. In 
an age when the 
spirit of adventure 
was so ardent and 
vigorous, that 
large f o r tun es 
were wasted, and 
the most alarming 
dangers braved, in pursuit 
of discoveries merelj- pos- 
sible, the faintest ray of 
hope w a s followed 
with an eager expec- 
tation, and the slight- 
'■ est information was 
sufficient to inspire such 
perfect confidence, as con- 
t ducted men to the most 
arduous undertaking. 



THE GREAT BIRO OF PREV OF THE AKOES, THE CONOOR, DEVOURING A LLAMA. 



(60S) 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 609 

Accordingly, several armaments were fitted out in order to ex- 
plore and take possession of the countries to the east of Panama, 
but under the conduct of leaders whose talents and resources were 
unequal to the attempt. As the excursions of those adventurers 
did not extend be3'ond the limits of the province to which the 
Spaniards have given the name of Tierra Firme, a mountainous 
region covered with woods, thinh- inhabited, and extremely un- 
healthy, they returned with dismal accounts concerning the dis- 
tresses to which they had been exposed, and the unpromising as- 
pect of the places which they had visited. Damped by these tidings, 
the rage for discovery in that direction abated ; and it became the 
general opinion that Balboa had founded visionary hopes, on the 
tale of an ignorant Indian, ill understood, or calculated to deceive. 

1524.] But there were three persons settled in Panama on 
whom the circumstances which deterred others made so little im- 
pression, that, at the very moment when all considered Balboa's 
expectations of discovering" a rich country, by steering towards the 
east, as chimerical, they resolved to attempt the execution of his 
scheme. The names of those extraordinary men were Francisco 
Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luque. Pizarro was 
the natural son of a gentleman of an honorable family by a very 
low woman, and, according to the cruel fate which often attends 
the offspring of unlawful love, had been so totally neglected in his 
}'outh by the author of his birth, that he seems to have destined 
him never to rise beyond the condition of his mother. In conse- 
quence of this ungenerous idea, he set him, when bordering on 
manhood, to keep hogs. But the aspiring mind of young Pizarro 
disdaining that ignoble occupation, he abruptly abandoned his 
charge, enlisted as a soldier, and, after serving some years in Italy, 
embarked for America, which, by opening such a boundless range 
to active talents, allured every adventurer Avhose fortune was not 
equal to his ambitious thoughts. There Pizarro early distinguished 
himself. With a temper of mind no less daring than the constitu- 
tion of his body was robust, he was foremost in every danger, pa- 
tient under the greatest hardships, and unsubdued by any fatigue. 
Though so illiterate that he could not even read, he was soon con- 
sidered as a man formed to command. Bvery operation committed 
to his conduct proved successful, as, bj' a happ}' but rare conjunc- 
tion, he united perseverance with ardor, and was as cautious in 



6io 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



executing as he was bold in forming his plans. By engaging early 
in active life, without any resource but his own talents and indus- 
try, and by depending on himself alone in his struggles to emerge 
from obscurity, he acquired such a thorough knowledge of affairs, 
and of men, that he was fitted to assume a superior part in con- 
ducting the former, and in governing the latter. 

Almagro had as little to boast of his descent as Pizarro. The 
one was a bastard, the other a foundling. Bred, like his compan- 
ion, in the camp, he yielded not to him in any of the soldierly 
qualities of intrepid valor, indefatigable activit}', or insurmounta- 
ble constancy in enduring the hardships inseparable from militar}- 
service in the New World. But in Almagro these virtues were 
accompanied with the openness, gcnerosit}', and candor natural to 
men whose profession is arms ; in Pizarro they were united with 
the address, the craft, and the dissimulation of a politician, with 
the art of concealing his own purposes, and with sagacity to pene- 
trate into those of other men. 

Hernando de Lucjiie was an ecclesiastic, who acted both as 
priest and schoolmaster at Panama, and, by means which the con- 
temporary writers have not described, had amassed riches that in- 
spired him with thoughts of rising to greater eminence. 

Such were the men destined to overturn one ol the n ost ex- 
tensive empires on the face of the earth. Their confederacy for 
this purpose was authorized by Pedrarias, the governor of Panama. 
Bach engaged to employ his whole fortune in the adventure. Pi- 
zarro, the least wealthy of the three, as he coiild not throw so large 

a sum as his associates into the common 
stock, engaged to take the department of 
greatest fatigue and danger, and to command 
in person the armament which was to go first 
upon discover\-. Almagro offered to conduct 
the supplies of provisions and reinforcements 
of troops, of which Pizarro might stand in 
need. Luque was to remain at Panama to 
negotiate with the governor, and superintend 
whatever was carrying on for the general in- 
terest. As the spirit of enthusiasm uniformly 
accompanied that of adventure in the New 
World, and by that strange union both. 




I THE NAME OF THE PRINCE OF PEACE. PIZARHO. ALMAGRO. AND FATHER 

LUQUF RATIFY A CONTRACT OF WHiCH PLUNDER ^'•'i 

8I00DSHED ARE THE OBJECTS, 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 6ll 

acquired an increase of force, this confederacy, formed by ambition 
and avarice, was confirmed by the most solemn act of religion. 
Luque celebrated mass, divided a consecrated host into three, and, 
reserving one part to himself, gave the other two to his asso- 
ciates, of which they partook ; and thus, in the name of the Prince 
of Peace, ratified a contract of which plunder and bloodshed were 
the objects. 

The attempt was begun with a force more suited to the humble 
condition of the three associates than to the greatness of the enter- 
prise in which they were engaged. Pizarro set sail from Panama 
[Nov. 14] with a single vessel of small burden, and a hundred and 
twelve men. But in that age, so little were the Spanish acquainted 
with the peculiarities of the climate in America, that the time which 
Pizarro chose for his departure was the most improper in the whole 
year ; the periodical winds, which were then set in, being directly 
adverse to the course which he proposed to steer. After beating 
about for seventy days, with much danger and incessant fatigue, 
Pizarro's progress towards the south-east was not greater than 
what a skillful navigator will now make in as many hours. He 
touched at several places on the coast of Tierra Firme, but found 
everywhere the same uninviting country which former adventurers 
had described ; the low grounds converted into swamps by an over- 
flowing of rivers ; the higher, covered with impervious woods ; few 
inhabitants, and those fierce and hostile. Famine, fatigue, frequent 
rencounters with the natives, and, above all, the distempers of a 
moist, sultry climate, combined in wasting his slender band of fol- 
lowers. [1525.] The undaunted resolution of their leader contin- 
ued, however, for some time, to sustain their spirits, although no 
sign had yet appeared of discovering those golden regions to which 
he had promised to conduct them. At length, he was obliged to 
abandon that inhospitable coast, and retire to Chuchama, opposite 
to the Pearl Islands, where he hoped to receive a supply of provis- 
ions and troops from Panama. 

But Almagro, having sailed from that port with seventy men, 
stood directl}^ towards that part of the continent where he hoped 
to meet with his associates. Not finding him there, he landed his 
soldiers, who, in searching for their companions, underwent the 
same distresses, and were exposed to the same dangers, which had 
driven them out of the country. Repulsed, at length by the Indians 



6l2 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




LOWER TWO 



UPPER PIECE. NECKLACE MADE FROM NACRE. 

PIECES. SLINGS. MADE PARTLY OP HUMAN HAIR, 

AND PARTLY OF THE FIBRES OF THE ALOE. 

FROM THE NECROPOLIS AT ANCON. 




HEAD-DRESS MADE OF fEATHEHS, THE BAND 

MADE OF THE FIBRES OF THE ALOE. 

FOUND AT FACALA. 




PONCHO'LIKE 6HIRT FOUND AT VIRACOCHA- 
PAMPA. 




FOOT-GEAR FOUND AT CAXAMALCA AND VIRACOCHAPAMPA 




in a sharp conflict, in which their leader lost one of 
his eyes by the wound of an arrow, they likewise 
were compelled to re-embark. Chance led them to 
the place of Pizarro's retreat, where they found some 
consolation in recounting to each other their adven- 
tures, and comparing their sufferings. As Almagro 
had advanced as far as the river St. Juan [June 24], 
in the province of Popayan, where both the country 
and inhabitants appeared with a more promising 
aspect, that dawn of better fortune was sufficient to deter- 
mine such sanguine projectors not to abandon their scheme, 
notwithstanding all that they had suffered in prosecuting it. 
[1526]. Almagro repaired to Panama in hopes of re- 
cruiting their shattered troops. But what he and Pizarro 
had suffered, gave his countrymen such an unfavorable idea 
of the service, that it was with difiBculty he could levy 
fourscore men. Feeble as this reinforcement was, Alma- 
gro took the command of it, and, having joined Pizarro, 
they did not hesitate about resuming their operations. 
After a long series of disasters and disappointments, not 
inferior to those which they had already experienced, part 
of the armament reached the Bay of St. Matthew, on the 
coast of Quito, and landing at Tacamez, to the south of the 
river of Emeralds, they beheld a country more cham- 
paign and fertile than any they had yet discovered in the 
Southern Ocean, the natives clad in garments of woolen or 
cotton stuff, and adorned with several trinkets of gold and 
silver. 

notwithstanding those favorable appearances, 
magnified beyond the truth, both by the vanity 
of the persons who brought the report from 
Tacamez, and by the fond imagination of those 
who listened to them, Pizarro and Almagro 
durst not venture to invade a country so popu- 
lous with a handful of men, enfeebled by fatigue 
and diseases. They retired to the small island 
of Gallo, where Pizarro remained with part of 
the troops, and his associate returned to Pana- 
ma, in hopes of bringing such a reinforcement, 



.But, 



6ANDAL8 FOUND AT CAJABAMGA. 




o 

< 
o 

O 

a 
z 

< 

u 

X 

H 

z 
o 

Q 

z 
< 
w 

u 

I 

i- 



O ti "^ 

z 
< 

b. 



u 
z 

u 

H 

</> 
ifi 
O 

q: 
o 

M 

z 
< 

a: 
u 

> 

o 
z 

< 

Q 

Z 
td 
U 
H 
X 



>> 
J 
Z 

o 



c < 



1,013; 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 615 

as might enable them to take possession of the opulent territories 
whose existence seemed to be no longer doubtful. 

But some of the adventurers, less enterprising, or less hardy, 
than their leaders, having secretly conveyed lamentable accounts 
of their sufferings and losses to their friends at Panama, Almagro 
met with an unfavorable reception from Pedro de los Rios, who had 
succeeded Pedrarias in the government of that settlement. After 
weighing the matter with that cold economical prudence, wliich 
appears the first of all virtues to persons whose limited faculties 
are incapable of conceiving or executing great designs, he con- 
cluded an expedition, attended with such certain waste of men, to 
be so detrimental to an infant and feeble colony, that he not only 
prohibited the raising of new levies, but despatched a vessel to 
bring home Pizarro and his companions from the island of Gallo. 
Almagro and Luque, though deeply affected wath tliose measures, 
which they could not prevent, and durst not oppose, found means 
of communicating their sentiments privately to Pizarro, and ex- 
horted him not to relinquish an enterprise that was the foundation 
of all their hopes, and the only means of re-establishing their rep- 
utation and fortune, which were both on the decline. Pizarro's 
mind, bent with inflexible obstinacy on all its purposes, needed no 
incentive to persist in the scheme. He peremptorily refused to 
obey the governor of Panama's orders, and employed all his ad- 
dress and eloquence in persuading his men not to abandon him. 
But the incredible calamities to which they had been exposed were 
still so recent in their memories, and the thoughts of revisiting 
their families and friends, after a long absence, rushed with such 
joy into their minds, that when Pizarro drew a line upon the sand 
with his sword, permitting such as wished to return home to pass 
over it, only sixteen of all the daring veterans in his service had 
resolution to remain with their commander. 

This small, but determined band, whose names the Spanish his- 
torians record with deserved praise, as the persons to whose perse- 
vering' fortitude their country is indebted for the most valuable of 
all its American possessions, fixed their residence in the island of 
Gorgona. This, as it was further removed from the coast than 
Gallo, and uninhabited, they considered as a more secure retreat, 
where, unmolested, they might wait for supplies from Panama, 
which they trusted that the activity of their associates would be 



6i6 



THE CONQUEST OK PERU. 




PAINTED TERRA COTTA VASES. THE MIDDLE ONE REPRESENTS AN INDIAN CARRYING 
A LLAMA. fROM THE NECROPOLIS AT ANCON. 



able to procure. Almagro and Luque were not inattentive or cold 
solicitors, and their incessant importunity was seconded by the gen- 
eral voice of the colony, which exclaimed loudly against the infamy 
of exposing brave men, engaged in the public sorvice, and charge- 
able with no error but what flowed from an excess of zeal and cour- 
age, to perish like the most odious criminals in a desert island. 
Overcome by those entreaties and expostulations, the governor at 
last consented to send a small vessel to their relief. But that he 

might not seem to encourage Piz- 
arro to any new enterprise, he would 
not permit one landman to embark 
on board of it. 

By this time, Pizarro and his 
companions had remained five 
months in an island, infamous for 
the most unhealthy climate in that 
region of America. During all this period, their eyes were turned 
towards Panama, in hopes of succor from their countrj-men ; 
but worn out at length with fruitless expectations, and dispirited 
with suffering hardships of which they saw no end, they, in despair, 
came to a resolution of committing themselves to the ocean on a 
float, rather than continue in that detestable abode. But, on the 
arrival of the vessel from Panama, they were transported with such 
joy that all their sufierings were forgotten. Their hopes revived ; 
and, with a rapid transition not unnatural among men accustomed 
by their mode of life to sudden vicissitudes of fortune, high confi- 
dence succeeding to extreme dejection, Pizarro easily induced not 
only his own followers, but the crew of the vessel from Panama, to 
resume his former scheme with fresh ardor. Instead of returning 
to Panama, the}' stood towards the south-east, and, 
more fortunate in this than in any of their past 
efiforts, they, on the twentieth day after their de- 
parture from Gorgona, discovered the coast of Peru. 
I After touching at several villages near the- shore, 
which they found to be nowise inviting, they landed 
at Tumbez, a place of some note about three degrees 
south of the line, distinguished for its stately tem- 
ple, and a palace of the Incas or sovereigns of the 
country. There the Spaniards feasted their eyes 




YELLOW TEHBA COTTA VASES. WITH RED OEStGNS, 
FROM HUANTAR. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



617 



with the first view of the opulence and civilization of the Peruvian 
empire. They beheld a country fully peopled, and cultivated with 
an appearance of regular industry ; the natives decently 
clothed, and possessed of ingenuity so far surpassing the 
other inhabitants of the New World, as to have the use of 
tame domestic animals. But what chiefly attracted their 
notice was such a show of gold and silver, not only in the 
ornaments of their persons and temples, but in several 
vessels and utensils for common use, formed of those 
precious metals, as left no room to doubt that they 
abounded with profusion in the country. Pizarro and 
his companions seemed now to have attained to the com- 
pletion of their most sanguine hopes, and fancied that all 
their wishes and dreams of rich domains, and inexhaust- 
ible treasures, would soon be realized. 

But with the slender force then under his command, 
Pizarro could only view the rich country of which he 
hoped hereafter to obtain possession. He ranged, how- 
ever, for some time along the coast, maintaining ever}- 
where a peaceable intercourse with the natives, no less 
astonished at their new visitants, than the Spaniards were 
with the uniform appearance of opulence and cultivation 
which they beheld [1527]. Having explored the country 
as far as was requisite to ascertain the importance of the 
discover}^, Pizarro procured from the inhabitants some of 
their Llamas^ or tame cattle, to which the Spaniards gave 
the name of sheep, some vessels of gold and silver, as 
well as some specimens of their other works of inge- 
nuity, and two young men, whom he proposed to in- 
struct in the Castilian language, that they might serve 
as interpreters in the expedition which he meditated. 
With these he arrived at Panama, towards the close of 
the third year from the time of his departure thence. 
No adventurer of the age suff"ered hardships or encoun- 
tered dangers which equal those to which he was ex- 
posed during this long period. The patience with which 
he endured the one, and the fortitude with which he 
surmounted the other, exceed whatever is recorded in 
the history of the New World, where so many romantic 
displays of those virtues occur. 




QUIPua, OR KNOTTED CORDS, USED BY TH6 

PERUVIANS IN RECKONING. 

FOUND AT PARAMANGO. 

The Quipu consists of a thick main 
cord, with minor cords tied on to it 
at certain distances. The cords are 
often of various colors, each with its 
own proper meaning ; red for soldiers, 
yellow for gold, white for silver, 
green for corn, etc A single knot 
meant ten, a double one a hundred, 
a triple one a thousand; two singles, 
side by side, twenty ; two doubles, 
two hundred. The distances of the 
knots from the main cord were of 
great importance The difficulty of 
deciphering them is very great, since 
every knot indicates an idea, and a 
number of intermediate notions are 
left out. 




ABACCUSi OR COUNTING STONE. 



FOUND AT CHUCANA. 



A peculiarly formed instrument, 
which has been mistaken bv.some for 
city relief-plans. The tribute fur- 
nishefi by the various tribes was thus 
carefully registered; each tribe was 
denoted by a particular color, and 
•■.■u h higher fl'K>r represented a ten 
times higher tribute, so that, a grain 
of corn in the highest corner towers 
denoteil a hundred times greater 
tribute than a grain deposited in the 
lowest box between the two towers. — 
Dr. Fr. Ratzel, Voelkerkuniff. Vol. 
III. 



6i8 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




SEAT WITH TOP MADE FROM THE 
MAGUEY THEE. 





PIECE OF CLOTH. 
FHOM THE NECfiOPOLIS AT ANCON. 

Though the Llama herds were exclusively the 
property of the Incas. each inhabitant received 
his share of wool yearly, which, together with 
cotton, and other fibres, were very skillfully and 
beautifully woven into all kinds of fabrics by 



1528]. Neither the splendid relation that Pizarro gave of the 
incredible opulence of the country which he had discovered, nor 
his bitter complaints 
on account of that 
unseasonable recall 
of his forces, which 
had put it out of 
his power to attempt 
making any settle- 
men t there, could 
move the govern- 
or of Panama to 
swerve from his 
former plan of 
conduct. He still 
contended, that 
the colony was 
not in a condition 
to invade such a 
mighty empire, 

and refused to authorize an expedition which, he 
foresaw, would be so alluring that it might ruin 
the province in which he presided, by an effort 
beyond its strength. His coldness, however, did 
not, in any degree, abate the ardor of the three 
associates; but they perceived they could not 
carry their scheme into execution without the 
countenance of superior authority, and must 
solicit their sovereign to grant that permis- 
sion which they could not extort from his dele- 
gate. With this view, after adjusting among 
themselves, that Pizarro should claim the sta- 
tion of governor, Almagro that of lieutenant- 
governor, and Luque the dignity of bishop in 
the country which they purposed to conquer, 
they sent Pizarro as their agent to Spain, 
though their fortunes were now so much ex- 
hausted by the repeated efforts which they had made, that they 
found some difficulty in borrowing the small sum requisite towards 
equipping him for the voyage. 



ANTIQUE PERUVIAN WOOD CARVINGS. IDOLS AND SCEPTRES. 

FOUND IN THE GUANO DEPOSITS OF THE MACAB" 

ISLANDS. CHRISTY COLLECTION, LONDON. 




TYPES OF FACE-URNS FROM OLD PERU. 
ETHNOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM, BERLIN. 




PIZARRO BEFORE THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 
PAINTING nv A L'^rANO. 



ffiJ9) 



\ 



620 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

Pizarro lost no time in repairing to court ; and new as the 
scene might be to him, he appeared before the emperor with the 
unembarrassed dignity of a man, conscious of what his services 
merited ; and he conducted his negotiations with an insinuating 
dexterity of address, which could not have been expected either 
from his education or former habits of life. His feeling descrip- 
j tion of his own sufferings, and his pompous account of the country 

which he had discovered, confirmed by the specimens of its pro- 
ductions which he exhibited, made such an impression both on 
Charles and his'- ministers, that they not only approved of the in- 
tended expedition, but seemed to be interested in the success of its 
leader. Presuming on those dispositions in his favor, Pizarro paid 
little attention to the interest of his associates. As the pretensions 
of Luque did not interfere with his own, he obtained for him the 
ecclesiastical dignity to which he aspired. For Almagro, he claimed 
only the command of the fortress which should be erected at Tumbez. 
To himself he secured whatever his boundless ambition could de- 
sire. He was appointed [July 26], governor, captain-general, and 
adelantado of all the country which he had discovered, and hoped 
to conquer, with supreme authorit}-, civil as well as militarj^ ; and 
with full right to all the privileges and emoluments usually granted 
to adventurers in the New World. His jurisdiction was declared 
to extend two hundred leagues along the coast to the south of the 
river St. Jago; to be independent of the governor of Panama ; and 
he had power to nominate all the officers who were to serve under 
him. In return fiir those concessions, which cost the court of Spain 
nothing, as the enjovment of them depended upon the success of 
Pizarro's own efforts, he engaged to raise two hundred and fifty 
men, and to provide the ships, arms, and warlike stores requisite 
towards subjecting to the crown of Castile the country of which 
the government was allotted him. 

1529]. Inconsiderable as the body of n:en was which Piz-arro 
had undertaken to raise, his funds and credit were so low that he 
could hardly complete half the number; and after obtaining his 
patents from the crown, he was obliged to steal privateh- out of 
the port of Seville, in order to elude the scrutiny of the officers, 
who had it in charge to examine whether he had fulfilled the stipu- 
lations in his contract. Before his departure, however, he received 
some supply of money from Cortes, who having returned to Spain 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



621 



about this time, was willing to contribute his aid towards enabling 
an ancient companion, with whose talents and courage he was well 
acquainted, to begin a career of glory similar to that which he him- 
self had finished. 

He landed at Nombre de Dios, and marched across the isthmus 
to Panama, accompanied by his three brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, 
and Gonzalo, of whom the first was born in lawful wedlock, the 
two latter, like himself, were of illegitimate birth, and by Francisco 
de Alcantara, his mother's brother. They were all in the prime of 
life, and of such abilities and courage, as fitted them to take a dis- 
tinguished part in his subsequent transactions. 

1530]. On his arrival at Panama, Pizarro found Almagro so 
much exasperated at the manner in which he had conducted his 
negotiation, that he not only refused to act any longer in concert 
with a man by whose perfidy he had been excluded from the power 
and honors to which he had a just claim, but labored to form a 
new association, in order to thwart or to rival his former confeder- 
ate in his discoveries. Pizarro, however, had more wisdom and 
address than to suffer a rupture so fatal to all his schemes, to be- 
come irreparable. By offering voluntarily to relinquish the ofiice 
of adelantado, and promising to concur in soliciting that title, with 
an independent government for Almagro, he gradually mitigated 
the rage of an open-hearted soldier, which had been violent, but 
was not implacable. Luque, highly satisfied with having been suc- 
cessful in all his own pretensions, cordially seconded Pizarro's en- 
deavors. A reconciliation was effected, and the confederacy re- 
newed on its original terms, that the enterprise should be carried 
on at the common expense of the associates, and the profits accruing 
from it should be equally divided among them. 






OlD PERUVIAN DIES FOR 0€CORATING (TATTOOING) THE BOOV. 
ETHNOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM. BERLIN. 




EAR ORNAMENT, MADE FROM RED TERRA COTTA. FOUND AT CHANCAY. 
ONE-HALF NATURAL Si2£. 

The wearing of thc^c ornaments in the lobe of the ear was reserved for the 
princes of the royal blood. At the a?c of puberty their ears were pierced, and, 
from time to time, larger blocks were introduced, until the desired size was at last 
obtained. 



CHAPTER LXVI. 



THE STATE OF THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE AT THAT TIME FAVORABLE TO THE INVADERS. 

PIZARRO AVAILS HIMSELF OF IT, AMD ADVANCES INTO THE HEART OF 

THE COUNTRY. TAKES THE INCA PRISONER. 



VEN after their reunion, and the utmost efforts 
J*^^^i*^^ of their interest, three small vessels, with a 
hundred and eighty soldiers, thirty-six of 
whom were horsemen, composed the arma- 
ment which they were able to fit out. But 
the astonishing progress of the Spaniards 
in America had inspired them with such 
ideas of their own superiority, that Pizarro 
did not hesitate to sail with this contemptible 
force [Feb. 153 1] to invade a great empire. Almagro was left 
at Panama, as formerly, to follow him with what reinforce- 
ment of men he should be able to muster. As the season for em- 
barking was properly chosen, and the course of navigation between 
Panama and Peru was now better known, Pizarro completed the 
voyage in thirteen days ; though, by the force of the winds and cur- 
rents, he was carried above a hundred leagues to the north of Tum- 
bez, the place of his destination, and obliged to land his troops in 
the bay of St. Matthew. Without losing a moment, he began to 
advance towards the south, taking care, however, not to depart far 
from the sea-shore, both that he might easily effect a junction with 




(6:1) 



THK CONQUEST OF PERU. 



623 




WATER PITCHERS MADE OF TERRA COTTA. 
FOUND AT ANCON AND THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF TRUJILLO. 

That with the representations of warriors 
depicted on its base, is one of the best ex- 
amples of old Peruvian handicraft extant. 



the supplies which h^e expected from Panama, and secure a retreat 
in case of any disaster, by keeping as near as possible to his ships. 
But as the country in several parts on the coast of Peru is barren, 
unhealthful, and thinly peopled ; as the Span- 
iards had to pass all the rivers near their mouths, 
where the body of water is greatest ; and as the 
imprudence of Pizarro, in attacking the natives, 
when he should have studied to gain their con- 
fidence, had forced them to abandon their habi- 
tations ; famine, fatigue, and diseases of various 
kinds, brought upon him and his followers cala- 
mities hardly inferior to those which they had 
endured in their former expedition. What they 
now experienced corresponded so ill with the 
alluring description of the country given by Pizarro, that many 
began to reproach him, and every soldier must have become cold to 
the service, if, even in this unfertile region of Peru, they had not 
met with some appearances of wealth and civilization, which seemed 
to justify the report of their leader. At length 
they reached the province of Coaque [April 
14] ; and, having surprised the principal set- 
tlement of the natives, they seized their ves- 
sels and ornaments of gold and silver, to the 
amount of thirty thousand pesos, with other 
boot}^ of such value as dispelled all their 
doubts, and inspired the most desponding 
with sanguine hopes. 

Pizarro himself was so much delighted 
with this rich spoil, which he considered as 
the first fruits of a land abounding with 
treasure, that he instantly despatched one of his ships to Panama 
with a large remittance to Almagro ; and another to Nicaragua 
with a considerable sum to several persons of influence in that 
province, in hopes of alluring adventurers by this early display of 
the wealth which he had acquired. Meanwhile, he continued his 
march along the coast ; and disdaining to employ any means of re- 
ducing the natives but force, he attacked them with such violence 
in their scattered habitations, as compelled them either to retire 
into the interior country, or to submit to his yoke. This sudden 

35 




TEHRA lO'TA VA&ES found IN THE RUINS OF MUAULLANG, NEAR THE 
VILLAGE OF CORONGO, ON THE FARM OF SENOR URCON. 




TEHRA COTTA VASE. DECO- 
RATED WITH BATTLE 
SCENES. 
ETHNOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM* 
BERLIN. 



624 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




BATTLE CLUBS AND 
LANCE. 

The middle one 
has a six-cornered 
stone fastened with 
cotton to its base, 
like the old German 
*' Morgenstcrn." 



appearance of invaders, whose aspect and manners were so strange, 
and whose power seemed to be so irresistible, made the same dreads 
ful impression as in other parts of America. Pizarro hardly met 
with resistance until he attacked the island of Puna in the bay of 
Guyaquil. As that was better peopled than the country through 
which he had passed, and its inhabitants fiercer and less civilized 
than those of the continent, they defended themselves with such 
obstinate valor, that Pizarro spent six months in reducing them to 
subjection. From Puna he proceeded to Tumbez, where the dis-. 
tempers which raged among his men compelled him to remain for 
three months. 

While he was thus employed, he began to reap advantage from 
his attention to spread the fame of his first success at Coaque. 
Two different detachments arrived from Nicaragua [1532], which, 
though neither exceeded thirty men, he considered as a reinforce- 
ment of great consequence to his feeble band, especially as the one 
was under the command of Sebastian Benalcazar, and the other of 
Hernando Soto, officers not inferior in merit and reputation to any 
who had served in America. From Tumbez he proceeded to the 
river Piura [May 16], and, in an advantageous station near the 
mouth of it, he established the first Spanish colony in Peru ; to 
which he gave the name of St. Michael. 

As Pizarro continued to advance towards the centre of the 
Peruvian empire, he gradually received more full information con- 
cerning its extent and policy, as well as the situation of its affairs 
at that juncture. Without some knowledge of these, he could not 
have conducted his operations with propriety ; and without a suit- 
able attention to them, it is impossible to account for the progress 
which the Spaniards had alread}' made, or to unfold the causes of 
their subsequent success. 

At the time when the Spaniards invaded Peru, the dominions 
of its sovereigns extended in length, from north to south, above 
fifteen hundred miles along the Pacific Ocean. Its breadth, from 
east to west, was much less considerable ; being uniformly bounded 
by the vast ridge of the Andes, stretching from its one extremity 
to the other. Peru, like the rest of the New World, was originally 
possessed by small independent tribes, differing from each other in 
manners, and in their forms of rude policy. All, however, were 
so little civilized, that, if the traditions concerning their mode of 




(625) 



THE CONQUEST OF I ERU. 



627 




EXTERIOR WALL OF THE FORTRESS OF SACSAI M U AMAN, NEAR CUZCO. 
(CYCLOPEAN STYLE.) 



life, preserved among their descendants, deserve credit, they must 
be classed among the most unimproved savages of America. 
Strangers to every species of cultivation or 
regular industry, without an}- fixed resi- 
dence, and unacquainted with those senti- 
ments and obligations which form the first 
bond of social union, the}^ are said to have 
roamed about naked in the forests, with 
which the countrj' was then covered, more 
like wild beasts than like men. After they 
had struggled for several ages with the hard- 
ships and calamities which are inevitable in 
such a state, and when no circumstance 
seemed to indicate the approach of any un- 
common effort towards improvement, we are 
told that there appeared, on the banks of 
the lake Titicaca, a man and woman of ma- 
jestic form, clothed in decent garments. 
They declared themselves to be children of 
the Sun, sent b\- their beneficent parent, who 
beheld with pity the miseries of the human 
race, to instruct and to reclaim them. At 
their persuasion, enforced by reverence for 
the divinit}' in whose name they were supposed to 
speak, several of the dispersed savages united to- 
gether, and, receiving their commands as heavenly 
injunctions, followed them to Cuzco, where they 
settled, and began to lay the foundations of a 
cit}'. 

Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, for such were 
the names of those extraordinary personages, having 
thus collected some wanderine tribes, formed that 
social union, which, by multiplying the desires and 
uniting the efforts of the human species, excites in- 
dustry and leads to improvement. Manco Capac in- 
structed the men in agriculture, and other useful 
arts. Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and 
to weave. By the labor of the one sex, subsistence became less 
precarious ; by that of the other, life was rendered more comfort- 




WALL FROM THE FORTRESS OF OLLANTAITAMBO. 

The w;ills of the early Peruvian huiUhngs were erected 
without the use of mortar or cement. The sides of the 
stones were often carefully trimmed, and so closely, that 
nut even the blade of a knife could be inserted between 

them. 




'.\: i^pj>^^^0^jikm 



LL FWOM THE NORTHERN FACADE 
OF THE PALACE OF THE INCA, 
ISLAND OF THE SUN, 
LAKE TITICACA. 



628 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




WOOLEN BAG : OPENING CAPA 
BLE OF BEING CLOSED 
WITH DRAWSTRING. 



WORK-BASKET MADE OF WOVEN GRASS ; USED FOR 
THE SAFE-KEEPING OF SPINNING AND WEAVING 
TOOLS, WHICH ARE SEEN LYING ON TOP. 
FROM THE NECROPOLIS AT ANCON. 



able. After securing the objects of first necessity in an infant 
state, by providing food, raiment, and habitations for the rude 
people of whom he took charge, Manco Capac turned his atten- 
tion towards introducing such laws 
and policy as might perpetuate their 
happiness. By his institutions, which 
shall be more particularly explained 
hereafter, the various relations in 
private life were established, and the 
duties resulting from them prescribed 
with such propriet}', as gradually 
formed a barbarous people to decency 
of manners. In public administra- 
tion, the functions of persons in authority were so precisely defined, 
and the subordination of those under their jurisdiction maintained 
with such a steady hand, that the society in which he presided soon 
assumed the aspect of a regular and well-governed state. 

Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was founded the em- 
pire of the Incas, or Lords of Peru. At first, its extent was small. 
The territory of Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues 
from Cuzco. But within its narrow precincts he exercised absolute 
and uncontrolled authority. His successors, as their dominions 
extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction over the new subjects 
which they acquired ; the despotism of Asia was not more com- 
plete. The Incas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered 
as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and, by prohib- 
iting intermarriages with the people, was never contaminated by 
mixing with that of any other race. The family, thus separated 
from the rest of the nation, was distinguished b}' peculiarities in 
dress and ornaments, which it was unlawful for others to assume. 
The monarch himself appeared with ensigns of royalty reserved 
for him alone ; and received from his subjects marks of obsequious 
homage and respect which approached almost to adoration. 

But, among the Peruvians, this unbounded power of their 
monarchs seems to have been uniformly accompanied with attention 
to the good of their subjects. It was not the rage of conquest, if 
we may believe the accounts of their countrj^men, that prompted 
the Incas to extend their dominions, but the desire of diffusing 
the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the arts which 




THE mCA (EMPEROR) AND COYA 'EMPRESSl ACCOMPANIED BY THEIR CECUMILLU (DWARF). 
HEDflAWN FROM DESCRIPTIONS FuRNiSMED BY THE (INCA) GABCIILASSO Of LA vfGA. HISTORIAN OF PERU. 



O/iU 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




CHULPA8, OR SEPULCHRES, THREE LEAGUES SOUTHEAST 
OF PIMO. 

The usual mode of burying was under ground 
Only the nobility erected monuments, built of stone, 
above ground. 



MUMMIES FROM 



they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced. 
During a succession of twelve monarchs, it is said that not one 

deviated from this beneficent character. 

When the Spaniards first visited the 
coast of Peru, in the year 1526, Huana 
Capac, the twelfth monarch from the founder 
of the state, was seated on the throne. He 
is represented as a prince distinguished 
not only for the pacific virtues peculiar to 
the race, but eminent for his martial talents. 
By his victorious arms the kingdom of Quito 
was subjected, a conquest of such extent 
and importance as almost doubled the 
power of the Peruvian empire. He was 
fond of residing in the capital of that valu- 
able province which he had added to his 
dominions ; and notwithstanding the an- 
cient and fundamental law of the mon- 
archy against polluting the royal blood 
by any foreign alliance, he married the 
daughter of the vanquished monarch of 
Quito. She bore him a son named Ata- 
hualpa, whom, on his death at Quito, 
which seems to have happened about the 
year 1529, he appointed his successor in 
that kingdom, leaving the rest of his do- 
minions to Huascar, his eldest son by 
a mother of the royal race.. Greatly as the 
Peruvians revered the memory ol a mon- 
arch, who had reigned with greater repu- 
, tation and splendor than any of his pre- 
decessors, the destination of Huana Capac, 
concerning the succession, appeared so 
repugnant to a maxim coeval with the 
empire, and founded on authority deemed 
sacred, that it was no sooner known at 
Cuzco than it excited general disgust. 
Encouraged by those sentiments of his 
subjects, Huascar required his brother to 




NECROPOLIS AT ANCON. 



The Peruvians were as successful as the Egyptians in the 
miserable attempt to perpetuate the existence of the body be- 
yond the limits assigned tn it by nature. Unlike the elaborate 
embalming: of the Efiyptians, it consisted in expn,sin£; it to the 
action of the cold, exireeciins^ly dry, and highly rantied atmos- 
phere of the mountains. They buried with the deceased some 
of his apparel, utensils, and frequently treasure; and com- 
pleted the gloomy cerrmony by sacrihcuig his wives and 
domestics to bear him company, and do him service in the 
happy regions beyond the clouds. — Prescoit, Cfiii^Ttt'sf. I'nl. I. 

The body of the deceased was put into a sittin>; posture, 
knees tightly drawn to the body, and the whole carefully 
bound and wound about with cotton or woolen cloths, until it 
assumed a bag-like appearance, as seen in the illustration. 







INCA MANCO CCAPAC. Cm. 1J60I 




III. 



INCA LLOQUE YUPANQUI 





COYA MAMA OCLLO HUACCO 






?^: \m 







\\\\\)\ii^^ 






COYA MAMA CORA OCCLLO 




^\M\r'W 



\^ 



-'■^«k. ,-l5? 



^A^ 



COYA MAMA COAHUANA 



THE TWELVE INCAS (EMPERORS) AND COYAS (EMPRESSES) OF PERU. 

(631) 



value 
scien- 




. Comment- 

lography, a 
possessed 



(632) 





VII 



INCi YAHUAR-HUACCAC 



COYA MAMA CCHOQUE CCHICYA HILLPAI 





(<^^^>W^ 



WMmmmm 



VUI. INCA HUIRA CCOCHA 'VIRACOCHAJ CiR. 1380. 



COYA MAMA HUNTO 




IX. 



rNCA PACHA CCUTIO. ClH. uoo. 
Cieza de Leon puts in his place INCA URCO 



COYA MAMA ANAHUARQUI 



The pronounciationof anamelike Capac is more correctly indicated by writing it Ccapac. The first C is a guttural far 



back in the throat, the second on the roof of the mouth.— ^/orWmm s Ijuickua Gramma 



(633) 




XII. 



(<;3<i 



INCA HUAYNA CCAPAC ClB. 1476. 



/ .- r- 



COYA MAMA PILLCO HUACCO 



THE COXOl'EST OF PERU. 



635 



renounce the government of Ouito, and to acknowledge him as 
his lawful superior. But it had been the first care of Atahualpa 
to gain a large body of troops which had accompanied his father 
to Quito. These -were the flower of 
the Peruvian warriors, to whose 
valor Huana Capac had been in- 
debted for all his victories. Relying 
on their support, Atahualpa first 
eluded his brother's demand, and 




INTERIOR OF CHULPA. 



Each tomb of this kind wr.s adapted for the reception of a dozen individi*- 
als, whose bodies were seated in a circle, their feet touching one another. 



then marched against him in hostile 
arrav. 

Thus the ambition of these two 
3-oung men, the title of the one 
founded on ancient usage, and that 
of the otlier asserted by the veteran 
troops, involved Peru in civil war, 
a calamity to which, under a suc- 
cession of virtuous princes, it had 
hitherto been a stranger. In such a contest the issue was obvious. 
The force of arras triumphed over the authority of laws. Atahualpa 
remained victorious, and made a cruel use of his victor}'. Conscious 
of the defect in his own title to the crown, lie attempted to extermi- 
nate the roj-al race, by putting to death all the children of the Sun 
descended from Manco Capac, whom he could seize either by force 
or stratagem. From a political motive, the life of his unfortunate 
rival Huascar, who had been taken prisoner in a battle which de- 
cided the fate of the em- 
pire, was prolonged for 
some time, that, bj- issu- 
ing orders in his name, 
the usurper might more 
easih^ establish his own 
authority. 

When Pizarro landed 
in the bay of St. Mat- 
thew, this civil war raeed 




WARRIORS DURING THE REIGN OF THE INCAS. OLD PERUVIAN VASE PAINTING. 

The warriors here represented are all provided with helmets .iml a kind of lance 
though one only seems to have a shield. ' 



between the two brothers in its greatest fury. Had he made 
any hostile attempt in his former visit to Peru, in the vear 1527, 
he must then have encountered the force of a powerful state, united 



636 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



under a monarch, possessed of capacity as well as courage, and un- 
embarrassed with any care that could divert him from opposing his 
progress. But at this time, the two competitors, though they re- 
ceived early accounts of the arrival and violent proceedings of the 
Spaniards, were so intent upon the operations of a war, which they 

deemed more interesting, that the}? paid no 
attention to the motions of an enemy, too 
inconsiderable in number to excite any 
great ah.ni:, i.nd to whom it would be easy, 
as they imagined, to gi\e a check when 
more at leisure. 

By this fortunate coincidence of events, 
whereof Pizarro could have no foresight, 
and of which, from his defective mode of 
intercourse with the people of the country, 
he remained long ignorant, he was per- 
mitted to carry on his operations un- 
molested, and advanced to the centre of a 
great empire, before one effort of its power 
was exerted to stop his career. During 
their progress, the Spaniards had acquired 
some imperfect knowledge of this struggle 
between the two contending factions. The 
iirst complete information, with respect to 
it, they received from messengers whom 
Huascar sent to Pizarro, in order to solicit 
his aid against Atahualpa, whom he repre- 
sented as a rebel and an usurper. Pizarro 
perceived, at once, the importance of this 
intelligence, and foresaw so clearly all the 
advantages which might be derived from 
this divided state of the kingdom which he 
had invaded, that, without waiting for the 
reinforcement which he expected from Panama, he determined to 
push forward, while intestine discord put it out of the power of the 
Peruvians to attack him with their whole force, and while, by tak- 
ing part, as circumstances should incline him, with one of the com- 
petitors, he might be enabled with greater ease to crush both. En- 
terprising as the Spaniards of that age were in all their operations 




INTI-CUSIHUALPA CHUASCAR. 




COYA MAMA CHOQUI. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 637 

against Americans, and distinguished as Pizarro was among his 
countrymen for daring courage, we can hardly suppose that, after 
having proceeded hitherto slowly, and with much caution, he would 
have changed at once his system of operation, and have ventured 
upon a measure so hazardous, without some new motive or prospect 
to justify it. 

As he was obliged to divide his troops, in order to leave a gar- 
rison in St. Michael, sufficient to defend a situation of equal im- 
portance as a place of retreat in case of any disaster, and as a port 
for receiving any supplies which should come from Panama, he 
began his march with a very slender and ill-accoutred train of fol- 
lowers. They consisted of sixty-two horsemen, and a hundred and 
two foot-soldiers, of whom twenty were armed with cross-bows, and 
three with mi:skets. He directed his course towards Caxamalca, a 
small town at the distance of twelve days' march from St. Michael, 
where Atahualpa was encamped with a considerable body of troops. 
Before he had proceeded far, an officer despatched by the Inca met 
him with a valuable present from that prince, accompanied with a 
proffer of his alliance, and assurances of a friendly reception at 
Caxamalca. Pizarro, according to the usual artifice of his country- 
men in America, pretended to come as the ambassador of a very 
powerful monarch, and declaring that he was now advancing with 
an intention to offer Atahualpa his aid against those enemies who 
disputed his title to the throne. 

As the object of the Spaniards in entering their country was 
altogether incomprehensible to the Peruvians, they had formed va- 
rious conjectures concerning it without being able to decide whether 
they should consider their new guests as beings of a superior nature, 
who had visited them from some beneficent motive, or as formida- 
ble avengers of their crimes, and enemies to their repose and lib- 
erty. The continual professions of the Spaniards, that they came 
to enlighten them with the knowledge of truth, and lead them in 
the way of happiness, favored the former opinion ; the outrages 
which they committed, their rapaciousness and cruelty, were awful 
confirmations of the latter. While in this state of uncertainty. 
Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions so far removed all the 
Inca's fears, that he determined to give him a friendly reception. 
In consequence of this resolution, the Spaniards were allowed to 
march in tranquillity across the sandy desert between St. Michael 



638 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

and Motiipe, where ttie most feeble effort of an enemy, added to 
the unavoidable distresses which they suffered in passing through 
that comfortless region, must have proved fatal to them. 

* Before them now rose the stupendous Andes, rock piled upon 
rock, their skirts below dark with evergreen forests, varied here and 
there by terraced patches of cultivated garden, with the peasant's 
cottage clinging to their shaggy sides, and their crests of snow 
glittering high in the heavens, — presenting altogether such a wild 
chaos of magnificence and beauty as no other mountain scenery 
in the world can show. Across this tremendous rampart, through 
a labyrinth of passes, easily capable of defense by a handful of 
men against an army, the troops were now to march. To the right 
ran a broad and level road, with its border of friendly shades, and 
wide enough for two carriages to pass abreast. It was one of the 
great routes leading to Cuzco, and seemed by its pleasant and easy 
access to invite the wayworn soldier to choose it in preference to 
the dangerous mountain defiles. Many were accordingly of opinion 
that the army should take this course, and abandon the original 
destination to Caxamalca. But such was not the decision of 
Pizarro. 

The Spaniards had everywhere proclaimed their purpose, he 
said, to visit the Inca in his camp. This purpose had been com- 
municated to the Inca himself. To take an opposite direction 
now would only be to draw on them the imputation of cowardice, 
and to incur iVtahualpa's contempt. No alternative remained but 
to march straight across the sierra to his quarters. " Let every 
one of you," said the bold cavalier, "take heart and go forward 
like a good soldier, nothing daunted by the smallness of your 
numbers. For in the greatest extremity God ever fights for his 
own; and doubt not He will humble the pride of the heathen, and 
bring him to the knowledge of the true faith, the great end and 
object of the Conquest." 

Pizarro, like Cortes, possessed a good share of that frank 
and manly eloquence which touches the heart of the soldier more 
than the parade of rhetoric or the finest flow of elocution. He 
was a soldier himself, and partook in all the feelings of the soldier, 

*The following description of the perilous ascent of the Andes, and the successful ac- 
complishment of the feat, is from the poetic pen of one of America's best beloved sons, 
William H. Prescott.— £■</. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 641 

his joys, his hopes, and his disappointments. He was not raised 
by rank and education above S3'mpathy with the humblest of his 
followers. Every chord- in their bosoms vibrated with the same 
pulsations as his own, and the conviction of this gave him a mas- 
tery over them. " Lead on," they shouted, as he finished his brief 
but animating address, "lead on wherever you think best. We 
will follow with good-will, and you shall see that we can do our 
di:ty in the cause of God and the King!" There was no longer 
hesitation. All thoughts were now bent on the instant passage of 
the Cordilleras. 

That night Pizarro held a council of his principal officers, 
and it was determined that he should lead the advance, consisting 
of forty horse and sixty foot, and reconnoiter the ground; while 
the rest of the company, under his brother Hernando, should oc- 
cupy their present position till they received further orders. 

At early dawn the Spanish general and his detachment were 
under arms, and prepared to breast the difficulties of the sierra. 
These proved even greater than had been foreseen. The path 
had been conducted in the most judicious manner round the 
rugged and precipitous side of the mountains, so as best to avoid 
the natural impediments presented by the ground. But it was 
necessarily so steep, in many places, that the cavalry were obliged 
to dismount, and, scrambling up as they could, to lead their horses 
b}- the bridle. In many places, too, where some huge crag or emi- 
nence overhung the road, this was driven to the very verge of the 
precipice ; and the traveller was compelled to wind along the nar- 
row ledge of rock, scarcely wide enough for his single steed, where 
a misstep would precipitate him hundreds, nay, thousands, of feet 
into the dreadful abyss ! The wild passes of the sierra, practica- 
ble for the half-"aked Indian, and even for the sure and circum- 
spect mule, — an animal that seems to have been created for the 
roads of the Cordilleras, — were formidable to the man-at-arms en- 
cumbered with his panoply of mail. The tfemendous fissures or 
quchradas^ so frightful in this mountain chain, yawned open, as if 
the Andes had been split asunder by some terrible convulsion, 
showing a broad expanse of the primitive rock on their sides, par- 
tially mantled over with the spontaneous vegetation of ages ; while 
their obscure depths furnished a channel for the torrents, that, ris- 
ing in the heart of the sierra, worked their way gradually into 



642 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




OLD mCA FORTRESS OF PARAMANGA AS SEEN FROM THE 

HEIGHTS OF THE MARITIME CHAIN OF 

THE ANDES. 

(from a PHOTOGRAPH.) 



light, and spread over the savannas and green valleys of tierra 
calicntc on their way to the great ocean. 

Many of these passes afforded obvious points of defense ; and 
the Spaniards, as they entered the rocky 
defiles, looked with apprehension lest they 
might rouse some foe from his ambush. 
This apprehension was heightened, as, at the 
summit of a steep and narrow gorge, in which 
they were engaged, they beheld a strong- 
work, rising like a fortress, and frowning, 
as it were, in gloomy defiance on the in- 
vaders. As they drew near this building, 
which was of solid stone, commanding an 
angle of the road, they almost expected to 
see the dusky forms of the warriors rise 
over the battlements, and to receive their 
tempests of missiles on their bucklers ; for it was in so strong a 
position, that a few resolute men might easily have held there an 
army at bay. But they had the satisfaction to find the place un- 
tenanted, and their spirits were greatly raised by the 
conviction that the Indian monarch did not intend to 
dispute their passage, when it woiild have been easy to 
do so with success. 

Pizarro now sent orders to his brother 
to follow without delay; and, after refresh- 
ing his men, continued his toilsome ascent, 
and before nightfall reached an eminence 
crowned by another fortress, of even greater 
strength than the preceding. It was built 
of solid masonry, the lower part excavated 
from the living rock, and the whole work 
executed with skill not inferior to that of 
the European architect. 

Here Pizarro took up his quarters for 

the night. Without waiting for the arrival 

of the rear, on the following morning he resumed his march, 

leading still deeper into the intricate gorges of the sierra. 

The climate had gradually changed, and the men and 




FERNANDO PIZARRO 
"-- FOLLOWING 

WITH THE REAR 

GUARD UP THE STEEP INCLINE OF THE 
MOUNTAIN PASS. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 643 

horses, especially the latter, suffered severel}- from the cold, so long 
accustomed as they had been to the sultry climate of the tropics. 
The vegetation also had changed its character ; and the magnificent 
timber which covered the lower level of the country had gradually 
given way to the funereal forest of pine, and, as they rose still 
higher, to the stunted growth of numberless Alpine plants, whose 
hardy natures found a congenial temperature in the icy atmos- 
phere of the more elevated regions. These dreary solitudes seemed 
to be nearly abandoned by the brute creation as well as by man. 
The light-footed vicuna, roaming in its native state, might be 
sometimes seen looking down from some airy cliff, where the foot 
of the hunter dared not venture. But instead of the feathered 
tribes whose gay plumage sparkled in the deep glooms of the tropi- 
cal forests, the adventurers now beheld only the great bird of the 
Andes, the loathsome condor, who, sailing high above the clouds, 
followed with doleful cries in the track of the arm}', as if guided 
by instinct in the path of blood and carnage. 

At length they reached the crest of the Cordillera, where it 
spreads out into a bold and bleak expanse, with scarce the vestige 
of vegetation, except what is afforded by the pajotial, a dried yel- 
low grass, which, as it is seen from below, encircling the base of 
the snow-covered peaks, looks, with its brilliant straw-color lighted 
up in the rays of an ardent sun, like a setting of gold round pin- 
nacles of burnished silver. The land was sterile, as usual in min- 
ing districts, and they were drawing near the once famous gold 
quarries on the way to Caxamalca; 

"Rocks rich in gems, and mountains big with mines, 
That on the high equator ridgy rise." 

Here Pizarro halted for the coming up of the rear. The air was 
sharp and frosty ; and the soldiers, spreading their tents, lighted 
fires, and, huddling round them, endeavored to find some repose 
after their laborious march. 

They had not been long in these quarters, when a messenger 
arrived. He informed the general that the road was free from en. 
emies, and that an embassy from the Inca was on its way to the 
Castilian camp. Pizarro now sent back to quicken the march of 
the rear, as he was unwilling that the Peruvian envoy should find 
him with his present diminished numbers. The rest of the army 
were not far distant, and not long after reached the encampment. 

36 



644 "^HE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

In a short time the Indian embassy also arrived, which con- 
sisted of one of the Inca nobles and several attendants, bringing a 
welcome present of llamas to the Spanish commander. The Pe- 
ruvian bore, also, the greetings of his master, who wished to know 
when the Spaniards would arrive at Caxamalca, that he might pro- 
vide suitable refreshments for them. Pizarro learned that the Inca 
had left Guamachucho, and was now lying with a small force in the 
neighborhood of Caxamalca, at a place celebrated for its natural 
springs of warm water. The Peruvian was an intelligent person, 
and the Spanish commander gathered from him many particulars 
respecting the late contests which had distracted the empire. 

As the envoy vaunted in lofty terms the military prowess and 
resources of his sovereign, Pizarro thought it politic to show that 
it had no power to overawe him. He expressed his satisfaction at 
the triumphs of Atahualpa, who, he acknowledged, had raised him- 
self high in the rank of Indian warriors. But he was as inferior, 
he added with more policy than politeness, to the monarch who 
ruled over the white men, as the petty curacas of the country were 
inferior to him. This was evident from the ease with which a few 
Spaniards had overrun this great continent, subduing one nation 
after another, that had offered resistance to their arms. He had 
been led by the fame of Atahualpa to visit his dominions, and to 
offer him his services in his wars ; and, if he were received by the 
Inca in the same friendly spirit with which he came, he was willing, 
for the aid he could render him, to postpone awhile his passage 
across the country to the opposite seas. The Indian, according to 
the Castilian accounts, listened with awe to this strain of glorifica- 
tion from the Spanish commander. Yet it is possible that the en- 
voy was a better diplomatist than they imagined ; and that he un- 
derstood it was only the game of brag at which he was playing with 
his more civilized antagonist. 

On the succeeding morning, at an early hour, the troops were 
again on their march, and for two days were occupied in threading 
the airy defiles of the Cordilleras. 

The descent of the sierra, though the Andes are less precip- 
itous on their eastern side than towards the west, was attended 
with difficulties almost equal to those of the upward march ; and 
the Spaniards felt no little satisfaction, when, on the seventh day, 
they arrived in view of the valley of Caxamalca, which, enamelled 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



647 



■with all the beauties of cultivation, lay unrolled like a rich and 
variegated carpet of verdure, in strong contrast with the dark 
forms of the Andes, that rose up everywhere around it.* 

On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took possession of a large 
court, on one side of which was a house which the Spanish histo- 
rians call a palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the 
Sun, the whole surrounded with a strong rampart or wall of earth. 
When he had posted his troops in this advantageous station, he 
despatched his brother Ferdinand and Hernando Soto to the camp 
of Atahualpa, which was about a league distant from the town. He 
instructed them to confirm the declaration which he had formerly 
made of his pacific disposition, and to desire an interview with the 
Inca, that he might explain more fully the intention of the Span- 
iards in visiting his country. They were treated with all the re- 
spectful hospitality usual among the Peruvians in the reception of 
their most cordial friends, and Atahualpa promised to visit the 
Spanish commander next daj- in his quarters. The decent deport- 
ment of the Peruvian monarch, the order of his court, and the rev- 
erence with which his subjects approached his person and obeyed 
his commands, astonished those Spaniards who had never met in 
America with an}- thing more dignified than the petty cacique of a 
barbarous tribe. But their eyes were still more powerfully attracted 
by the vast profusion of wealth which they observed in the Inca's 
camp. The rich ornaments worn by him and his attendants, the 
vessels of gold and silver in which the repast offered to them was 
served up, the multitude of utensils of every kind formed of those 
precious metals, opened prospects far exceeding any idea of opu- 
lence that an European of the sixteenth century could form. 

On their return to Caxa- 
malca, while their minds were 
yet warm with admiration and 
desire of the wealth which they 
had beheld, they gave such a 
description of it to their coun- 
trymen as confirmed Pizarro 
in a resolution which he had 
already taken. From his own 

*End of W. H. Prescott's description 
of the march across the Cordilleras. 




THE CMUBCH OF BELEN AT CAXAMAICA. (FBOM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 



648 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

observation of American manners during his long service in the 
New World, as well as from the advantages which Cortes had 
derived from seizing Montezuma, he knew of what consequence 
it was to have the Inca in his power. For this purpose, he 
formed a plan as daring as it was perfidious. Notwithstanding 
the character that he had assumed of an ambassador from a power- 
ful monarch, who courted an alliance with the Inca, and in violation 
of the repeated offers which he made to him of his own friendship 
and assistance, he determined to avail himself of the unsuspicious 
simplicity with which Atahualpa relied on his professions, and to 
seize the person of the Inca during the interview to which he had 
invited him. He prepared for the execution of his scheme with 
the same deliberate arrangement, and with as little compunction, as 
if it had reflected no disgrace on himself or his country. He di- 
vided his cavalry into three small squadrons, under the command 
of his brother Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalcazar ; his infantry were 
formed in one body, except twenty of most tried courage, whom he 
kept near his own person to support him in the dangerous service 
which he reserved for himself; the artillery, consisting of two field- 
pieces, and the crossbow-men, were placed opposite to the avenue 
by which Atahualpa was to approach. All were commanded to keep 
within the square, and not to move until the signal for action was 
given. 

Harly in the morning [Nov. 16] the Peruvian camp was all in 
motion. But as Atahualpa was solicitous to appear with the great- 
est splendor and magnificence in his first interview with the stran- 
gers, the preparations for this were so tedious, that the day was far 
advanced before he began his march. Even then, lest the order of 
the procession should be deranged, he moved so slowly, that the 
Spaniards became impatient, and apprehensive that some suspicion 
of their intention might be the cause of this delay. In order to 
remove this, Pizarro despatched one of his officers with fresh assur- 
ances of his friendly disposition. At length the Inca approached. 
First of all appeared four hundred men, in an uniform dress, as har- 
bingers to clear the way before him. He himself, sitting on a throne 
or couch, adorned with plumes of various colors, and almost covered 
with plates of gold and silver enriched with precious stones, was 
carried on the shoulders of his principal attendants. Behind him 
came some chief officers of his court, carried in the same manner. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 651 

Several bauds of singers and dancers accompanied this cavalcade ; 
and the whole plain was covered with troops, amounting to more 
than thirty thousand men. 

As the Inca drew near the Spanish quarters, Father Vincent 
Valverde, chaplain to the expedition, advanced with a crucifix in 
one hand, and a breviary in the other, and in a long discourse ex- 
plained to him the doctrine of the creation, the fall of Adam, the 
incarnation, the sufferings and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the 
appointment of St. Peter as God's vicegerent on earth, the trans- 
mission of his apostolic power, by succession, to the Popes, the do- 
nation made to the king of Castile, by Pope Alexander of all the 
regions of the New World. In consequence of all this, he required 
Atahualpa to embrace the Christian faith, to acknowledge the su- 
preme jurisdiction of the Pope, and to submit to the king of Castile 
as his lawful sovereign ; promising, if he complied instantly with 
this requisition, that the Castilian monarch would protect his do- 
minions, and permit him to continue in the exercise of his royal 
authority ; but if he should impiously refuse to obey this summons, 
he denounced war against him in his master's name, and threatened 
him with the most dreadful effects of his vengeance. 

This strange harangue, unfolding deep mysteries, and alluding 
to unknown facts, of which no power of eloquence could have con- 
veyed at once a distinct idea to an American, was so lamely translated 
by an unskillful interpreter, little acquainted with the idiom of the 
Spanish tongue, and incapable of expressing himself with propriety 
in the language of the Inca, that its general tenor was altogether 
incomprehensible to Atahualpa. Some parts in it, of more obvious 
meaning, filled him with astonishment and indignation. His reply, 
however, was temperate. He began with observing, that he was 
lord of the dominions over which he reigned by hereditary succes- 
sion ; and added, that he could not conceive how a foreign priest 
should pretend to dispose of territories which did not belong to 
him ; that if such a preposterous grant had been made, he, who was 
the rightful possessor, refused to confirm it ; that he had no incli- 
nation to renounce the religious institutions established by his an- 
cestors ; nor would he forsake the service of the Sun, the immortal 
divinity whom he and his people revered, in order to worship the 
God of the Spaniards, who was subject to death ; that with respect 
to other matters contained in his discourse, as he had never heard 
of them before, and did not now understand their meaning, he de- 



652 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

sired to know where the priest had learned things so extraordinary. 
" In this book," answered Valverde, reaching out to him his brevi- 
ary. The Inca opened it eagerly, and, turning over the leaves, 
lifted it to his ear: "This," says he, "is silent; it tells me noth- 
ing;" and threw it with disdain to the ground. The enraged monk, 
running towards his countrymen, cried out, " To arms, Christians, 
to arras ; the word of God is insulted ; avenge this profanation on 
those impious dogs ! " 

Pizarro, who, during this long conference, had with difficulty 
restrained his soldiers, eager to seize the rich spoils of which they 
had now so near a view, immediately gave the signal of assavilt. 
At once the martial music struck up, the cannon and nuisketry 
began to fire, the horse sallied out fiercely to the charge, the in- 
fantry rushed on sword in hand. The Peruvians, astonished at 
the suddenness of an attack which they did not expect, and dis- 
mayed at the destructive effect of the firearms, and the irresistible 
impression of the cavalry, fled with universal consternation on 
every side, without attempting either to annoy the enemy, or to 
defend themselves. Pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, ad- 
vanced directly towards the Inca ; and though his nobles crowded 
around him with officious zeal, and fell in numbers at his feet, 
while they vied one with another in sacrificing their own lives, 
that they might cover the sacred person of their sovereign, the 
Spaniards soon penetrated to the royal seat; and Pizarro, seizing 
the Inca by the arm, dragged him to the ground, and carried him 
as a prisoner to his quarters. The fate of the monarch increased 
the precipitate flight of his followers. The Spaniards pursued 
them towards every quarter, and with deliberate and unrelenting 
barbarity continued to slaughter wretched fugitives, who never 
once offered to resist. The carnage did not cease until the close 
of day. Above four thousand Peruvians were killed. Not a single 
Spaniard fell, nor was one wounded but Pizarro himself, whose 
hand was slightly hurt by one of his own soldiers, while struggling 
eagerly to lay hold on the Inca. 

The plunder of the field was rich beyond any idea which the 
Spaniards had yet formed concerning the wealth of Peru ; and they 1 
were so transported with the value of the acquisition, as well as 
the greatness of their success, that they passed the night in the 
extravagant exultation natural to indigent adventurers on such an 
extraordinary change of fortune. 



CHAPTER LXVII. 



THE DEJECTED EMPEROR OFFERS A RANSOM COMMENSURATE WITH THE OPULENCE OF HIS 

DOMINIONS. ARRIVAL OF ALMAGRO. DEATH OF SHUASCAR AND EXECUTION OF 

THE INCA. DISSOLUTION OF GOVERNMENT AND ORDER IN PERU. 




'^■mi 



INDIAN WOMAN SPINNING. 



T first the captive mouarch could hardly 
believe a calamity which he so little ex- 
pected to be real. But he soon felt all 
the misery of his fate, and the dejection 
into which he sunk was in proportion to 
the height of grandeur from which he 
had fallen. Pizarro, afraid of losing all 
the advantages which he hoped to de- 
rive from the posssesion of such a pris- 
oner, labored to console him with pro- 
fessions of kindness and respect, tliat cor- 
responded ill with his actions. By residing 
among the Spaniards, the Inca cjuickly 
discovered their ruling passion, which in- 
deed, they were nowise solicitous to con- 
ceal, and, by ap- 



plying to that, 
made an attempt to recover his liberty. 
He offered as a ransom what astonished 
the Spaniards, even after all they now 
knew concerning the opulence of his 
kingdom. The apartment in which he 
was confined was twenty-two feet in 
length and sixteen in breadth ; he 




HOWSE IN CAXAMALCA WHERE THE INCA WA5 KEPT CONFINED. 

(FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 

(«53) 



654 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

undertook to fill it with vessels of gold as liigh as lie could reach. 
Pizarro closed eagerly with this tempting proposal, and a line was 
drawn upon the walls of the chamber, to mark the stipulated 
height to which the treasiire was to rise. 

Atahualpa, transported with having obtained some prospect 
of liberty, took measures instantly for fulfilling his part of the 
agreement, by sending messengers to Cuzco, Quito, and other 
places, where gold had been amassed in largest quantities, either 
for adorning the temples of the gods, or the houses of the Inca, to 
bring what was necessary for completing his ransom directly to 
Caxamalca. Though Atahualpa was now in the custody of his ene- 
mies, yet so much were the Peruvians accustomed to respect every 
mandate issued by their sovereign, that his orders were executed 
with the greatest alacrity. Soothed with hopes of recovering his lib- 
erty by this means, the subjects of the Inca were afraid of endanger- 
ing his life by forming any other scheme for his relief; and though 
the force of the empire was still entire, no preparations were made, 
and no army assembled to avenge their own wrongs or those of 
their monarch. The Spaniards remained in Caxamalca tranquil 
and unmolested. Small detachments of their number marched 
into remote provinces of the empire, and, instead of meeting with 
any opposition, were everywhere received with marks of the most 
submissive respect. 

Inconsiderable as those parties were, and desirous as Pizarro 
might be to obtain some knowledge of the interior state of the 
country, he could not have ventured upon any diminution of his 
main body, if he had not about this time [December], received an 
account of Almagro's having landed at St. Michael with such a re- 
inforcement as would almost double the number of his followers. 
The arrival of this long-expected succor was not more agreeable to 
the Spaniards than alarming to the Inca. He saw the power of his 
enemies increase ; and as he knew neither the source whence they ' 
derived their supplies, nor the means by which they were conveyed 
to Peru, he could not foresee to what a height the inundation that 
poured in upon his dominions might rise [1533]. While disquieted 
with such apprehensions, he learned that some Spaniards, in their 
way to Cuzco, had visited his brother Huascar in the place where 
he kept him confined, and that the captive prince had represented 
to them the justice of his own cause, and, as an inducement to es- 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



655 



pouse it, had promised them a quantity of treasure greatly beyond 
that which Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his ransom. If the 
Spaniards should listen to this proposal, Atahualpa perceived his 
own destruction to be inevitable ; and suspecting that their insatia- 
ble thirst for gold would 
tempt them to lend a favor- 
able ear to it, he determined 
to sacrifice his brother's life, 
that he might save his own ; 
and his orders for this pur- 
pose were executed, like all 
his other commands, with 
scrupulous punctuality. 

Meanwhile, Indians daily 
arrived at Caxamalca from 
different parts of the king- 
dom, loaded with treasure. 
A great part of the stipulated 
quantity was now amassed, 
and Atahualpa assured the 
Spaniards that the only 
thing which prevented the 
whole from being brought in, 
was the remoteness of the 
provinces where it was de- 
posited. But such vast piles 
of gold, presented continual- 
ly to the view of needy sol- 
diers, had so inflamed their 
avarice, that it was impossi- 
ble any longer to restrain 
their impatience to obtain 
possession of this rich booty. 
Orders were given for melt- 
ing down the whole, except 
some pieces of curious fabric, reserved as a present for the em- 
peror. After setting apart the fifth due to the crown, and a hun- 
dred thousand pesos as a donative to the soldiers which arrived 
with Almagro, there remained one million five hundred and 




THE MUHDEH OF THE INCA HUASCAU BY ORDER OF ATAHUALPA. 



656 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

twenty-eight thousand five hundred pesos to Pizarro and his follow- 
ers.* The festival of St. James [July 25], the patron saint of Spain, 
was the day chosen for the partition of this enormous sum, and the 
manner of conducting it strongl}- marks the strange alliance of 
fanaticism with avarice, which I have more than once had occasion 
to point out as a striking feature in the character of the conquerors 
of the New World. Though assembled to divide the spoils of an 
innocent people, procured by deceit, extortion, and cruelty, the 
transaction began with a solemn invocation of the name of God, as 
if they could have expected the guidance of heaven in distributing 
those wages of iniquity. In this division, above eight thousand 
pesos, at that time not inferior in effective value to as many pounds 
sterling in the present century, fell to the share of each horseman, 
and half that sum to each foot soldier. Pizarro himself, and his 
officers, received dividends in proportion to the dignity of their 
rank. 

There is no example in history of such a sudden acquisition 
of wealth by military service, nor was ever a sum so great divided 
among so small a number of soldiers. Many of them having re- 
ceived a recompense for their services far beyond their most san- 
guine hopes, were so impatient to retire from fatigue and danger, 
in order to spend the remainder of their days in their native coun- 
try in ease and opulence, that they demanded their discharge with 
clamorous importunity. Pizarro, sensible that from such men he 
could expect neither enterprise in action nor fortitude in suffering, 
and persuaded that wherever they went the display of their riches 
would allure adventurers, less opulent but more hard}', to his stand- 
ard, granted their suit without reluctance, and permitted above 
sixty of them to accompany his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent 
to Spain with an account of his success, and the present destined 
for the emperor. 

The Spaniards having divided among them the treasure 
amassed for the Inca's ransom, he insisted with them to fulfill their 
promise of setting him at liberty. But nothing was further from 
Pizarro's thoughts. During his long service in the New World, he 
had imbibed those ideas and maxims of his fellow-soldiers, which 
led them to consider its inhabitants as an inferior race, neither 
worthy of the name, nor entitled to the rights of men. In his 

*The ranson of Atahualp.i is computed to have amounted to more than gi 5,000,000. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 657 

compact with Atahualpa, he had no other object than to amuse his 
captive with such a prospect of recovering his liberty, as might in- 
duce him to lend all the aid of his authority towards collecting 
the wealth of his kingdom. Having now accomplished this, he no 
longer regarded his plighted faith ; and at the very time when 
the credulous prince hoped to be replaced on his throne, he had 
secretly resolved to bereave him of life. Many circumstances seem 
to have concurred in prompting him to this action, the most crim- 
inal and atrocious that stains the Spanish name, amidst all the 
deeds of violence committed in carrying on the conquests of the 
New World. 

Though Pizarro had seized the Inca, in imitation of Cortes' 
conduct towards the Mexican monarch, he did not possess talents 
for carrying on the same artful plan of policy. Destitute of the 
temper and address requisite for gaining the confidence of his 
prisoner, he never reaped all the advantages which might have 
been derived from being master of his person and authority. Ata- 
hualpa was, indeed, a prince of greater abilities and discernment 
than Montezuma, and seems to have penetrated more thoroughly 
into the character and intentions of the Spaniards. Mutual suspi- 
cion and distrust accordingly took place between them. The strict 
attention with which it was necessary to guard a captive of such 
importance, greatly increased the fatigue of military duty. The 
utility of keeping him appeared inconsiderable ; and Pizarro felt 
him as an encumbrance, from which he wished to be delivered. 

Almagro and his followers had made a demand for an equal 
share in the Inca's ransom ; and though Pizarro had bestowed upon 
the private men the large gratuity which I have mentioned, and 
endeavored to soothe their leader by presents of great value, they 
still continued dissatisfied. They were apprehensive that, as long 
as Atahualpa remained a prisonei, Pizarro's soldiers would apply 
whatever treasure should be acquired, to make up what was want- 
ing of the quantity stipulated for his ransom, and under that pre- 
text exclude them from any part of it. They insisted eagerly on 
putting the Inca to death, that all the adventurers in Peru might 
thereafter be on an equal footing. 

Pizarro himself began to be alarmed with accounts of forces 
assembling in the remote provinces of the empire, and suspected 
Atahualpa of having issued orders for that purpose. These fears 



658 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



and suspicions were artfully increased by Philippillo, one of the 
Indians whom Pizarro had carried off from Tumbez in the year 
1527, and whom he employed as an interpreter. The function 
which he performed admitting this man to familiar intercourse 
with the captive monarch, he presumed, notwithstanding the mean- 

1 ness of his birth, to raise his affec- 
tions to a Coya, or descendant of the 
Sun, one of Atahualpa's wives; and 
seeing no prospect of gratifying that 
passion during the life of the mon- 
arch, he endeavored to fill the ears 
of the Spaniards with such accounts 
of the Inca's secret designs and 
preparations, as might awaken their 
jealousy, and incite them to cut him 
off. 

While Almagro and his followers 
openly demanded the life of the 
Inca, and Philippillo labored to ruin 
him by private machinations, that 
unhappy prince inadvertently con- 
tributed to hasten his own fate. 
During his confinement he had at- 
V^^?^^ tached himself with peculiar affection 
"^ to Ferdinand Pizarro and Hernando 
Soto ; who, as they were persons of 
birth and education superior to the 
rough adventurers with whom they 
served, were accustomed to behave 
with more decency and attention to 
the captive monarch. Soothed with 
this respect from persons of such 
high rank, he delighted in their so- 
ciety. But in the presence of the gov- 
ernor he was always uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came 
to be mingled with contempt. Among all the European arts, what 
he admired most was that of reading and writing ; and he long de- 
liberated with himself, whether he should regard it as a natural or 
acquired talent. In order to determine this, he desired one of the 




ATAHUALPA. 

FROM THE ENGRAVING IN MONTANUS' NIEUWE EN ONBEKENDE WEERELD. 




(■•3y; 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



66 1 



soldiers, who guarded him, to write the name of God on the nail 
of his thumb. This he sliowed successive!}- to several Spaniards, 
asking its meaning; and to his amazement, they all, without hesita- 
tion, returned the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and, 
on presenting it to him, he blushed, and, with some confusion was 
obliged to acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment Atahu- 
alpa considered him as a mean person, less instructed than his own 
soldiers ; and he had not address enough to conceal the sentiments 
with which this discovery inspired him. To be the object of a 
barbarian's scorn, not only mortified the pride of Pizarro, but ex- 
cited such resentment in his breast, as added force to all the other 
considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to death. 

But in order to give some color of justice to this violent ac- 
tion, and that he himself might be exempted from standing singly 
responsible for the commission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the 
Inca with all the formalities observed in the criminal courts of 
Spain. Pizarro himself, and Almagro, with two assistants, were 
appointed judges, with full power to acquit or to condemn; an 
attorney-general was named to carry on the prosecution in the 
king's name ; counsellors were chosen to assist the prisoner in his 
defense; and clerks were ordained to record the proceedings of 
court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited still 
more amazing. It consisted of various articles; that Atahualpa, 
though a bastard, had dispossessed the rightful owner of the 
throne, and usurped the regal power ; that he had put his brother 
and lawful sovereign to death ; that he was an idolater, and had 
not only permitted but commanded the offering of human sacri- 
fices ; that he had a great number of concubines ; that since his 
imprisonment he had wasted and embezzled the royal treasures, 
which now belonged of right to the conquerors ; that he had -incited 
his subjects to take arms against the Spaniards. On these heads of 
accusation, some of which are so ludicrous, others so absurd, that 
the effrontery of Pizarro, in making them the foundation of a 
serious procedure, is not less surprising than his injustice, did this 
strange court go on to try the sovereign of a great empire, over 
whom it had no jurisdiction. With respect to each of the articles, 
witnesses were examined ; but as they delivered their evidence in 
their native tongue, Philippillo had it in his power to give their 
words whatever turn best suited his malevolent intentions. To 




MUMMY HAND, 

ORNAMENTED WITH OOlO 

RrNGS AND BRACELETS. 

FOUND AT CHIMBOTE. 



662 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 









/ 1> 



judges pre-determiued in their opinion, the evidence appeared suf- 
ficient. Tliey pronounced Atahualpa guilt}-, and condemned him 
to be burnt alive. Friar \'alvcrde prostituted the authority of his 
sacred function to confirm this sentence, and b}' his signature war- 
ranted it to be just. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa endeavored 
to avert it b}^ tears, by promises, and by entreaties that he might 
be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his lot. 
But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizzaro. Reordered 
v hin; to be led instantly to execution; and 

what adiled to the bitterness of his last 
moments, the same monk who had just 
ratified his doom, offered to console, and 
attempted to convert him. The most 
powerful argument Valverde emplo3'ed to 
prevail with him to embrace the Christian 
faith, was a promise of mitigation in his 
punishment. The dread of a cruel death 
extorted from the trembling victim a de- 
sire of receiving baptism. The ceremony 
was performed ; and Atahualpa, instead of 
being burnt, was strangled at the stake. 

Happily for the credit of the Spanish 
nation, even among the profligate adven- 
turers which it sent forth to conquer and 
desolate the New World, there were persons 
who retained some tincture of the Castilian 
generosity and honor. Though, before the 
trial of Atahualpa, Ferdinand Pizarro had 
set out for Spain, and Soto was sent on a 
separate command at a distance from Caxa- 
malca, this odious transaction was not carried on without censure and 
opposition. Several officers, and among those some of the greatest 
reputation and most respectable families in the service, not only re- 
monstrated, but protested against this measure of their general, as 
disgraceful to their countrv, as repugnant to every maxim of equity. 
as a violation of public faith, and a usurpation of jurisdiction over 
an independent monarch, to which they had no title. But their 
laudable endeavors were vain. Nunibers, and the opinion of such 
as held every thing to be lawful which they deemed advantageous, 




THE HEARTLESS PIZARRO ORDERS THE UNFORTUNATE ATAHUALPA TO 
BE LED INSTANTLY TO EXECUTION. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



663 




prevailed. Histon-, however, records even the unsuccessful exer- 
tions of virtue with applause ; and the Spanish writers, in relating 
events where the valor of their nation is more conspicuous than its 
humanity, have not failed to preserve the names of those who made 
this laudable effort to save their country from the infamy of having 
perpetrated such a crime. 

On the death of Atahualpa, Pizarro invested one of his sons 
with the ensigns of royalty, hoping that a young man without 
experience might prove a more 
passive instrument in his hands 
than an ambitious monarch, who 
had been accustomed to independ- 
ent command. The people of 
Cuzco, and the adjacent country, 
acknowledged Manco Capac, a 
brother of Huascar, as Inca. But 
neither possessed the authority 
which belonged to a sovereign of 
Peru. The violent convulsions 
into which the empire had been 
thrown, first by the civil war be- 
tween the two brothers, and then 
by the invasion of the Spaniards, 
had not only deranged the order 
of the Peruvian government, but 
almost dissolved its frame. When 
thev beheld their monarch a cap- 
tive in the power of strangers, and 
at last suffering an ignominious 
death, the people in several prov- 
inces, as if they had been set free 
decency, broke into the most licentious excesses, 
scendants of the Sun, after being treated with the 
nity, had been cut off by Atahualpa, that not only their influence 
in the state diminished with their number, but the accustomed 
reverence for that sacred race sensibly decreased. In consequence 
of this state of things, ambitious men in different parts of the 
empire aspired to independent authority, and usurped jurisdiction 
to which they had no title. The general who commanded for Ata- 



INTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN DURING THE LATER REIGNS OF 
THE INCA5. 

The Temple, known also by the name of Coric.incha, or " the place of 
,eoId," consisted of a principal building and several chapels, and inferior edi- 
fices, covering a large extent of ground in tile heart of the city of Cuzco. 
It was substantially built, though thatched with straw, like most of the Inca 
buildings. The interior of the Temple was the most worthy of admiration. 
It was literally a mine of gold. On the western wall was emblazoned a rep- 
resentation of the deily (the stin). consisting of a human countenance, look- 
ing forth from amidst innumerable rays of light, which emanated from it in 
every direction, in the same manner as the sun is often personified with us. 
The figure was engraved on a massive plate of gold of enormous dimensions, 
thickly powdered with emeralds and precious sfmes. The cornices, which 
surrounded the walls of the sanctuary, were of the same costiv material ; and 
a broad belt or frieze of gold, let into the stonework, encompassed the whole 
exterior of the edifice. The bodies of the deceased Incas and Coyas, after 
being skillfully embalmed, were removed to this sanctuary, clothed in the 
princely attire which they had been accustomed to wear, placed on chairs of 
gold, their heads inclined downward, their hands placidly crossed over their 
bosoms. — Prescott, Coni^ucst, I oL /. 



fr. 



om 



every restraint of law and 
So many de- 
utmost indig- 



664 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



Bualpa in Quito, seized the brother and children of his master, put 
them to a cruel death, and, disclaiming any connection with either 
Inca, endeavored to establish a separate kingdom for himself. 

The Spaniards, with pleasure, beheld the spirit of discord dif- 
fusing itself, and the vigor of government relaxing among the 
Peruvians. They considered those disorders as symptoms of a 
state hastening towards its dissolution. Pizarro no longer hesi- 
tated to advance towards Cuzco, and he had received such consider- 
able reinforcements, that he could venture, with little danger, to 
penetrate so far into the interior part of the country. The account 
of the wealth acquired at Caxamalca operated as he had foreseen. 
No sooner did his brother Ferdinand, with the officers and soldiers, 
to whom he had given their discharge after the partition of the 

Inca's ransom, arrive at Panama, and 
display their riches in the view of their 



astonished countrymen, than fame 
spread the account with such exaggera- 
^ tion through all the Spanish settle- 
ments on the South Sea, that the gov- 
ernors of Guatemala, Panama, and Nica- 
ragua, could hardly restrain the people 
under their jurisdictioa, from abandon- 
ing their possessions, and crowding to 
that inexhaustible source of wealth 
which seemed to be opened in Peru. 
In spite of every check and regula- 
tion, such numbers resorted thither, that Pizarro began his march 
at the head of five hundred men, after leaving a considerable 
garrison in St. Michael, under the command of Benalcazar. The 
Peruvians had assembled some large bodies of troops to oppose 
his progress. Several fierce encounters happened. But they ter- 
minated like all the actions in America; a few Spaniards were 
killed or wounded ; the natives were put to flight with incredible 
slaughter. At length Pizarro forced his way to Cuzco, and took 
quiet possession of that capital. The riches found there, even 
after all that the natives had carried off and concealed, either 
from a superstitious veneration for the ornaments of their temples, 
or out of hatred to their rapacious conquerors, exceeded in value 
what had been received as Atahualpa's ransom. But as the Span- 




CONVENT OF SAN DOMINGO. ERECTED OVER THE RUINS OF THE TEMPLE 

OF THE SUN, AT CU2C0. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



665 



iards were now accustomed to the wealth of the country, and it 
came to be parceled out among a greater number of adventurers, this 
dividend did not excite the same surprise, either from novelty, or 
the largeness of the sum that fell to the share of each individual. 

During the march to Cuzco, that son of Atahualpa whom Pi- 
zarro treated as Inca, died ; and as the Spaniards substituted no 
person in his place, the title of Manco Capac seems to have been 
universally recognized. 




BHANCMES OF THE CINCHONA LANCIFOLIA. 

Cinchona, Peruvian or Jesuit's bark, named in honor of the countess 
of Chinclion, the wife of a Viceroy of Peru, who having been herself 
cured thereby, is said to have hrst carried the bark to Europe, where 
she used it successfully in the cure of intermittent fever about 1640, 
Quinia is its most important alkaloid. Sulphate of Quinia, or more 
properly the disulphate, is the medicine commonly known as quinine. 



37 




HEAD OF A MAN AT CABANA. 



GRANITE HEAD, PASHASH. 

PERUVIAN SCULPTURE. 

FROM CH. WIENER S PERU AND BOLIVIA. 




k::^^L..,jiL, 



GRANITE HEAD, PASHASH. 



CHAPTER LXVIII. 



THE CONQUEST OF QUITO ALVARADO'S EXPEDITION. ALM AGBOS I NVASION OF CH I LI. 




HILE his fellow-soldiers were thus 
,^ ,.^ employed, Benalcazar, governor of 

WL^^^^ ^ St. Michael, an able and enterprising 
officer, was ashamed of remaining in- 
active, and impatient to have his name 
distinguished among the discoverers 
and conquerors of the New World, The 
seasonable arrival of a fresh bod}' of re- 
cruits from Panama and Nicaragua put it in his 
power to gratify this passion. Leaving a sufficient force 
to protect the infant settlement intrusted to his care, he 
placed himself at the head of the rest, and set out to attempt 
the reduction of Quito, where, according to the report of the 
natives, Atahualpa had left the greatest part of his treasure. 
Notwithstanding the distance of that city from St. Michael, the 
difficulty of marching through a mountainous country covered with 
woods, and the frequent and fierce attacks of the best troops in 
Peru commanded by a skillful leader, the valor, good conduct, and 
perseverance of Benalcazar surmounted every obstacle, and he en- 
tered Quito with his victorious troops. But they met with a cruel 
mortification there. The natives, now acquainted to their sorrow 
with the predominant passion of their invaders, and knowing how 
to disappoint it, had carried off all those treasures, the prospect of 



(666) 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



667 



which had prompted them to undertake this arduous expedition, 
and had supported them under all the dangers and hardships 
wherewith they had to struggle in carr3'ing it on. 

Beualcazar was not the only Spanish leader who attacked the 
kingdom of Quito. The fame of its riches attracted a more power- 
ful enemy. Pedro de Alvarado, who had distinguished himself so 
eminently in the conquest of IMexico, having obtained the govern 
ment of Guatemala as a recompense for his valor, soon became dis- 
gusted with a life of uniform trauquillitj', and longed to be again 
engaged in the bustle of military service. The glory and wealth 
acquired by the conquerors of 
Peru heightened this passion, 
and gave it a determined di- 
rection. Believing, or pre- 
tending to believe, that the 
kingdom of Quito did not lie 
within the limits of the prov- 
ince allotted to Pizarro, he 
resolved to invade it. The 
high reputation of the com- 
mander allured volunteers 
from every quarter. He em- 
barked with five hundred 
men, of whom above two 
hundred were of such dis- 
tinction as to serve on horse- 
back. He landed at Puerto 
Viejo, and without sufiBcient 
knowledge of the country, or 
proper guides to conduct him, 
attempted to march directly 
to Quito, by following the 
course of the river Guya- 
quil, and crossing the ridge 
of the Andes towards its head. But in this 
route, one of the most impracticable in all 
America, his troops endured such fatigue in forcing their 
waj- through forests and marshes on the low grounds, ^ 
and suffered so much from excessive cold when they be- "# 




THE E>. .ESSIVE COLO REIGNING SUPREME IN THE 

HIGH LATITUDES OF THE ANDES, NEARLY 

ANNIHILATES ALVAHADO'S ARMY. 



668 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

gan to ascend the mountains, that before they reached the plain of 
Quito, a fifth part of the men and half their horses died, and the 
rest were so much dispirited and worn out, as to be almost unfit 
for service. There they met with a body, not of Indians, but of 
Spaniards, drawn in hostile array against them. Pizarro having 
received an account of Alvarado's armament, had detached Almagro 
with some troops to oppose this formidable invader of his jurisdic- 
tion ; and these were joined by Benalcazar and his victorious party. 
Alvarado, though surprised at the sight of enemies whom he did 
not expect, advanced boldly to the charge. But, by the interposi- 
tion of some moderate men in each party, an amicable accommo- 
dation took place ; and the fatal period when Spaniards suspended 
their conquests to imbrue their hands in the blood of their coun- 
trymen, was postponed a few years. Alvarado engaged to return 
to his government, upon Almagro's paying him a hundred thousand 
pesos to defray the expense of his armament. Most of his fol- 
lowers remained in the country ; and an expedition, which threat- 
ened Pizarro and his colony with ruin, contributed to augment its 
strength. 

1534]. By this time Ferdinand Pizarro had landed in Spain. 
The immense quantities of gold and silver which he imported, 
filled the kingdom with no less astonishment than they had ex- 
cited in Panama and the adjacent provinces. Pizarro was received 
by the emperor with the attention due to the bearer of a present 
so rich, as to exceed any idea which the Spaniards had formed con- 
cerning the value of their acquisitions in America, even after they 
had been ten years masters of Mexico. In recompense of his 
brother's services, his authority was confirmed with new powers 
and privileges, and the addition of seventy leagues, extending 
along the coast, to the southward of the territory granted in his 
former patent. Almagro received the honors which he had so long 
desired. The title of Adelantado, or governor, was conferred upon 
him, with jurisdiction over two hundred leagues of country, 
stretching beyond the southern limits of the province allotted to 
Pizarro. Ferdinand himself did not go unrewarded. He was ad- 
mitted into the military order of St. Jago, a distinction always ac- 
ceptable to a Spanish gentleman, and soon set out on his return to 
Peru, accompanied by many persons of higher rank than had yet 
served in that country. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



669 



Some account of his negotiations reached Peru before he ar- 
rived there himself. Almagro no sooner learned that he had ob- 
tained the royal grant of an independent government, than pre- 
tending that Cuzco, the imperial residence of the Incas, lay within 
its boundaries, he attempted to render himself master of that im- 
portant station. Juan and Gonzales Pizarro prepared to oppose 
him. Each of the contending parties was supported by powerlul 
adherents, and the dispute was on the point of being terminated by 
the sword, when Francis Pizarro arrived in the capital. The recon- 
ciliation between him and Almagro had never been cordial. The 
treachery of Pizarro in engrossing to himself all the honors and 
emoluments, which ought to have been divided with his associate, 
was always present in both 
their tlioughts. The former, 
conscious of his own perfidy, 
did not expect forgiveness; 
the latter, feeling that he had 
been deceived, was impatient 
to be avenged; and though 
avarice and ambition had in- 
duced them not only to dissem- 
ble their sentiments, but even 
to act in concert while in pur- 
suit of wealth and power, no 
sooner did they obtain posses- le- 
sion of these, than the same 
passions which had formed this 
temporary union, gave rise to jealousy and discord. To each of 
them was attached a small band of interested dependants, who, with 
the malicious art peculiar to such men, heightened their suspicions, 
and magnified every appearance of offense. But with all these steds 
of enmity in their minds, and thus assiduously cherished, each was 
so thoroughly acquainted with the abilities and courage of his rival, 
that they equally dreaded the consequences of an open rupture. The 
fortunate arrival of Pizrrro at Cuzco, and the address mingled with 
firmness which he manifested in his expostulations with Almagro 
and his partisans, averted that evil for the present. A new recon- 
ciliation took place; the chief article of which was, that Almagro 
should attempt the conquest of Chili; and if he did not find in 




cathedral of cuzco, plaza mavor. 
(from a photograph.) 



670 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




BRIDGE OVER THE RIVER PACMACHACA, MADE Of THE FIBRE OF THE MAGUEV. 



that province au establishment adequate to his merit and expecta- 
tions, Pizarro, b}^ way of indemnification, should yield up to him a 
part of Peru. This new agreement, though confirmed [June 12] 
with the same sacred soleniities as their first contract, was observed 
with as little fidelity. 

Soon after he concluded this important transaction, Pizarro 
,j,;,_^^ ^ . , ■ marched back to the countries on the 

seacoast; and as he now enjoyed an 
interval of tranquillity, undisturbed 
by any enemy, either Spaniard or 
Indian, he applied himself with that 
persevering ardor which distinguishes 
his character, to introduce a form 
of regular government into the ex- 
tensive provinces subject to his au- 
thority. Though ill qualified by 
his education to enter into any dis- 
quisition concerning the principles 
of civil policy, and little accustomed 
by his former habits of life to attend to its arrangements, his 
natural sagacity supplied the want both of science and experi- 
ence. He distributed the country into various districts ; he ap- 
pointed proper magistrates to preside in each ; and established 
regulations concerning the administration of justice, the collection 
of the royal revenue, the working of the mines, and the treatment 
of the Indians, extremely simple, but well calculated to promote 
the public prosperity. But though, for the present, he adapted his 
plan to the infant state of his colony, his aspiring mind looked for- 
ward to its future grandeur. He 
considered himself as laying the 
foiindation of a great empire, and 
deliberated long, and with much 
solicitude, in what place he should 
fix the seat of government. Cuzco, 
the imperial city of the Incas, was 
situated in a corner of the empire, 
above four hundred miles from the 
sea, and much further from Quito, 
a province of whose value he had 




THE CATHEDRAL OF LIMA. (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



671 



formed a high idea. No other settlement of the Peruvians was so 
considerable as to merit the name of a town, or to allure the Span- 
iards to fix their residence in it. But, in marching through the coun- 
try, Pizarro had been struck with the beauty and fertility of the val- 
ley of Rimac, one of the most extensive and best cultivated in Peru. 
There, on the banks of a small river, of the same name with the 
vale which it waters and enriches, at the distance of six miles from 
Callao, the more commodioiis harbor in the Pacific Ocean, he 
founded a city which he destined to be the capital of his govern- 
ment [Jan. iS, 1535]. He gave it the name of Ciudad de los Reyes, 
either from the circumstance of having laid the first stone at that 
season when the church celebrates the festival of the Three Kings, 
or, as is most probable, in honor of Juana and Charles, the joint 
sovereigns of Castile. This name it still retains among the Span- 
iards, in all legal and formal deeds ; but it is better known to for- 
eingers by that of Lima, a corruption of the ancient "appellation 
of the valley in which it is situated. Under his inspection, the 
buildings advanced with such rapidity, that it soon assumed 
the form of a citj', which, by a magnificent palace that he 
erected for himself, and by the stately houses built by 
several of his officers, gave, even in its infancy, some- 
indication of its subsequent grandeur. 

In consequence of what had been agreed with Piz- 
arro, Almagro began his march towards Chili; and 
as he possessed in an eminent degree the virtues 
most admired by soldiers, boundless liberality and |[,J| 
fearless courage, his standard was followed by A-it-M 
five hundred and seventy men, the greatest 
body of Europeans that had hitherto been as- 
sembled in Peru. From impatience to finish 
the expedition, or from that contempt of hard- 
ship and danger acquired by all the Spaniards 
who had served long in America, Almagro, in- 
stead of advancing along the level country on 
the coast, chose to march across the mountains 
by a route that was shorter, indeed, but almost 
impracticable. In this attempt his troops 
were exposed to every calamity which men 
can suffer, from fatigue, from famine, and 




ALMAGRO CR0S9IMQ TME CORDILLERAS ON MtS MARCH TO CHILI. 



672 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



from the rigor of the climate in those elevated regions of the 
torrid zone, where the degree of cold is hardly inferior to what is 
felt within the polar circle. Many of them perished ; and the 
survivors, when they descended into the fertile plains of Chili, had 
new difficulties to encounter. They found there a race of men 
very different from the people of Peru, intrepid, hardy, independ- 
ent, and in their bodily constitution, as well as vigor of spirit, 

nearly resembling the warlike tribes of North 
America. Though filled with wonder at the 
first appearance of the Spaniards, and still 
more astonished at the operations of their 
cavalry and the effects of their firearms, the 
Chilese soon recovered so far from their sur- 
prise, as not only to defend themselves with 
obstinacy, but to attack their new enemies 
with more determined fierceness than any 
American nation had hitherto discovered. 
The Spaniards, however, continued to pene- 
trate into the country, and collected some considerable quantities 
of gold ; but were so far from thinking of making any settlement 
amidst such formidable neighbors, that, in spite of all the experi- 
ence and valor of their leader, the final issue of the expedition 
still remained extremely dubious, when they were recalled from it 
by an unexpected revolution in Peru. The causes of this important 
event I shall endeavor to trace to their source. 

So many adventurers had flocked to Peru from every Spanish 
colony in America, and all with such high expectations of accumu- 
lating independent fortunes at once, that, to men possessed with 
notions so extravagant, any mention of acquiring wealth gradually, 
and by schemes of patient industry, would have been not only a 
disappointment, but an insult. In order to find occupation for 
men who could not with safety be allowed to remain inactive, Pi- 




AfiAUCANlANS; ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS OF CHILI. 



;:arro encourasyed 

o 



some of the most distinguished officers who had 



lately joined him, to invade different provinces of the empire, 
which the Spaniards had not hitherto visited. Several large bodies 
were formed for this purpose; and about the time that Almagro 
set out for Chili, they marched into remote districts of the coun- 
try. No sooner did Manco Capac, the Inca, observe the inconsid- 
erate security of the Spaniards in thus dispersing their troops, and 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 673 

that only a handful of soldiers remained at Cuzco, under Juan and 
Gonzalez Pizarro, than he thought that the happy period was at 
length come for vindicating his own rights, for avenging the 
wrongs of his country, and extirpating its oppressors. Though 
strictly watched by the Spaniards, who allowed him to reside in 
the palace of his ancestors at Cuzco, he found means of communi- 
cating his scheme to the persons who were to be intrusted with 
the execution of it. Among people accustomed to revere their 
sovereign as a divinity, ever}' hint of his will carries the authority 
of a command; and they themselves were now convinced, by the 
daily increase in the number of their invaders, that the fond hopes 
which they had long entertained of their voluntary departure were 
altogether vain. All perceived that a vigorous effort of the whole 
nation was requisite to expel them, and the preparations for it 
were carried on with the secrecy and silence peculiar to Americans. 
After some unsuccessful attempts of the Inca to make his 
escape, Ferdinand Pizarro happening to arrive at that time in 
Cuzco [1536], he obtained permission from him to attend a great 
festival which was to be celebrated a few leagues from the capital. 
Under pretext of that solemnity, the great men of the empire were 
assembled. As soon as the Inca joined them, the standard of war 
was erected ; and in a short time all the fighting men, from the 
confines of Quito to the frontier of Chili, were in arms. Many 
Spaniards, living securely on the settlements allotted them, were 
massacred. Several detachments, as they marched carelessly 
through a country which seemed to be tamely submissive to their 
dominion, were cut off to a man. An army amounting {if we 
mav believe the Spanish writers) to two hundred thousand 
men, attacked Cuzco, which the three brothers endeavored to 
defend with only one hundred and seventy Spaniards. An- 
other formidable body invested Lima, and kept the governor 
closely shut up. There was no longer any communication be- 
tween the two cities ; the numerous forces of the Peruvians spread- 
ing over the country, intercepted every messenger; and as the 
parties in Cuzco and Lima were equally unacquainted with the 
fate of their countrymen, each boded the worst concerning the 
other, and imagined that they themselves were the only persons 
who had survived the general extinction of the Spanish name in 
Peru. 



674 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



It was at Cuzco, where the Inca commanded in person, that 
the Peruvians made their chief efforts. During nine months they 
carried on the siege with incessant ardor, and in various forms; 
and though they displayed not the same undaunted ferocity as the 
Mexican warriors, they conducted some of their operations in a 
manner which discovered greater sagacity, and a genius more sus- 
ceptible of improvement in the military art. They not only ob- 
served the advantages which the Spaniards derived from their dis- 
cipline and their weapons, but they endeavored to imitate the for- 
mer, and turned the latter against them. They armed a consider- 
able body of their bravest warriors with the swords, the spears, 
and bucklers, which they had taken from the Spanish soldiers 
whom they had cut off in different parts of the country. These 
they endeavored to marshal in that regular compact order, to which 
experience had taught them that the Spaniards were indebted for 
their irresistible force in action. Some appeared in the field with 
Spanish muskets, and had acquired skill and resolution enough to 
use them. A few of the boldest, among whom was the Inca him- 
self, were mounted on the horses which they had taken, and ad- 
vanced briskly to the charge like Spanish 
cavaliers, with their lances in rest. It was 
more by their numbers, however, than by 
those imperfect essays to imitate European 
arts and to employ European arms, that 
the Peruvians annoyed the Spaniards. In 
spite of the valor, heightened by despair, 
with which the three brothers defended 
Cuzco, Manco Capac recovered possession of 
one-half of his capital, besides holding the 
citadel or fortress of Sacsahuaman ; and in 
their various efforts to drive him out of the 
latter, the Spaniards lost Juan Pizarro, the 
best beloved of all the brothers, together 
with some other persons of note. Worn 
out with the fatigue of incessant duty, dis- 
tressed with the want of provisions, and 
despairing of being able any longer to 
resist an enemy whose numbers daily in- 
creased, the soldiers became impatient to 




THE ASfiAULT UPON THE INCA FORTRESS OF SACSAHUAMAN BY THE 
SPANIARDS. 




(675) 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



677 



abandon Cuzco, in hopes either of joining their countrymen, if 
anj' of them yet survived, or of forcing their way to the sea, and 
finding some means of escaping from a country which had 
been so fatal to the Spanish name. While they were brooding 
over those desponding thoughts, which their officers labored in 
vain to dispel, Alraagro appeared suddenly in the neighborhood 
of Cuzco. 

The accounts transmitted to Almagro concerning the general in- 
surrection of the Peruvians, were such as would have induced him, 
without hesitation, to relinquish the con- 
quest of Chili, and hasten to the aid of his 
countrymen. But in this resolution he was 
confirmed by a motive less generous, but 
more interesting. By the same messenger 
who brought him intelligence of the Inca's 
revolt, he received the royal patent creating 
him governor of Chili, and defining the 
limits of his jurisdiction. Upon considering 
the tenor of it, he deemed it manifest 
beyond contradiction, that Cuzco lay within 
the boundaries of his government, and he 
was equally solicitous to prevent the Peru- 
vians from recovering possession of their 
capital, and to wrest it out of the hands of 
the Pizarros. From impatience to accomp- 
lish both, he ventured to return by a new 
route ; and in marching through the sandy 
plains on the coast, he suffered from heat 
and drought, calamities of a uew species 
hardly inferior to those in which he had been involved by cold and 
famine on the summits of the Andes. 

1537.] His arrival at Cuzco was at a critical moment. The Span- 
iards and Peruvians fixed their eyes upon him with equal solicitude. 
The former, as he did not study to conceal his pretensions, were at 
a loss whether to welcome him as a deliverer, or to take precautions 
against him as an enemy. The latter, knowing the points in con- 
test between him and his countrymen, flattered themselves that 
they had more to hope than to dread from his operations. Almagro 
himself, unacquainted with the detail of the events which had hap- 




CHUHCH OF THE JESUITS AT CUZCO. (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 



6/8 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




SCULPTURE FROM THE INCA GATE AT CU2C0. 



pened in his absence, and solicitous to learn the precise posture of 
affairs, advanced toward the capital slowly, and with great circum- 
spection. Various negotiations with both parties were set on foot. 
The Inca conducted them on his part with much address. At first 
he endeavored to gain the friendship of Almagro ; and after many 
fruitless overtures, despairing of any cordial 
union with a Spaniard, he attacked him by sur- 
prise with a numerous body of chosen troops. 
But the Spanish discipline and valor main- 
tained their wonted superiorit}'. The Peru- 
vians were repulsed with such slaughter, that a 
great part of their army dispersed, and Al- 
magro proceeded to the gates of Cuzco without 
interruption. 

The Pizarros, as they had no longer to 
make head against the Peruvians, directed all 
their attention towards their new enemj', and 
took measures to obstruct his entry into the 
capital. Prudence, however, restrained both 
parties for some time from turning their arms 
against one another, while surrounded by com- 
mon enemies, who would rejoice in the mutual 
slaughter. Different schemes of accommoda^ 
tion were proposed. Each endeavored to de' 
ceive the other, or to corrupt his followers. 
The generous, open, affable temper of Alma- 
gro gained many adherents of the Pizarros, 
who were disgusted with their harsh, domineer- 
ing manners. Encouraged by this defection, he 
advanced towards the city by night, surprised 
the sentinels or was admitted by them, and, 
investing the house where the two brothers 
resided, compelled them, after an obstinate 
defense, to surrender at discretion. Almagro's claim of jurisdiction 
over Cuzco was universally acknowledged, and a form of adminis- 
tration established in his name. 

Two or three persons only were killed in this first act of civil 
hostility ; but it was soon followed by scenes more bloody. Fran- 
cisco Pizarro having dispersed the Peruvians who had invested 




SCULPTURE FROM THE INCA GATE AT CUZCO. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



679 




ALONZO DE ALVARADO, AT THE HEAD OF FIVE HUNDRED MEN. CROSSES A PONTOON BfllOGE 
ON THE ROAD TO CUZCO. 



Lima, and received some considerable reinforcements from Hispan- 
iola and Nicaragua, ordered five hundred men, under the command 
of Alonzo de Alvarado, to 
march to Cuzco, in hopes of 
relieving his brothers, if they 
and their garrison were not 
already cut off by the Peru- 
vians. This body, which, at 
that period of the Spanish 
power in America, must be 
deemed a considerable force, 
advanced near to the capital 
before they knew that they had 
an}- enemy more formidable 
than Indians to encounter. 
It was with astonishment that 
the}' beheld their countrymen posted on the banks of the river 
Abancay to oppose their progress. Almagro, however, wished 
rather to gain than to conquer them, and by bribes and promises 
endeavored to seduce their leader. The fidelity of Alvarado re- 
mained unshaken ; but his talents for war were not equal to his 
virtue. Almagro amused him with various movements, of which he 
did not comprehend the meaning, while a large detachment of 
chosen soldiers passed the river by night [July 12], fell upon his 
camp by surprise, broke his troops before they had time to fnrm, 
and took him prisoner, together with his principal -,-f^ 
officers. r 

By the sudden rout of this body, the con- 
test between the two rivals must have been ^-^ -, 
decided, if Almagro had known as well how 
to improve as how to gain a victory. 
Rodrigo Orgonez, an officer of great 
abilities, who having served under the 
Constable Bourbon, when he led the 
imperial army to Rome, had been 
accustomed to bold and decisive meas- 
ures, advised him instantly to issue 
orders for putting to death Ferdi- 
nand and Gonzalo Pizarro, Alvarado, 



"^ it:. 





ALVARADO TAKEN PRISUr, 



68o THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

and a few other persons whom he could not hope to gain, and to 
march directly with his victorious troops to Lima, before the gov- 
ernor had time to prepare for his defense. But Almagro, though 
he discerned at once the utility of the counsel, and though he had 
courage to have carried it into execution, suffered himself to be in- 
fluenced by sentiments iinlike those of a soldier of fortune grown 
old in service, and by scruples which suited not the chief of a party 
who had drawn his sword in civil war. Feelings of humanity re- 
strained him from shedding the blood of his opponents ; and the 
dread of being deemed a rebel, deterred him from entering a prov- 
ince which the King had allotted to another. Though he knew 
that arms must terminate the dispute between him and Pizarro, and 
resolved not to shun that mode of decision ; yet, with a timid deli- 
cacy, preposterous at such a juncture, he was so solicitous that his 
rival should be considered as the aggressor, that he marched quietly 
back to Cuzco, to wait his approach. 




ERyTHROAYLON COCA, OR PRESCOTTS EHYTHHOXYLUM PfRUVIANUM; THE CUCA 
OF THE NATIVES. 

_ It is valued for its stimulating narcotic properties, which it is said to possess 
]B.^ stealer degree than opium, tobacco, or any other vegetable production. 
The leaves are gathered and dried in the sun. and are chewed, mixed with quick- 
lime, which the Peruvians affirm renders its flavor sensible to the taste. The 
practice of chewing the leaf is attended with the most pernicious consequences, 
producing an intoxication like opium. Under the Inca reign it is said to have 
been exclusively reserved for the nobles. With a handful of roasted corn 
(maizel and a small supply of coca, the Indian of our day performs his weari- 
some journeys, day after day, without fatigue, or at least without complaint. 




OLD PERUVIAN SCULPTURE. 

HEAD OF A MAN, EATING A BALL OF COCA. 

GRAY GRANITE. FOUND AT CABANA. 



CHAPTER LXIX. 




.flANCISCO PIZARRO PREPARES FOR WAR. HIS MARCH TO CUZCO. DEFEAT AND EXECUTION 

OF ALMAGflO. VACA DE CASTRO APPOINTED GOVERNOR. REMARKABLE 

EXPEDITION OF GONZALO PIZARRO AND ORFLIANA 



IZARRO was still unacquainted with all 
the interesting events which had happened 
near Cuzco. Accounts of Almagro's return, 
of the loss of the capital, of the death of 
one brother, of the imprisonment of the other 
two, and of the defeat of Alvarado, were brought 
to him at once. Such a tide of misfortimes almost 
overwhelmed a spirit which had continued firm and 
erect under the riidest shocks of adversity. But the 
necessity of attending to his own safety, as well as the desire of 
revenge, preserved him from sinking under it. He took measures 
for both with his wonted sagacity. As he had the command of 
the sea-coast, and expected considerable supplies both of men 
and military stores, it was no less his interest to gain time, and 
to avoid an action, than it was that of Almagro to precipitate 
operations, and bring the contest to a speedy issue. He had re- 
course to arts which he had formerly practiced with success; and 
Almagro was again weak enough to suffer himself to be amused 
with a prospect of terminating their differences by some amica- 
ble accommodation. By varying his overtures, and shifting his 
ground as often as it suited his purpose, sometimes seeming to 
yield to every thing which his rival could desire, and then re- 
tracting all that he had granted, Pizarro dexterously protracted 
the negotiation to such a length, that, though every day was pre- 



(68i) 



682 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

cious to Almagro, several months elapsed without coming to 
any final agreement. While the attention of Almagro, and of 
the ofiicers with whom he consulted, was occupied in detecting and 
eluding the fraudulent intentions of the governor, Gonzalo Pizarro 
and Alvarado found means to corrupt the soldiers to whose custody 
they were committed, and not only made their escape themselves, 
but persuaded sixty of the men who formerly guarded them to ac- 
company their flight. Fortune having thus delivered one of his 
brothers, the governor scrupled not at one act of perfidy more to 
procure the release of the othei. He proposed that every point in 
controversy between Almagro and himself should be submitted to 
the decision of their sovereign ; that until his award was known, 
each should retain undisturbed possession of whatever part of the 
countr)^ he now occupied; that Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at 
liberty, and return instantly to Spain, together with the ofiicers 
whom Almagro purposed to send thither to represent the justice 
of his claims. Obvious as the design of Pizarro was in those 
propositions, and familiar as his artifices might now have been to 
his opponent, Almagro, with a credulity approaching to infatua- 
tion, relied on his sincerity, and concluded an agreement on these 
terms. 

The moment that Ferdinand Pizarro recovered his liberty, the 
governor, no longer fettered in his operations by anxiety about his 
brother's life, threw off every disguise which his concern for it had 
obliged him to assume. The treat}^ was forgotten , pacific and 
conciliating measures were no more mentioned ; it was in the field, 
he openly declared, and not in the cabinet ; by arms, and not by 
negotiation, — that it must now be determined who should be master 
of Peru. The rapidity of his preparations suited such a decisive 
resolution. Seven hundred men were soon ready to march towards 
Cuzco. The command of these was given to his two brothers, in 
whom he could perfectly confide for the execution of his most vio- 
lent schemes, as they were urged on, not only b}^ the enmity flow- 
ing from the rivalship between their family and Almagro, but ani- 
mated with the desire of vengeance, excited by recollection of their 
own recent disgrace and sufferings. After an unsuccessful attempt 
to cross the mountains in the direct road between Lima and Cuzco, 
they marched towards the south along the coast as far as Nasca, 
and then turning to the left, penetrated through the defiles in that 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 683 

branch of the Andes which lay between them and the capital. 
Alniagro, instead of hearkening to some of his officers, who ad- 
vised him to attempt the defense of those difficult passes, waited 
the approach of the enemy in the plain of Cuzco. Two reasons 
seem to have induced him to take this resolution. His followers 
amounted hardly to five hundi-ed, and he was afraid of weakening 
such a feeble body by sending any detachment towards the mount- 
ains. His cavalry far exceeded that of the adverse party, both in 
number and discipline, and it was only in an open country that he 
could avail himself of that advantage. 

The Pizarros advanced without aii}^ obstruction, but what arose 
from the nature of the desert and horrid regions through which 
thev marched. As soon as they reached the plain, both factions 
were equally impatient to bring this long-protracted contest to an 
issue. Though countrymen and friends, the subjects of the same 
sovereign, and each with the royal standard displayed ; and though 
they beheld the mountains that surrounded the plain in which 
they were drawn up, covered with a vast multitude of Indians 
assembled to enjo}' the spectacle of their mutual carnage, and pre- 
pared to attack whatever party remained master of the field ; so 
fell and implacable was the rancor which had taken possession of 
every breast, that not one pacific counsel, not a single overture 
towards accommodation proceeded from either side. Unfortunately 
for Almagro, he was so worn out with the fatigues of service, to 
which his advanced age was unequal, that, at this crisis of his fate, 
he could not exert his wonted activity, and he was obliged to 
commit the leading of his troops to Orgonez, who, though an 
officer of great merit, did not possess the same ascendant, either 
over the spirit or affections of the soldiers, as the chief whom they 
had long been accustomed to follow and revere. 

The conflict was fierce, and maintained by each party with 
equal courage [April 26J. On the side of Almagro, were more 
veteran soldiers, and a larger proportion of cavalry ; but these were 
coiinterbalanced by Pizarro's superiority in numbers, and by two 
companies of well-disciplined musketeers, which, on receiving an 
account of the insurrection of the Indians, the emperor had sent 
from Spain. As the use of firearms was not frequent among the 
adventurers in America, hastily equipped for service, at their own 
expense, this small band of soldiers, regularly trained and armed, 

38 



684 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



was a novelty in Peru, and decided the fate of the day. Wherever 
it advanced, the weight of a heavy and well-sustained fire bore 
down horse and foot before it ; and Orgoiiez, while he endeav- 
ored to rally and animate his troops, having received a danger- 
ous wound, the rout became general. The barbarity of the con- 
querors stained the glory which they acquired by this complete 
victory. The violence of civil rage hurried on some to slaughter 
their countrymen with indiscriminate cruelty ; the meanness of 

private revenge instigated others 
to single out individuals as the 
objects of their vengeance. Orgo- 
iiez and several officers of distinc- 
tion were massacred in cold blood ; 
above a hundred and forty soldiers 
fell in the field ; a large proportion, 
where the number of combatants 
was few, and the heat of the contest 
soon over. Almagro, though so 
feeble that he could not bear the 
motion of a horse, had insisted on 
being carried in a litter to an emi- 
nence which overlooked the field 
of battle. From thence, in the ut- 
most agitation of mind, he viewed 
the various movements of both 
parties, and, at last, beheld the total 
defeat of his own troops, with all 
the passionate indignation of a 
veteran leader long accustomed to 
victory. He endeavored to save 
himself by flight, but was taken 
prisoner, and guarded with the strictest vigilance. 

The Indians, instead of executing the resolution which they 
had formed, retired quietly after the battle was over; and in the 
history of the New World, there is not a more striking instance 
of the wonderful ascendant which the Spaniards had acquired over 
its inhabitants, than that, after seeing one of the contending 
parties ruined and dispersed, and the other weakened and fatigued, 
they had not the courage to fall upon their enemies, when fortune 







PlZABftO'Q WELL-DISCIPLINED BATTALIONS ACHIEVE A DECISIVE VICTORY OVER THE 
VETERANS OF ALMAGRO. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 685 

presented an opportunity of attacking them with such advan- 
tage. 

Cuzco was pillaged by the victorious troops, who found there 
a considerable booty, consisting partly of the gleanings of the In- 
dian treasures, and partly of the wealth amassed by their antago- 
nists from the spoils of Peru and Chili. But so far did this, and 
whatever the bounty of their leader could add to it, fall below the 
high ideas of the recompense which they conceived to be due to 
their merit, that Ferdinand Pizarro, unable to gratify such ex- 
travagant expectations, had recourse to the same expedient which his 
brother had employed on a similar occasion, and endeavored to 
find occupation for this turbulent assuming spirit, in order to pre- 
vent it from breaking out into open mutiny. With this view, he 
encouraged his most active officers to attempt the discovery and 
reduction of various provinces which had not hitherto submitted 
to the Spaniards. To every standard erected by the leaders who 
undertook any of those new expeditions, volunteers resorted with 
the ardor and hope peculiar to the age. Several of Almagro's 
soldiers joined them, and thus Pizarro had the satisfaction of being 
delivered both from the importunity of his discontented friends, 
and the dread of his ancient enemies. 

Almagro himself remained for several months in custody, 
under all the anguish of suspense. For although his doom was 
determined by the Pizarros from the moment that he fell into 
their hands, prudence constrained them to defer gratifying their 
vengeance, until the soldiers who had served under him, as well as 
several of their own followers, in whom they could not perfectly 
confide, had left Cuzco. As soon as they set out upon their difter- 
ent expeditions, Almagro was impeached of treason, formally tried, 
and condemned to die. The sentence 
astonished him ; and though he had 
often braved death with undaunted 
spirit in the field, its approach under 
this ignominious form appalled him 
so much, that he had recourse to abject 
supplications unworthy of his former 
fame. He besought the Pizarros to re- 
member the ancient friendship between 
their brother and him, and how much 




ALMAGRO APPALLED WHEN HEARJNG SENTENCE OF DEATH PRONOUNCED 
AGAINST HIM. 



686 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

he had contributed to the prosperity of their family; he reminded 
them of the humanity with which, in opposition to the repeated 
remonstrances of his own most attached friends, he had spared their 
lives when he had them in his power; he conjured them to pity his 
age and infirmities, and to suffer him to pass the wretched remain- 
der of his days in bewailing his crimes, and in making his peace 
with Heaven. The entreaties, says a Spanish historian, of a man so 
much beloved, touched many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears from 
many a stern eye. But the brothers remained inflexible. As soon 
as Almagro knew his fate to be inevitable, he met it with the dig- 
nity and fortitude of a veteran. He was strangled in prison, and 
afterwards publicly beheaded. He suffered in the seventy-fifth 
year of his age, and left one son by an Indian woman of Panama, 
whom, though at that time a prisoner in Lima, he named as suc- 
cessor to his government, pursuant to a power which the emperor 
had granted him. 

1539.] As, during the civil dissensions in Peru, all intercourse 
with Spain was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transac- 
tions there did not soon reach the court. Unfortunatel}' for the 
victorious faction, the first intelligence was brought thither by 
some of Almagro's officers, who left the country upon the ruin of 
their cause ; and they related what had happened, with every cir- 
cumstance, unfavorable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambi- 
tion, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence 
and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration 
of party-hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and 
appeared in court with extraordinary splendor, endeavored to efface 
the impression which their accusations had made, and to justify 
his brother and himself by representing Almagro as the aggressor. 
The emperor and his ministers, though they could not pronounce 
which of the contending factions was most criminal, clearly dis. 
cerned the fatal tendency of their dissensions. It was obvious, that 
while the leaders, intrusted with the conduct of two infant colo- 
nies, employed the arms which should have been turned against 
the common enemy, in destroying one another, all attention to the 
public good must cease, and there was reason to dread that the 
Indians might improve the advantage which the disunion of the 
Spaniards presented to them, and extirpate both the victors and 
vanquished. But the evil was more apparent than the remedy. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 687 

Where the information which had been received was so defective and 
suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, it was almost impos- 
sible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be followed ; 
and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could be 
carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circum- 
stauces of affairs, might alter so entireh- as to render its effects 
extremely pernicious. 

Nothing, therefore, remained, but to send a person to Peru, 
vested with extensive and discretionary power, who, after viewing 
deliberately the posture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring 
upon the spot into the conduct of the different leaders, should be 
authorized to establish the government in that form which he 
deemed most conducive to the interest of the parent state, and the 
welfare of the colony. The man selected for this important charge 
was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the court of ro3'al audi- 
ence at Valladolid ; and his abilities, integrity, and firmness, justi- 
fied the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as 
to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect 
of affairs, he had power to take upon him different characters. If 
he found^the governor still alive, he was to assume only the title of 
judge, to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and 
to guard against giving any just cause of offense to a man who had 
merited so highly of his country. But if Pizarro were dead, he was 
intrusted with a commission that he might then produce, by which 
he was appointed his successor in the government of Peru. This 
attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have ilowed rather from 
dread of his power than from any approbation of his measures ; for, 
at the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate 
him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to 
a prison, where he remained above twenty years. 

1540]. While Vaca de Castro was preparing for his voyage, 
events of great moment happened in Peru. The governor, consid- 
ering himself, upon the death of Almagro, as the unrivalled pos- 
sessor of that vast empire, proceeded to parcel out its territories 
among the conquerors ; and had this division been made with any 
degree of impartiality, the extent of country which he had to be- 
stow was sufficient to have gratified his friends, and to have gained - 
his enemies. But Pizarro conducted this transaction, not with the 
equity and candor of a judge attentive to discover and to reward 



688 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



6PANI6H NAME 



merit, but with the illiberal spirit of a party-leader. Large districts, 
in parts of the country most cultivated and populous, were set apart 
as his own property, or granted to his brothers, his adherents, and 
favorites. To others, lots less valuable and inviting were assigned. 
The followers of Almagro, among whom were many of the -orig- 
inal adventurers, to whose valor and perseverance Pizarro was in- 
debted for his success, were totally excluded from any portion in 
those lands, towards the acquisition of which they had contributed 
so largely. As the vanity of every individual set an immoderate 
value upon his own services, and the idea of each 
concerning the recompense due to them rose gradu- 
ally to a more exorbitant height in proportion as 
their conquests extended, all who were disappointed 
in their expectations exclaimed loud- 
ly against the rapaciousness and 
partiality of the governor. The 
partisans of Almagro murmured in 
secret, and meditated revenge. 

Rapid as the progress of the 
Spaniards in South America had 
been since Pizarro landed in Peru, 
their avidity of domin- 
ion was not yet satisfied. 
The ofi&cers to whom 
Ferdinand Pizarro gave 
the command of different 
detachments, penetrated into several new prov- 
inces ; and though some of them were exposed 
to great hardships in the cold and barren regions of the Andes, and 
others suffered distress not inferior amidst the woods and marshes 
of the plains, they made discoveries and conquests which not only 
extended their knowledge of the countrv, bi:t added considerably to 
the territories of Spain in the New World. Pedro de Valdivia 
resumed Almagro's scheme of invading Chili, and notwithstand- 
ing the fortitude of the natives in defending their possessions, made 
such progress in the conquest of the country, that he founded the 
city of St. Jago, and gave a beginning to the establishment of the 
Spanish dominion in that province. But of all the enterprises un- 
dertaken about this period, that of Gonzalo Pizarro was the most 




A CONQUISTADOR. 
GIVEN TO THE CONQUERORS OF THE TIME 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



6S9 



remarkable. The governor, who seems to have resolved that no 
person in Peru should possess any station of distinguished emi- 
nence or authority but those of his own family, had deprived Benal- 
cazar, the conqueror of Quito, of his command in that kingdom, 
and appointed his brother Gonzalo to take the government of it. 
He instructed him to attempt the discovery and conquest of the 
country to the east of the Andes, which, according to the informa- 
tion of the Indians, abounded with cinnamon and other valuable 
spices. Gonzalo, not inferior to any of his brothers in courage, 
and no less ambitious of acquiring distinction, eagerly engaged in 
this difdcult service. He set out from Quito at the head of three 
hundred and forty soldiers, near one-half of whom were horsemen ; 
with four thousand Indians to carry their provisions. In forcing 
their way through the defiles, or over the ridges of the Andes, ex- 
cessive cold and fatigue, to neither of which they were accustomed, 
proved fatal to the greater part of their wretched attendants. The 
Spaniards, though more robust, and inured to a variety of climates, 
suffered considerabl}^, and lost some men ; but when they descended 
into the low country, their distress increased. During two months 
it rained incessantly, without any interval of fair weather long 
enough to dry their clothes. The immense plains upon which 
they were now entering, either altogether without in- 
habitants, or occupied by the rudest and least indus- 
trious tribes in the New World, yielded little subsist- 
ence. They could not advance a step but as they cut 
a road through woods, or made it through marshes. 
Such incessant toil, and continual scarcity of food, 
seem more than sufl&cient to have exhausted and dis- 
pirited any troops. But the fortitude and persever- 
ance of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century were 
insuperable. Allured by frequent but false accounts 
of rich countries before them, they persisted in strug- 
gling on, until they reached the banks of the Coca or 
Napo, one of the large rivers whose waters pour into 
the Maragnon, and contribute to its grandeur. There, 
with infinite labor, they built a bark, which they ex- 
pected would prove of great utility in conveying them over rivers, 
in procuring provisions, and in exploring the country. This was 
manned with fifty soldiers, under the command of Francis Orellana, 




ABORIGINES FflOM THE NEIGMBORHOOO OF THE 
RIVER NAPO. 



690 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

the officer next in rank to Pizarro. The stream carried them down 
with such rapidity, that they were soon far ahead of their country- 
men, who followed slowly and with difficulty by land. 

At this distance from his commander, Orellana, a young man 
of an aspiring mind, began to fancy himself independent ; and 
transported with the predominant passion of the age, he formed 
the scheme of distinguishing himself as a discoverer, by following 
the course of the Maragnon until it joined the ocean, and by sur- 
veying the vast regions through which it flows. This scheme of 
Orellaua's was as bold as it was treacherous. For, if he be charge- 
able with the guilt of having violated his dut}^ to his commander, 
and with having abandoned his fellow-soldiers in a pathless desert 
where they had hardly any hopes of success, or even of safety, but 
what were founded on the service which the}' expected from the 
bark ; his crime is, in some measure, balanced by the glory of hav- 
ing ventured upon a navigation of near two thousand leagues, 
through unknown nations, in a vessel hastily constructed, with 
green timber, and by very unskillful hands, without provisions, 
without a compass, or a pilot. But his courage and alacrity sup- 
plied every defect. Committing himself fearlessly to the guidance 
of the stream, the Napo bore him along to the south, until he 
reached the great channel of the Maragnon. Turning with it to- 
wards the coast, he held on his course in that direction. He made 
frequent descents upon both sides of the river, sometimes seizing 
by force of arms the provisions of the fierce savages seated on its 
banks ; and sometimes procuring a supply of food by a friendly 
intercourse with more gentle tribes. After a 
long series of dangers, which he encountered 
with amazing fortitude, and of distresses, which 
he supported with no less magnanimity, he 
reached the ocean, where new perils awaited him. 
These he likewise surmounted, and got safely 
to the Spanish settlement in the Island of 
Cubagua ; from thence he sailed to Spain. The 
vanity natural to travellers who visit regions 
unknown to the rest of mankind, and the art of 
an adventurer solicitous to magnify his own merit, concurred in 
prompting him to mingle an extraordinary proportion of the mar- 
velous in the narrative of his voyage. He pretended to have 




N HUT ON THE AMAZON RIVER. 
(FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.* 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



691 



discovered nations so rich, that the roofs of their temples were 
covered with plates of gold ; and described a republic of women so 
warlike and powerful, as to have extended their dominion over a 
considerable tract of the fertile plains which he had visited. Ex- 
travagant as those tales were, they gave rise to an opinion, that a 
region abounding with gold, distinguished by the name of El Do- 
rado, and a community of Amazons, were to be found in this part 
of the world ; and such is the propensity of mankind to believe 
what is wonderful, that it has been slowly, and with difficulty, that 
reason and observation have exploded those fables. The voyage, 
however, even when stripped of every romantic embellishment, 
deserves to be recorded, not only as one of the most memorable 
occurrences in that adventurous age, but as the first event which 
led to any certain knowledge of the extensive countries that stretch 
eastward from the x-lndes to the ocean. 

No words can describe the consternation of Pizarro, when he 
did not find the bark at the confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, 
where he had ordered Orellana to wait for him. He would not 
allow himself to suspect that a man, whom he had intrusted with 
such an important command, could be so base and unfeeling as 
to desert him at such a juncture. But imputing his absence from 
the place of rendezvous to some unknown accident, he advanced 
above fifty leagues along the banks of the Maragnon, expecting 
every moment to see the bark appear with a supply of provisions 
[1541]. At length he came up with an officer whom Orellana 
had left to perish in the desert, because he had 
the courage to remonstrate against his perfid}-. 
From him he learned the extent of Orellana's 
crime, and his followers perceived at once their 
own desperate situation, when deprived of their 
only resource. The spirit of the stoutest-hearted 
veteran sunk within him, and all demanded to be 
led back instantly. Pizarro, though he assumed 
an appearance of tranquillity, did not oppose 
their inclination. But he was now twelve hun- 
dred miles from Quito ; and in that long march the 
Spaniards encountered hardships greater than 
those which they had endured in their progress 
outward, without the alluring hopes which then 




692 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU, 



soothed and animated them under their sufferings. Hunger com- 
pelled them to feed on roots and berries, to eat all their dogs and 
horses, to devour the most loathsome reptiles, and even to gnaw 
the leather of their saddles and sword-belts. Four thousand Indi- 
ans, and two hundred and ten Spaniards, perished in this wild, dis- 
astrous expedition, which continued near two years ; and as fifty 
men were aboard the bark with Orellana, only fourscore got back 
to Quito. These were naked like savages, and so emaciated with 
famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had more the appear- 
ance of spectres than of men. 




GONZALQ PIZAHHO'6 DISASTnuUb £*.P£DITION IN QUEST 9f 
THE ■■ EL DORADO." 








GENERAL VIEW OF 



( THE " PLAZA DE HACHO *' ' BULL RING) 
FROM A RECENT PMOTOGRAPH. 



THE FQSEGROUNO. 



CHAPTER LXX. 



BCATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO. ARRIVAL OF VACA DE CASTRO. LAS CASAS MOVES THE 
EMPEROR CHARLES V. TO CONSIDER THE WELFARE OF HIS INDIAN SUBJECTS. 

UT, instead of returning to enjoy the repose 
which his condition required, Pizarro, on enter- 
ing Quito, received accounts of a fatal event that 
threatened calamities more dreadful to him than 
those through which he had passed. From the 
time that his brother made that partial division 
of his conquests which had been mentioned, the 
adherents of Almagro, considering themselves as 
proscribed by the part}' in power, no longer en- 
tertained any hope of bettering their condition. 
Great numbers in despair resorted to Lima, where 
the house of young Almagro was always open to 
them, and the slender portion of his father's fortune, which the 
governor allowed him to enjoy, was spent in affording them sub- 
sistence. The warm attachment with which every person who had 
served under the elder Almagro devoted himself to his interests, 
was quickly transferred to his son, who was now grown up to the 
age of manhood, and possessed all the qualities which captivate the 
aflfections of soldiers. Of a graceful appearance, dexterous at all 




«693) 



694 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

martial exercises, bold, open, generous, he seemed to be formed for 
command ; and as his father, conscious of his own inferiority from 
the total want of education, had been extremely attentive to have 
him instructed in every science becoming a gentleman ; the accom- 
plishments Avhich he had acquired heightened the respect of his 
followers, as they gave him distinction and eminence among illiter- 
ate adventurers. In this young man the Almagrians found a point 
of union which the}- wanted, and, looking up to him as their head, 
were read}^ to undertake anything for his advancement. Nor was 
affection for Almagro their only incitement ; they were urged on 
by their own distresses. Many of them, destitute of common nec- 
essaries, and weary of loitering away life, a burden to their chief, 
or to such of their associates as had saved some remnant of their 
fortune from pillage and confiscation, longed impatiently for an oc- 
casion to exert their activity and courage, and began to deliberate 
how they might be avenged on the author of all their misery. Their 
frequent cabals did not pass unobserved ; and the governor was 
warned to be on his guard against men who meditated some des- 
perate deed, and had resolution to execute it. But either from the 
native intrepidity of his mind, or from contempt of persons whose 
poverty seemed to render their machinations of little consequence, 
he disregarded the admonitions of his friends. " Be in no pain," 
said he carelessly, " about my life ; it is perfectl}- safe, as long as 
every man in Peru knows that I can in a moment cut off any head 
which dares to harbor a thought against it." This securit}^ gave 
the Almagrians full leisure to digest and ripen every part of their 
scheme ; and Juan de Herrada, an ofi&cer of great abilities, who had 
the charge of Almagro's education, took the direction of their con- 
sultations, with all the zeal which this connection inspired, and 
with all the authority which the ascendant that he was known to 
have over the mind of his pupil gave him. 

On Sunday, the twenty-sixth of June, at mid-day, the season 
of tranquillity and repose in all sultr\^ climates, Herrada, at the 
head of eighteen of the most determined conspirators, sallied out 
of Almagro's house in complete armour ; and, drawing their swords, 
as they advanced hastily towards the governor's palace, cried out,. 
"Long live the king, but let the tyrant die!" Their associates, 
warned of their motions by a signal, were in arms at different sta- 
tions ready to support them. Though Pizarro was usually sur- 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



O.JS 



rounded by such a numerous train of attendants as suited the mag- 
nificence of the most opulent subject of the age in which he lived; 
yet as he was just risen 
from table, and most of his 
domestics had retired to 
their own apartments, the 
conspirators passed through 
the two outer courts of the 
palace unobserved. They 
were at the bottom of the 
staircase, before a page in 
waiting could give the 
alarm to his master, who 
was conversing with a few 
friends in a large hall. The 
governor, whose stead}' 
mind no form of danger 
could appal, starting u p, 
called for arms, and com- 
manded Francisco de 
Chaves to make fast the 
door. But that officer, who 
did not retain so much pres- 
ence of mind as to obej' this 
prudent order, running to 
the top of the staircase, 
wildly asked the conspira- 
tors what they meant, and 
whither they were going ? 
Instead of answering, thej' 
stabbed him to the heart, 
and burst into the hall. 
Some of the persons who 
were there threw themselves 
from the windows ; others 
attempted to fly ; and a few drawing their swords, followed their 
leader into an inner apartment. The conspirators, animated with 
having the object of their vengeance now in view, rushed forward 
after them. Pizarro, with no other arms than his sword and buck- 




RDt'i OF PlZAflHO. 



696 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

ler, defended the entry ; and, supported by his half-brother Al- 
cantara, and his little knot of friends, he maintained the unequal 
contest with intrepidity worthy of his past exploits, and with the 
vigor of a youthful combatant. "Courage," cries he, "companions! 
we are yet enough to make those traitors repent of their audacity." 
But the armor of the conspirators protected them, while every 
thrust they made took effect. Alcantara fell dead at his brother's 
feet ; his other defenders were mortally wounded. The governor, 
so weary that he could hardly wield his sword, and no longer able 
to parry the many weapons furiously aimed at him, received a 
deadly thrust full in his throat, and sunk to the ground. " Jesu," 
exclaimed the dying man, and, tracing a cross with his finger on the 
bloody floor, he bent down his head to kiss it, when a stroke more 
friendly than the rest put an end to his existence. 

As soon as he was slain, the assassins ran out into the streets, 
and, waving their bloody swords, proclaimed the death of the tyrant. 
Above two hundred of their associates having joined them, they 
conducted young Almagro in solemn procession through the city, 
and assembling the magistrates and principal citizens, compelled 
them to acknowledge him as lawful successor to his father in his 
government. The palace of Pizarro, together with the houses of 
several of his adherents, were pillaged by the soldiers, who had the 
satisfaction at once of being avenged on their enemies, and of en- 
riching themselves bj' the spoils of those through whose hands all 
the wealth of Peru had passed. 

The boldness and success of the conspiracy, as well as the 
name and popular qualities of Almagro, drew many soldiers to his 
standard. Every adventurer of desperate fortune, all who were dis- 
satisfied with Pizarro, and, from the rapaciousness of his govern- 
ment in the latter years of his life, the number of malcontents was 
considerable, declared without hesitation in favor of Almagro, and 
he was soon at the head of eight hundred of the most gallant vet- 
erans in Peru. As his youth and inexperience disqualified him 
from taking the command of them himself, he appointed Herrada 
to act as general. But though Almagro speedily collected such a 
respectable force, the acquiescence in his government was far from 
being general. Pizarro had left many friends to whom his memory 
was dear ; the barbarous assassination of a man to whom his country 
was so highly indebted, filled every impartial person with horror. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



697 



The ignominious birth of Almagro, as well as the donbtfiil title on 
which he founded his pretensions, led others to consider him as a 
usurper. The officers who commanded in some provinces refused 
to recognize his authority until it was confirmed b}- the emperor. 
In others, particularly at Cuzco, the royal standard was erected, 
and preparations were begun in order to revenge the murder of 
their ancient leader. 

Those seeds of discord, which could not have lain long dor- 
mant, acquired great vigor aud activity when the arrival of Vaca 
de Castro was known. After a long and disastrous voyage, he was 
driven by stress of weather into a small harbor in the province of 
Popaj-an; and proceeding from thence by land, after a journey no 
less tedious than difficult, he reached Quito. In his way he re- 
ceived accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which fol- 
lowed upon it. He immediatel}' produced the royal commission 
appointing him governor of Peru, with the same privileges and 
authority; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without hesita- 
tion by Benalcazar, Adelantado or lieutenant-general for the em- 
peror in Popayan, and by Pedro de Puelles, who, in the absence of 
Gonzalo Pizarro, had the command of the troops left in Quito. 
Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authority, but 
showed that he possessed the talents which the exercise of it, at 
that juncture, required. By his influence and address he soon as- 
sembled such a body of troops, as not onl}' to set him above all 
fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but 
enabled him to advance from Quito with the dignity which became 
his character. By despatching persons of confidence to the differ- 
ent settlements in Peru with a formal notification of his 
arrival and of his commission, he communicated to his 
countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the govern- 
ment of the country. By private emissaries, he excited 
such officers as had dis- 
covered their disapproba- 
tion of Almagro's proceed- 
ings, to manifest their duty 
to their sovereign by sup- 
porting the person honored 
with his commission. 
Those measures were pro- 




THE RUINe OF THE INCA PAUCE IN LAKE TITICACA. 



69;-. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



ductive of great effects. Encouraged by the approacli of the new 
governor, or prepared by his machinations, the loyal were con- 
firmed in their principles, and avowed them with greater boldness; 
the timid ventured to declare their sentiments; the neutral and 
wavering, finding it necessary to choose a side, began to lean to 
that which now appeared to be the safest as well as the most just. 
Almagro observed the rapid progress of this spirit of disaffec- 
tion to his cause; and in order to give an effectual check to it be- 
fore the arrival of Vaca de Castro, he set out at the head of his 
troops for Cuzco [1542], where the most considerable bod}- of op- 
ponents had erected the royal standard, under the command of 
Pedro Alvarez Holguin. During his march thither, Herrada, the 
skillful guide of his youth and of his counsels, died; and from 
that tinie his measures were conspicuous for their violence, but 
concerted with little sagacity, and executed with no address. Hol- 
guin, who, with forces far inferior to, tliose of the opposite party, 
was descending towards the coast at the very time that Almagro 
was on his way to Cuzco, deceived his inexperienced adversar}- by 
a very simple stratagem, avoided an engagen^ent, and effected a 
junction with Alvarado, an officer of note, who had been the first 
to declare against Almagro as a usurper. 

Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered their camp with the troops 
which he brought from Quito; and erecting the royal standard 
before his own tent, he declared that, as governor, he would dis- 
charge in person all the func- 
tions of general of their com- 
bined forces. Thoueh formed 
b}^ tin? tenor of his past life to 
the habits of. a sedentarv and 
pacific profession, he at once 
assumed the activity and dis- 
covered the decision of an offi- 
cer hmg r.ccustomed to com- 
mand. Knowing his strength 
to be now far superior to that 
of the enemy, he was impa- 
tient to tcminate the contest 
by a battle. Nor did the followers of Almagro. who had no hopes 
of obtaining a pardon for a crime so atrocious as the luurder of the 




ARTILLERY IN ACTION. EARLV PART OF THE XVI. CENTUHV. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



699 



governor, decline that mode of decision. They met at Chupaz 
[Sept. i6j, about two hundred miles from Cuzco, and fought with 
all the fierce animosity inspired by the violence of civil rage, the 
rancor of private enmity, the eagerness of revenge, and the last 
efforts of despair. Victory, after remaining long doubtful, de- 
clared at last for Vaca de Castro. The superior number of his 
troops, his own intrepidity, and the martial talents of Francisco 
de Carvajal, a veteran officer formed under the great captain in the 
wars of Italy, and who, on that da}-, laid the foundation of his 
future fame in Peru, triumphed over the braver}* of his opponents, 
though led on by young Almagro with a gallant spirit worth}- of a 
better cause, and deserving another fate. The carnage was great 
in proportion to the number of the combatants. ]\Iany of the 
vanquished, especially such as were conscious that tl:ey might 
be charged with being accessory to the assassination of Pizarro, 
rushing on the swords of the enemy, chose to fall like soldiers 
rather than wait an ignominious doom. Of fourteen hundred 
men, the total number of combatants on both sides, five hundred 
lay dead on the field, and the number of the wounded was still 
greater. 

If the military talents displayed by Vaca de Castro, both in 
the council and in the field, surprised the adventurers in Peru, 
they were still more astonished at his conduct after the victory. 
As he was by nature a rigid dispenser of justice, and persuaded 
that it required examples of extraordinary severity to restrain the 
licentious spirit of soldiers so far removed from the seat of gov- 
ernment, he proceeded directly to trv his prisoners as rebels. 
Forty were condemned to suffer the death of 
traitors, others were banished from Peru. 
Their leader, who made his escape from the 
battle, being betrayed by some of his offi- 
cers, was publicly beheaded in Cuzco; and 
in him the name of Almagro, and the spirit 
of the party, was extinct. 

During those violent convulsions in 
Peru, the emperor and his ministers were 
intently employed in preparing regulations, 
by which they hoped, not only to re-estab- 
lish tranquillity there, but to introduce a 

39 




EXECUTION OF DIEGO ALMAGRO, THE YOUNGER. AT CUZCO. BY 
ORDER OF VACA OE CASTRO. 



700 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

more perfect system of internal policy into all their settlements 
in the New World. It is manifest from all the events recorded 
in the history of America, that, rapid and extensive as the Span- 
ish conquests there had been, they were not carried on by any 
regular exertion of the national force, but by the occasional 
efforts of private adventurers. After fitting out a few of the 
first armaments for discovering new regions, the court of Spain, 
during the busy reigns of Ferdinand and of Charles V., the former 
the most intriguing prince of the age, and the latter the most 
ambitious, was encumbered with such a multiplicity of schemes, 
and involved in war with so many nations of Europe, that it had 
not leisure to attend to distant and less interesting objects. The 
care of prosecuting discovery, or of attempting conquest, was 
abandoned to individuals ; and with such ardor did men push for- 
w^ard in this new career, on which novelty, the spirit of adventure, 
avarice, ambition, and the hope of meriting heaven, prompted 
them with combined influence to enter, that in less than half a 
century almost the whole of that extensive empire which Spain 
possessed in the New World was subjected to its dominion. As 
the Spanish court contributed nothing towards the various expedi- 
tions undertaken in America, it was not entitled to claim much 
from their success. The sovereignty of the conquered provinces, 
with the fifth of the gold and silver, was reserved for the crown ; 
every thing else was seized by the associates in each expedition as 
their own right. The plunder of the countries which they invaded 
served to indemnify them for what they had expended in equip- 
ping themselves for the service, and the conquered territory was 
divided among them, according to rules which custom had intro. 
d)\ced, as permanent establishments which their successful valor 
merited. In the infancy of those settlements, when their extent 
as well as their value was unknown, many irregularities escaped 
observation, and it was found necessary to connive at many ex- 
cesses. The conquered people were frequently pillaged with de- 
structive rapacity, and their country parceled out among its new 
masters in exorbitant shares, far exceeding the highest recom- 
pense due to their services. The rude conquerors of America, in- 
capable of forming their establishments upon any general or ex- 
tensive plan of policy, attentive only to private interest, unwilling 
to forego present gain from the prospect of remote or public ben- 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 70I 

efit, seem to have had no object but to amass sudden wealth, with- 
out regarding what might be the consequences of the means by 
which they acquired it. But when time at length discovered to 
the Spanish court the importance of its American possessions, the 
necessity of new-modeling their whole frame became obvious, and 
in place of the maxims and practices prevalent among military 
adventurers, it was found requisite to substitute the institutions 
of regular government. 

One evil in particitlar called for an immediate remedy. The 
conquerors of Mexico and Peru imitated the fatal example of their 
countrymen settled in the islands, and employed themselves in 
searching for gold and silver with the same inconsiderate eager- 
ness. Similar effects followed. The natives employed in this 
labor b}' masters, who in imposing tasks had no regard either to 
what they felt or to what they were able to perform, pined away 
and perished so fast, that there was reason to apprehend that 
Spain, instead of possessing countries peopled to such a degree as 
to be susceptible of progressive improvement, would soon remain 
proprietor only of a vast, uninhabited desert. 

The emperor and his ministers were so sensible of this, and so 
solicitous to prevent the extinction of the Indian race, which threat- 
ened to render their acquisitions of no value, that, from time to time, 
various laws, which I have mentioned, had been made for securing 
to that unhappy people more gentle and equitable treatment. But 
the distance of America from the seat of empire, the feeblenees of 
government in the new colonies, the avarice and audacity of soldiers 
unaccustomed to restraint, prevented these salutary regulations from 
operating with any considerable influence. The evil continued to 
grow, and, at this time the emperor found an interval of leisure from 
the affairs of Europe to take it into attentive consideration. He 
consulted not only with his ministers and the members of the coun- 
cil of the Indies, but called upon several persons who had resided 
long in the New World to aid them with the result of their expe- 
rience and observation. Fortunately for the people of America, 
among these was Bartholomew de las Casas, who happened then to 
be at Madrid on a mission from a chapter of his order at Chiapa. 
Though, since the miscarriage of his former schemes for the relief 
of the Indians, he had continued shut up in his cloister, or occu- 
pied in religious functions, his zeal in behalf of the former objects 



702 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



of his pity was so far from abating, that, from an increased knowl- 
edge of their sufferings, its ardor had augmented. He seized ea- 
gerly this opportunity of reviving his favorite maxims concerning 
the treatment of the Indians. With the moving eloquence natural 
to a man on whose mind the scenes which he had beheld had made 
a deep impression, he described the irreparable waste of the human 

species in the New World, the 
Indian race almost totally swept 
away in the islands in less than 
fifty years, and hastening to ex- 
tinction on the continent with 
the same rapid decay. With the 
decisive tone of one strongly 
prepossessed with the truth of 
his own system, he imputed all 
this to a single cause, to the 
exactions and cruelty of his 
countrymen, and contended that 
nothing could prevent the de- 
population of America, but the 
declaring of its natives to be 
freemen, and treating them as 
subjects, not as slaves. Nor did 
he confide for the success of this 
proposal in the powers of his 
oratory alone. In order to en- 
force them, he composed his fa- 
mous treatise concerning the 
destruction of America, in which 
he relates, with many horrid cir- 
cumstances, but with apparent 
marks of exaggerated descrip- 
tion, the devastation of every 
province which had been visited by the Spaniards. 

The emperor was deeply afflicted with the recital of so many 
actions shocking to humanit3^ -^^^ as his views extended far be- 
yond those of Las Casas, he perceived that relieving the Indians 
from oppression was but one step towards rendering his possessions 
in the New World a valuable acquisition, and would be of little 




MONUMENT OF LAS CASAS, THE APOSTLE OF THE INDIANS. 

WAHBLE STATUE IN MADRID. D. ANTONIO MOLTO Y SUCH. 




m 

< 
m 

< 
u 

< 
O 



z 

it 
u 

m 
X 



(703) 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



/'-'o 




avail, unless he could circumscribe the power and usurpations of 
his own subjects there. The conquerors of America, however great 
their merit had been towards their country, 
were mostly persons of such mean birth, and 
of such an abject rank in society, as gave no 
distinction in the eye of a monarch. The ex- 
orbitant wealth with which some of 
them returned, gave umbrage to an 
age not accustomed to see men in 
inferior condition elevated above their 
level, and rising to emulate or to sur- 
pass the ancient nobility in splendor. 
The territories which their leaders had 
appropriated to themselves were of such 
enormous extent, that, if the country should 
ever be improved in proportion to 
the fertility of the soil, they must 
grow too wealthy and too powerful 
for subjects. It appeared to Charles 
that this abuse required a remedy no 
less than the other, and that the 
regulations concerning both must be 
enforced by a mode of government 
more vigorous than had yet been introduced into America. 

With this view he framed a body of law's, containing many sal- 
utary appointments with respect to the constitution and powers of 
the supreme council of the Indies ; concerning the station and 
jurisdiction of the royal audiences in different parts of America; 
the administration of justice ; the order of government, both eccle- 
siastical and civil. These were approved of by all ranks of men. 
But together with them were issued the following regulations, which 
excited universal alarm, and occasioned the most violent convul- 
sions : " That as the repartimientos or shares of land seized by sev- 
eral persons appeared to be excessive, the royal audiences are em- 
powered to reduce them to a moderate extent : That upon the death 
of an}' conqueror or planter, the lands and Indians granted to him 
'shall not descend to his widow or children, but return to the crown : 
That the Indians shall henceforth be exempt from personal serv- 
ice, and shall not be compelled to carry the baggage of travelers, 



LAS CASAS. 

The editor of this book cannot forego the opportunity offered him 
here to quote the words of just tribute paid to Las Casas by that tnaster- 
mind, John Fiske, in his work. " The Discovery of America," vol.2, 
page 482 : "In contemplating such a life as that of Las Casas, all words 
of eulogy seem weak and frivolous. The historian can only bow is 
reverent awe before a figure which is in some respects the most beauti- 
ful and sublime in the annals of Christianity since the apostolic age. 
When now and then in the course of the centuries God's providence 
brings such a life into this world, the memory of it must be cherished by 
mankind as one of its most precious and sacred possessions. For the 
thoughts, the words, the deeds of such a man, there is no death. The 
sphere of their influence goes on widening forever. They bud, they 
blossom, they bear fruit, from age to age," 



7o6 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



to labor in the mines, or to dive in the pearl fisheries : That 
the stated tribute due by them to their superior shall be ascer- 
tained, and they shall be paid as servants for any work they 
voluntarily perform : That all persons who are or have been in 
public offices, all ecclesiastics of every denomination, all hospitals 
and monasteries, shall be deprived of the lands and Indians 
allotted to them, and these be annexed to the crown : That 
ever}- person in Peru, who had any criminal concern in the con- 
tests between Pizarro and Almagro, should forfeit his lands and 
Indians." 

All the Spanish ministers who had hitherto been intrusted 
with the direction of American affairs, and wiio were best ac- 
quainted with the state of the country, remonstrated against those 
regulations as ruinous to their infant colonies. They represented, 
that the number of Spaniards who had hitherto emigrated to the 
New Wcrld was so extremely small, that nothing could be expected 
from any effort of theirs towards improving the vast regions over 
which they were scattered; that the success of every scheme for 
this purpose must depend upon the ministry and service of the 
Indians, whose native indolence and aversion to labor, no prospect 
of benefit or promise of reward could surmount; that the moment 
the right of imposing a task, and exacting the performance of it, 
was taken from their masters, every work of industry must cease, 

and all the sources from which wealth began 
to pour in upon Spain must be stopped for 
ever. But Charles, tenacious at all times of 
his own opinions, and so much impressed at 
present with the view of the disorders which 
reigned in America, that he was willing to 
hazard the application even of a dangerous 
remedy, persisted in his resolution of publish- 
ing the laAvs. That they might be carried 
into execution with greater vigor and au- 
thority, he authorized Francisco Tello de 
Sandoval to repair to Mexico as J'lsifador, or 
superintendent of that country, and to co- 
operate with Antonio de Mendoza, the Vice- 
roy, in enforcing them. He appointed Blasco 
Nunez Vela to be governor of Peru, with the 



^fe 




THE EMPEROn CHARLES V. 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 707 

title of viceroy ; and in order to strengthen his administration, he 
established a court of royal audience at Lima [1543], in which four 
lawyers of eminence were to preside as Judges. 

The viceroy and superintendent sailed at the same time ; and 
an account of the laws which they were to enforce reached America 
before them. The entry of Sandoval into Mexico was viewed as 
the prelude of general ruin. The unlimited grant of liberty to 
the Indians affected every Spaniard in America without distinction, 
and there was hardly one who might not, on some pretext, be in- 
cluded under the other regulations, and suffer b}' them. But the 
colony in New Spain had now been so long accustomed to the re- 
straints of law and authority, under the steady and pradent admin- 
istration of Mendoza, that, how much soever the spirit of the new 
statutes was detested and dreaded, no attempt was made to obstruct 
the application of them by any act of violence unbecoming subjects. 
The magistrates and principal inhabitants, however, presented 
dutiful addresses to the viceroy and superintendent, representing 
the fatal consequences of enforcing them. Happily for them, 
Mendoza, by long residence in the country, was so thoroughly ac- 
quainted with its state, that he knew what was for its interest as 
well as what it could bear; and Sandoval, though new in office, dis- 
played a degree of moderation seldom possessed b}- persons just 
entering upon the exercise of power. They engaged to suspend, for 
some time, the execution of what was offensive in the new laws, 
and not only consented that a deputation of citizens should be sent 
to Europe to lay before the emperor the apprehensions of his sub- 
jects in New Spain wdth respect to their tendency and effects, but 
they concurred with tliera in supporting their sentiments. Charles, 
moved by the opinion of men whose abilities and integrity entitled 
them to decide concerning what fell immediately under their own 
view, granted such a relaxation of the rigor of the laws as re-estab- 
lished the colony in its former tranquillity. 

In Peru the storm gathered with an aspect still more fierce 
and threatening, and was not so soon dispelled. The conquerors of 
Peru, of a rank much inferior to those who had subjected Mexico 
to the Spanish crown, farther removed from the inspection of the 
parent state, and intoxicated with the sudden acquisition of wealth, 
carried on all their operations with greater license and irregularity 
than any body of adventurers in the New World. Amidst the gen- 



yo8 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

eral subversion of law and order, occasioned by two successive civil 
wars, when each individual was at liberty to decide for himself, 
without any guide but his own interest or passions, this turbulent 
spirit rose above all sense of subordination. To men thus cor- 
rupted by anarchy, the introduction of regular government, the 
power of a vicero}^, and the authority of a respectable court of judi- 
cature, would of themselves have appeared formidable restraints, to 
which they would have submitted wi'th reluctance. But they re- 
volted with indignation against the idea of complying with laws, 
by which they were to be stripped at once of all they had earned 
so hardly during many years of service and suffering. As the ac- 
count of the new laws spread successively through the different 
settlements, the inhabitants ran together, the women in tears, and 
the men exclaiming against the injustice and ingratitude of their 
sovereign in depriving them, unheard and unconvicted, of their 
possessions. "Is this," cried they, "the recompense due to persons, 
who, without public aid, at their own expense, and by their own 
valor, have subjected to the crown of Castile, territories of such 
immense extent and opulence ? Are these the rewards bestowed 
for having endured unparalleled distress, for having encountered 
every species of danger in the service of their country? Whose 
merit is so great, whose conduct has been so irreproachable, that 
he may not be condemned by some penal clause in regulations, con- 
ceived in terms as loose and comprehensive, as if it had been in- 
tended that all should be entangled in their snare? Every Span- 
iard of note in Peru has held some public office, and all, without 
distinction, have been constrained to take an active part in the con- 
test between the two rival chiefs. Were the former to be robbed 
of their property because the}- had done their duty ? Were the 
latter to be punished on account of what they could not avoid ? 
Shall the conquerors of this great empire, instead of receiving 
marks of distinction, be deprived of the natural consolation of pro- 
viding for their widows and children, and leave them to depend for 
subsistence on the scanty supply they can extort from unfeeling 
courtiers?" "We are not able now," continued they, "to explore 
unknown regions in quest of more secure settlements ; our consti- 
tutions debilitated with age, and our bodies covered with wounds, 
are no longer fit for active service ; but still we possess vigor sufii- 
cient to assert our just rights, and we will not tamely suffer them 
to be wrested from us." 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU, 709 

By discourses of this sort, uttered with vehemence, and lis- 
tened to with universal approbation, their passions were inflamed 
to such a pitch, that they were prepared for the most violent meas- 
ures ; and began to hold consultations in different places, how they 
might oppose the entrance of the viceroy and judges, and prevent 
not only the execution but the promulgation of the new laws. 
From this, however, they were diverted by the address of Vaca de 
Castro, who flattered them with hopes, that, as soon as the viceroy 
and judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their peti- 
tions and remonstrances, they would concur with them in endeav- 
oring to procure some mitigation in the rigor of laws which had 
been framed without due attention either to the state of the coun- 
try, or to the sentiments of the people. A greater degree of ac- 
commodation to these, and even some concessions on the part of 
government, were now become requisite to compose the present 
ferment, and to soothe the colonists into submission, by inspiring 
them with coniidence in their superiors. But without profound 
discernment, conciliating manners, and flexibility of temper, such 
a plan could not be carried on. The viceroy possessed none of 
these. Of all the qualities that fit men for high command, he was 
endowed only with integrity and courage ; the former harsh and 
uncomplying, the latter bordering so frequently on rashness or 
obstinacy, that, in his situation, they were defects rather than 
virtues. From the moment that he landed at Tumbez [March 4], 
Nunez Vela seems to have considered himself merely as an ex- 
ecutive officer, without an}' discretionary power ; and, regardless 
of whatever he observed or heard concerning the state of the coun- 
try, he adhered to the letter of the regulations with unrelenting 
rigor. In all the towns through which he passed, the natives were 
declared to be free, every person in public office was deprived of 
his lands and servants ; and as an example of obedience to others, 
he would not suffer a single Indian to be employed in carrying 
his own baggage in his march towards Lima. Amazement and 
consternation went before him as he approached ; and so little 
solicitous was he to prevent these from augmenting, that, on enter- 
ing the capital, he openly avowed that he came to obey the orders 
of his sovereign, not to dispense with his laws. This harsh decla- 
ration was accompanied with what rendered it still more intoler- 
able, haughtiness in deportment, a tone of arrogance and decision 



7IO 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 




THE GOVEflNOR, VACA DE CAGTRO, IMPRISONED IN THE COMMON JAIL. 



in discourse, and an insolence of ofi&ce grievous to men little 
accustomed to hold civil authority in high respect. Every 
attempt to procure a suspension or mitigation of the new- 
laws, the vicero}' considered as flowing from a spirit of dis- 
affection that tended to rebellion. Several persons of rank 
were confined, and some put to death, without any form of 

trial. Vaca de Castro was arrested ; 
and notwithstanding the dignity of 
his former rank, and his merit, in 
having prevented a general insurrec- 
tion in the colony, he was loaded with 
chains, and shut up in the common 
gaol. 

But, however general the indig- 
nation was against such proceedings, 
it is probable the hand of authority 
would have been strong enough t6 
suppress it, or to prevent it bursting 
out with open violence, if the malcon- 
tents had not been provided with a 
leader of credit and eminence to unite and to direct their efforts. 
From the time that the purport of the new regulations was known 
in Peru, every Spaniard there turned his eyes toward Gonzalo 
Pizarro, as the only person able to avert the ruin 
with which they threatened the colony. From 
all quarters, letters and addresses were sent to 
him, conjuring him to stand forth as their 
common protector, and offering to support him 
in the attempt with their lives and fortunes. 
Gonzalo, though inferior in talents to his other 
brothers, was equally ambitious, and of courage 
no less daring. The behavior of an ungrateful 
court towards his brothers and himself dwelt con- 
tinually on his mind. Ferdinand a state-prisoner 
in Europe, the children of the governor in cus- 
tody of the viceroy, and sent aboard his fleet, him- 
self reduced to the condition of a private citizen 
in a country for the discovery and conquest 
of which Spain was indebted to his family; 




GONZALO PIZARRO. 




THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 711 

— these thoughts prompted him to seek for vengeance, and to assert 
the rights of his family, of which he now considered himself as 
the guardian and the heir. But as no Spaniard can easily sur- 
mount that veneration for his sovereign which seems to be inter- 
woven in his frame, the idea of marching in arms against the 
royal standard filled him with horror. He hesitated long, and 
was still unresolved, when the violence of the viceroy, the uni- 
versal call of his countrymen, and the certainty of becoming 
soon a victim himself to the severity 
of the new laws, moved him to quit 
his residence at Chuquisaca de la 
Plata, and repair to Cuz- 
co. All the inhabitants 
went out to meet him, 
and received him with 
transports of joy as the 
deliverer of the colony. ""'"^ °f ■^"^ °'-° "'^* fortress of sacsahuaman. 

1,1 r r , 1 ' (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.) 

n the iervor 01 their 

zeal, they elected him procurator-general of the Spanish nation 
in Peru, to solicit the repeal of the late regulations. They em- 
powered him to lay their remonstrances before the royal audience 
in Lima, and, upon pretext of danger from the Indians, au- 
thorized him to march thither in arms [1544]. Under sanction 
of this nomination Pizarro took possession of the royal treas- 
ure, appointed officers, levied soldiers, seized a large train of 
artillery which Vaca de Castro had deposited in Gumanga, and set 
out for Lima as if he had been advancing against a public enemy. 
Disaffection having now assumed a regular form, and being united 
under a chief of such distinguished name, many persons of note 
resorted to his standard ; and a considerable part of the troops, 
raised by the viceroy to oppose his progress, deserted to him in a 
body. 

Before Pizarro reached Lima, a revolution had happened there, 
which encouraged him to proceed with almost certainty of success. 
The violence of the viceroy's administration was not more formida- 
ble to the Spaniards of Peru, than his overbearing haughtiness was 
odious to his associates, the judges of the royal audience. During 
their voyage from Spain, some symptoms of coldness between the 
viceroy and them began to appear. But as soon as they entered 



712 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

upon the exercise of their respective oflBces, both parties were so 
nuich exasperated by frequent contests, arising from interference 
of jurisdiction and contrariety of opinion, that their mutual disgust 
soon grew into open enmity. The judges thwarted the viceroy in 
every measure, set at liberty prisoners whom he had confined, jus- 
tified the malcontents, and applauded their remonstrances. At a 
time when both departments of government should have iinited 
against the approaching enemy, they were contending with each 
other for superiority. The judges at length prevailed. The vice- 
roy, universally odious, and abandoned even by his own guards, 
was seized in his palace [Sept. i8], and carried to a desert island on 
the coast, to be kept there until he could be sent home to Spain. 

The judges, in consequence of this, having assumed the su- 
preme direction of affairs in their own hands, issued a proclama- 
tion suspending the execution of the obnoxious laws, and sent a 
message to Pizarro, requiring him, as they had already granted 
whatever he could request, to dismiss his troops, and to repair to 
Linn with fifteen or twenty attendants. They could hardly expect 
that a man so daring and ambitious would tamely comply with this 
requisition. It was made, probably, with no such intention, but 
only to throw a decent veil over their own conduct ; for Cepeda, 
the president of the court of audience, a pragmatical and aspiring 
lawyer, seems to have held a secret correspondence with Pizarro, 
and had already formed the plan, which he afterwards executed, of 
devoting himself to his service. The imprisonment of the viceroy, 
the usurpation of the judges, together with the universal confusion 
and anarchy consequent upon events so singular and unexpected, 
opened new and vast prospects to Pizarro. He now beheld the 
supreme power within his reach. Nor did he want courage to push 
on towards the object which fortune presented to his view. Carva- 
jal, the prompter of his resolutions, and guide of all his actions, 
had long fixed his eye upon it as the only end at which Pizarro 
ought to aim. Instead of the inferior function of procurator for 
the Spanish settlements in Peru, he openly demanded to be gov- 
ernor and captain-general of the whole province, and required the 
court of audience to grant him a commission to that effect. At the 
head of twelve hundred men, within a mile of Lima, where there 
was neither leader nor army to oppose him, such a request carried 
with it the authority of a command. But the judges, either from 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 713 

unwillingness to relinquish power, or from a desire of preserving 
some attention to appearances, hesitated, or seemed to hesitate, 
about complying with what he demanded. Carvajal, impatient of 
delay, and impetuous in all his operations, marched into the city 
by night, seized several officers of distinction obnoxious to Pizarro, 
and hanged them without the formality of a trial. Next morning 
the court of audience issued a commission in the emperor^s name, 
appointing Pizarro governor of Peru, with full powers, civil as well 
as military, and he entered the town that day with extraordinary 
pomp, to take possession of his new dignity. 




SUBTERRANEAN CANAL OF MOUNT SIPA. 

Much of the country along the sea-coast of Peru suffered from want 
of water, as little or no rain fell there. In order to reclaim the soil, it 
needed only to be properly irrigated to be susceptible of extraordinary 
production. To these spots water was conveyed by means of canals 
and subterraneous aqueducts, executed on a noble scale. They con- 
sisted of large slabs of freestone nicely fitted together without cement, 
and discharged a volume of water sufficient, by means of latent ducts 
or sluices, to moisten the lands in the lower levels through which tliey 
passed. One of these aqueducts, which traversed the district of Con- 
desuyu, measured between four and five hundred miles. They were 
brought from some elevated lake or natural reservoir in the heart of 
the mountains, and were fed at intervals by other basins which lay in 
their route, in this descent passages were opened for them through 
rocks; rivers and marshes were crossed, and in short, the same ob- 
stacles w*re encountered and successfully overcome as in the con- 
struction of their mighty roads. — Prescott^ Conquest^ Vol. I.,p.je. 




'^ltfWlfi!^^llo^WM^»W'M#fea^ 



ifi:fnamEa:!^ i >^ iix:m WWmMm.:&mmmm 




OLD PEBUVIAN TEXTILE FABRIC. 

ONE-MALF OF CENTRAL PART OF A SHEET LIKELY TO HAVE BEEN USED AS A CURTAIN. 

FOUND IN THE HUACA OF GRANCHIMU. 



CHAPTER LXXI. 




NUNEZ VELA MARCHES AGAINST PIZARRO AND IS KILLED IN BATTLE. PIZARRO'S NEGOTIA- 
TIONS WITH THE SPANISH CROWN APPOINTMENT OF PEDRO DE LA GASCA, 
A PRIEST, TO THE PRESIDENCY OF PERU. 



UT amidst the disorder and turbulence whicli ac- 
companied this total dissolution of the frame of 
government, the minds of men, set loose from 
the ordinary restraints of law and authority, acted 
with such capricious irregularity, that events no 
less extraordinary than unexpected followed in 
rapid succession. Pizarro had scarcely begun to 
exercise the new powers with which he was in- 
vested, "when he beheld formidable enemies rise 
up to oppose him. The viceroy having been put 
on board a vessel by the judges of the audience, in order that he 
might be carried to Spain under custody of Juan Alvarez, one of 
their own number ; as soon as they were out at sea, Alvarez, either 
touched with remorse, or moved by fear, kneeled down to his pris- 
oner, declared him from that moment to be free, and that he him- 
self, and every person in the ship, would obey him as the 
legal representative of their sovereign. Nunez Vela 
ordered the pilot of the vessel to shape his course 
towards Tumbez, and, as soon as he landed there, 
erected the royal standard, and resumed his func- 
tions of viceroy. Several persons of note, to whom 
the contagion of the seditious spirit which reigned 
^ at Cuzco and Lima had not reached, in- 
stantly avowed their resolution to support 



MMtliNATION OF PIZARRO'S LICUTENANT-GOVEflNOR Of CHARCA9 BV 
DIEGO CENTfKO 

■ (7Ml 




THE CONQUEST OF PERU 



715 



bis authority. The violence of Pizarro's government, who ob- 
served every individual with the jealousy natural to usurpers, and 
who punished every appearance of disaffection with unforgiving 
severity, soon augmented 
the number of the vice- 
roy's adherents, as it forced 
some leading men in the 
colony to fly to him for 
refuge. While he was 
g-athering such strength at 
Tumbez, that his forces 
began to assume the ap- 
pearance of what was con- 
s i d e r e d as an army in 
America, Diego Centeno, a 
bold and active officer, ex- 
asperated by the cruelty 
and oppression of Pizarro's 
lieutenant-governor in the 
province of Charcas, formed 
a conspiracy against his 
life, cut him off, and de- 
clared for the viceroy. 

1545.] Pizarro, though 
alarmed with those ap- 
pearances of hostility in 
the opposite extremes of 
the empire, was not discon- 
certed. He prepared to 
assert the authority, to 
which he had attained, with 
the spirit and conduct of 
an officer accustomed to 
command, and marched 
directly against the vice- 
roy, as the enemy who was 
nearest as well as most formidable. As he was master of the pub- 
lic revenues in Peru, and most of the military men were attached 
to his family, his troops were so numerous, that the viceroy, 




JUAN ALVAREZ, TOUCHED BY REMORSE, OR MOVED BV FEAR. DECLARES HIS PRISONER, VACA DE CASTRO. 
TO BE HENCEFOPWA-n t^E -'- PRECEDING PAGE.) 



7i6 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



unable to face them, retreated towards Quito. Pizarro followed 
him ; and in that long march, through a wild, mountainous coun- 
try, suffered hardships, and encountered difficulties, which no troops 
but those accustomed to serve in America could have endured or 
surmounted. The viceroy had scarcely reached Quito, when the 
vanguard of Pizarro's forces appeared, led by Carvajal, who, though 
near fourscore, was as hard}' and active as any young soldier under 
his command. Nunez Vela instantly abandoned a town incapable 
of defense, and, with a rapidity more resembling a flight than a 
retreat, marched into the province of Popayan. Pizarro continued 
to pursue ; biit, finding it impossible to overtake him, returned to 
Quito. From thence he despatched Carvajal to oppose Centeno, 
who was growing formidable in the southern provinces of the em- 
pire, and he himself remained there to make head against the 
viceroy. 

By his own activity, and the assistance of Benalcazar, Nunez 
Vela soon assembled four hundred men in Popayan. As he re- 
tained, amidst all his 
disasters, the same 
elevation of mind, and 
the same high sense 
of his own dignit}-, he 
rejected with disdain 
the advice of some of 
his followers who 
urged him to make 
overtures of accommo- 
dation to Pizarro, de- 
claring that it was only 
by the sword that a 
contest with rebels 
could be decided. 
With this intention he 
marched back to Quito 
[1546]. Pizarro, rely- 
ing on the superior 
number, and still more 
on the discipline and 
valor of his troops, 

■ QUITO, BETWEEN THE ADHERENTS OF THE VICEBOV, NUNEZ VELA, AND THE REBELS UNDER THE 
LEADERSHIP OF PICARRO AND CARVAJAL. 




THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 7^7 

advanced resolutely to meet him [Jan. iSl. The battle was fierce 
and bloody, both parties fighting like men who knew that the 
possession of a great empire, the fate of their leaders, and their 
own future fortune, depended upon the issue of that day. But 
Pizarro's veterans pushed forward with such regular and well- 
directed force, that they soon began to make impressions on their 
enemies. The viceroy, by extraordinary exertions, in which the 
abilities of a commander and the courage of a soldier were equal- 
ly displayed, held victory for some time in suspense. At length 
he fell, pierced with many wounds ; and the rout of his followers 
became general. They were hotly pursued. His head was cut 
off and placed on the public gibbet in Quito, which Pizarro en- 
tered in triumph. The troops assembled by Centeno were dis- 
persed soon after bv Carvajal, and he himself compelled to fly to 
the mountains, where he remained for several months concealed 
in a cave. Every person in Peru, from the frontiers of Popayan 
to those of Chili, submitted to Pizarro ; and by his fleet, under 
Pedro de Hinojosa, he had not only the unrivaled command of the 
South Sea, but had taken possession of Panama, and placed a gar- 
rison in Nombre de Dios, on the opposite side of the isthmus, 
which rendered him master of the only avenue of communication 
between Spain and Peru, that was used at that period. 

After this decisive victory, Pizarro and his followers remained 
for some time at Quito ; and during the first transports of their 
exultation, they ran into every excess of licentious indulgence, 
with the riotous spirit usual among low adventurers upon extraor- 
dinary success. But, amidst this dissipation, their chief and his 
confidants were obliged to turn their thoughts sometimes to what 
was serious, and deliberated with much solicitude concerning the 
part that he ought now to take. Carvajal, no less bold and de- 
cisive in council than in the field, had, from the beginning, warned 
Pizarro that in the career on which he was entering, it was vain 
to think of holding a middle course ; that he must either boldly 
aim at all, or attempt nothing. From the time that Pizarro ob- 
tained possession of the government of Peru, he inculcated the 
same maxim with greater earnestness. Upon receiving an account 
of the victory at Quito, he remonstrated with him m a tone still 
more peremptory. " You have usurped," said he, in a letter writ- 
ten to Pizarro on that occasion, " the supreme power in this coun- 

40 



7l8 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

tr}-, in contempt of the emperor's commission to the viceroy. You 
have marched in hostile array against the royal standard ; you 
have attacked the representative of your sovereign in the field, 
have defeated him, and cut off his head. Think not that ever a] 
monarch will forgive such insults on his dignity, or that any recon- 
ciliation with him can be cordial or sincere. Depend no longer 
on the precarious favor of another. Assume yourself the sov- 
ereignty over a country to the dominion of which your family has 
a title founded on the rights both of discovery and conquest. It 
is in your power to attach every Spaniard in Peru of any conse- 
quence inviolably to your interest, by liberal grants of lands and 
of Indians, or by instituting ranks of nobility, and creating titles 
of lioTior similar to those which are courted with so much eager- 
ness in Europe. By establishing orders of knighthood, with priv- 
ileges and distinctions resembling those in Spain, j-ou may bestow 
a gratification upon the officers in your service, suited to the ideas 
of militar\' men. Nor is it to vour countrymen onU' that you 
ought to attend; endeavor to gain the natives. By marrying the 
Coya, or daughter of the Sun, next in succession to the crown, you 
will induce the Indians, out of veneration for the blood of their 
ancient princes, to unite with the Spaniards in support of j'our 
authority. Thus, at the head of the ancient inhabitants of Peru, 
as well as of the new settlers there, you may set at defiance the 
power of Spain, and repel with ease any feeble force which it can 
send at su"h a distance." Cepeda, the lawyer, who was now Pi- 
zarro's confidential counsellor, warmly seconded Carvajal's exhor- 
tations, and employed whatever learning he possessed in demon- 
strating, that all the founders of great monarchies had been raised 
to pre-eminence, not by the antiquity of their lineage, or the valid- 
ity of their rights, but by their own aspiring valor and personal 
merit. 

Pizarro listened attentively to both, and could not conceal the 
satisfaction with which he contemplated the object that they pre- 
sented to his view. But, happily for the tranquillity of the world, 
few men possess that superior strength of mind, and extent of 
abilities, which are capable of forming and executing such daring 
schemes, as cannot be accomplished without overturning the es- 
tablished order of society, and violating those maxims of duty 
which men arc accustomed to hold sacred. The mediocrity of 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 719 

Pizarro's talents circumscribed his ambition within more narrow 
limits. Instead of aspiring at independent power, he confined his 
views to the obtaining from the court of Spain a confirmation of 
the authority which he now possessed ; and, for that purpose, he 
sent an ofiicer of distinction thither, to give such a representation 
of his conduct, and of the state of the country, as might induce the 
emperor and his ministers, either from inclination or from neces- 
sity, to continue him in his present station. 

While Pizarro was deliberating with respect to the part which 
he should take, consultations were held in Spain, with no less solici- 
tude, concerning the measures which ought to be pursued in order 
to re-establish the emperor's authority in Peru. Though unac- 
quainted with the last excesses of outrage to which the malcontents 
had proceeded in that country, the court had received an account 
of the insurrection against the viceroy, of his imprisonment, and 
the usurpation of the government by Pizarro. A revolution so 
alarming called for an immediate interposition of the emperor's 
abilities and authority. But as he was fully occupied at that time 
in Germany, in conducting the war against the famous league of 
Smalkalde, one of the most interesting and arduous enterprises in 
his reign, the care of providing a remedy for the disorders in Peru 
devolved upon his son Philip, and the counsellors whom Charles 
had appointed to assist him in the government of Spain during his 
absence. At first view, the actions of Pizarro and his adherents 
appeared so repugnant to the duty of subjects towards their sover- 
eign, that the greater part of the ministers insisted on declaring 
them instantly to be guilty of rebellion, and on proceeding to pun- 
ish them with exemplar}' rigor. But when the fervor of their zeal 
and indignation began to abate, innumerable obstacles to the exe- 
cution of this measure presented themselves. The veteran bands 
of infantry, the strength and glory of the Spanish armies, were 
then employed in Germany. Spain, exhausted of men and money 
by a long series of wars, in which she had been involved by the 
restless ambition of two successive monarchs, could not easily equip 
an armament of sufficient force to reduce Pizarro. To transport 
any respectable body of troops to a country so remote as Peru, ap- 
peared almost impossible. While Pizarro continued master of the 
South Sea, the direct route by Nombre de Dios and Panama was 
impracticable. An attempt to march to Quito by land through the 



720 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

new kingdom of Granada, and the province of Popayan, across 
regions of prodigious extent, desolate, unhealthy, or inhabited by 
fierce and hostile tribes, would be attended with insurmountable 
danger and hardships. The passage to the South Sea by the Straits 
of Magellan was so tedious, so uncertain, and so little known in 
that age, that no confidence could be placed in any effort carried on 
in a course of navigation so remote and precarious. Nothing then 
remained but to relinquish the system which the ardor of their loy- 
alty had first suggested, and to attempt by lenient measures what 
could not be effected by force. It was manifest from Pizarro's so- 
licitude to represent his conduct in a favorable light to the emperor, 
that, notwithstanding the excesses of which he had been guilty, he 
still retained sentiments of veneration for his sovereign. By a 
proper application to these, together with some such concessions 
as should discover a spirit of moderation and forbearance in govern- 
ment, there was still room to hope that he might be yet reclaimed, 
or the ideas of loyalty natural to Spaniards might so far revive 
among his followers, that they would no longer lend their aid to 
uphold his usurped authority. 

The success, however, of this negotiation, no less delicate than 
it was important, depended entirely' on the abilities and address of 
the person to whom it should be committed. After weighing with 
much attention the comparative merit of various persons, the Span- 
ish ministers fixed, with unanimity of choice, upon Pedro de la Gasca, 
a priest in no higher station than that of counsellor to the Inquisi- 
tion. Though in no public office, he had been occasionally employed 
by government in affairs of trust and consequence, and had con- 
ducted them with no less skill than success ; displaying a gentle 
and insinuating temper, accompanied with much firmness ; probity, 
superior to any feeling of private interest ; and a cautious circum- 
spection in concerting measures, followed by such vigor in executing 
them as is rarely found in alliance with the other. These qualities 
marked him out for the function to which he was destined. The 
emperor, to whom Gasca was not unknown, warmly approved of 
the choice, and communicated it to him in a letter, containing ex- 
pressions of good-will and confidence, no less honorable to the 
prince who wrote, than to the subject who received it. Gasca, not- 
withstanding his advanced age and feeble constitution, and though, 
from the apprehensions natural to a man, who, during the course 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 721 

of his life, had never been out of his own country, he dreaded the 
eflfects of a long voyage, and of an unhealthy climate, did not hesi- 
tate a moment about complying with the will of his sovereign. But 
as a proof that it was from this principle alone he acted, he refused 
a bishopric which was offered to him, in order that he might appear 
in Peru with a more dignified character ; he would accept of no 
higher title than that of President of the Court of Audience in Lima; 
and declared that he would receive no salary on account of his 
discharging the duties of that ofi&ce. All he required was, that the 
expense of supporting his family should be defrayed by the public; 
and as he was to go like a minister of peace with his gown and 
breviary, and without any retinue but a few domestics, this would 
not load the revenue with any enormous burden. 

But while he discovered such disinterested moderation with 
respect to whatever related personally to himself, he demanded his 
ofi&cial powers in a very different tone. He insisted, as he was to 
be employed in a country so remote from the seat of government, 
where he could not have recourse to his sovereign for new instruc- 
tions on every emergence ; and as the whole success of his negotia- 
tions must depend upon the confidence which the people with whom 
he had to treat could place in the extent of his powers, that he ought 
to be invested with unlimited authority; that his jurisdiction must 
reach to all persons and to all causes ; that he must be empowered 
to pardou, to punish, or to reward, as circumstances and the behav- 
ior of different men might require; that in case of resistance from 
the malcontents, he might be authorized to reduce them to obedi- 
ence by force of arms, to levy troops for that purpose, and to call 
for assistance from the governors of all the Spanish settlements in 
America. These powers, though manifestly conducive to the great 
objects of his mission, appeared to the Spanish ministers to be 
inalienable prerogatives of royalty, which ought not to be delegated 
to a subject, and they refused to grant them. But the emperor's 
views were more enlarged. As, from the nature of his employment, 
Gasca must be intrusted with discretionar}^ power in several points, 
and all his efforts might prove ineffectual if he was circumscribed 
in any one particular, Charles scrupled not to invest him with au- 
thority \o the full extent that he demanded. Highly satisfied with 
this fresh proof of his master's confidence, Gasca hastened his 
departure, and, without either money or troops, set out to quell a 
formidable rebellion. 



722 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

On his arrival at Nombre de Dios [July 27], lie found Her- 
man Mexia, an officer of note, posted there, by order of Pizarro, 
with a considerable body of men, to oppose the landing of any 
hostile forces. But Gasca appeared in such pacific guise, with a 
train so little formidable, and with a title of no such dignity as to 
excite terror, that he was received with much respect. From 
Nombre de Dios he advanced to Panama, and met with a similar 
reception from Hinojosa, whom Pizarro had intrusted with the 
government of that town, and the command of his fleet stationed 
there. In both places he held the same language, declaring that 
he was sent by their sovereign as a messenger of peace, not as a 
minister of vengeance ; that he came to redress all their griev- 
ances, to revoke the laws which had excited alarm, to pardon past 
offenses, and to re-establish order and justice in the gov?rnment 
of Peru. His mild deportment, the simplicity of his manners, 
the sanctity of his profession, and a winning appearance of can- 
dor, gained credit to his declarations. The veneration due to a 
person clothed with legal authority, and acting in virtue of a royal 
commission, began to revive among men accustomed for some 
time to nothing more respectable than a usurped jurisdiction. 
Hinojosa, Mexia, and several other officers of distinction, to each 
of whom Gasca replied separately, were gained over to his interest, 
and waited only for some decent occasion of declaring openly in 
his favor. 

This the violence of Pizarro soon afforded them. As soon as 
he heard of Gasca's arrival at Panama, though he received, at the 
same time, on account of the nature of his commission, and was 
informed of his offers not only to render every Spaniard in Peru 
eas}' concerning what was past, by an act of general oblivion, but 
secure with respect to the future, by repealing the obnoxious laws; 
instead of accepting with gratitude his sovereign's gracious con- 
cessions, he was so much exasperated on finding that he was not 
to be continued in his station as governor of the country, that he 
instantly resolved to oppose the president's entry into Peru, and 
to prevent his exercising any jurisdiction there. To this desperate 
resolution he added another highly preposterous. He sent a new 
deputation to Spain to justify his conduct, and to insist, in name 
of all the communities in Peru, for a confirmation of the govern- 
ment to himself during life, as the only means of preserving tran- 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 723 

quillity there. The persons intrusted with this strange commis- 
sion, intimated the intention of Pizarro to the president, and re- 
quired him, in his name, to depart from Panama and return to 
Spain. They carried likewise secret instructions to Hinojosa, 
directing him to offer Gasca a present of fifty thousand pesos, if 
he would comply voluntarily with what was demanded of him; 
and if he should continue obstinate, to cut him off, either by assas- 
sination or poison. 

Many circumstances concurred in pushing on Pizarro to those 
wild measures. Having been once accustomed to supreme com- 
mand, he could not bear the thoughts of descending to a private 
station. Conscious of his own demerit, he suspected that the 
emperor studied only to deceive him, and would never pardon the 
outrages which he had committed. His chief confidants, no less 
guilty, entertained the same apprehensions. The approach of 
Gasca without any military force excited no terror. There were 
now above six thousand Spaniards settled in Peru; and at the 
head of these he doubted not to maintain his own independence, 
if the court of Spain should refuse to grant what he required. 
But he knew not that a spirit of defection had already begun to 
spread among those whom he trusted most. Hinojosa, amazed at 
Pizarro's precipitate resolution of setting himself in opposition to « 

the emperor's commission, and disdaining to be his instrument in j 

perpetrating the odious crimes pointed out in his secret instruc- 
tions, publicly recognized the title of the president to the supreme 
authority in Peru. The officers under his command did the same. 
Such was the contagious influence of the example, that it reached 
even the deputies who had been sent from Peru ; and at the time 
when Pizarro expected to hear either of Gasca's return to Spain, 
or of his death, he received an account of his being master of the 
fleet, of Panama, and of the troops stationed there. 

1547]. Irritated almost to madness by events so unexpected, 
he openly prepared for war ; and in order to give some color of 
justice to his arms, he appointed the court of audience in Lima to 
proceed to the trial of Gasca, for the crimes of having seized his 
ships, seduced his officers, and prevented his deputies from pro- 
ceeding in their voyage to Spain. Cepeda, though acting as a 
judge in virtue of the royal commission, did not scruple to pros- 
titute the dignity of his function by finding Gasca guilty of trea- 



724 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

son, and condemning him to death on that account. Wild and 
even ridiculous as this proceeding was, it imposed on the low, 
illiterate adventurers, with whom Peru was filled, by the semblance 
of a legal sanction warranting Pizarro to carry on hostilities against 
a convicted traitor. Soldiers accordingly resorted from every 
quarter to his standard, and lie was soon at the head of a thousand 
men, the best equipped that had ever taken the field in Peru. 

Gasca, on his part, perceiving that force must be employed 
in order to accomplish the purpose of his mission, was no less 
assiduous in collecting troops from Nicaragua, Carthagena, and 
other settlements on the continent ; and with such success, that 
he was soon in a condition to detach a squadron of his fleet, with 
a considerable body of soldiers, to the coast of Peru [April]. 
Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm ; and though they did 
not attempt for some time to make any descent, they did more 
effectual service by setting ashore in diff'erent places persons who 
dispersed copies of the act of general indemnit}-, and the revoca- 
tion of the late edicts ; and who made known everj'where the 
pacific intentions, as well as mild temper, of the president. The 
effect of spreading this information was wonderful. All who were 
dissatisfied with Pizarro's violent administration, all who retained 
any sentiments of fidelit}' to their sovereign, began to meditate 
revolt. Some openly deserted a cause which the}^ now deemed to 
be unjust. Centeno, leaving the cave in which he lay concealed, 
assembled about fifty of his former adherents, and with this feeble, 
half-armed band, advanced boldly to Cuzco. By a sudden attack 
in the night-time, in which he displayed no less militar}' skill than 
valor, be rendered himself master of that capital, though defended 
by a garrison of five hundred men. Most of these having ranged 
themselves under his banners, he had soon the command of a re- 
spectable body of troops. 

Pizarro, though astonished at beholding one enem}' approach- 
ing by sea, and another by land, at a time when he trusted to the 
union of all Peru in his favor, was of a spirit more undaunted, and 
more accustomed to the vicissitudes of fortune, than to be discon- 
certed or appalled. As the danger from Centeno's operations was 
the most urgent, he instantly set out to oppose him. Having pro- 
vided horses for all his soldiers, he marched with amazing rapidity. 
But every morning he found his force diminished, by numbers who 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



725 



had left him during the night ; and though he became suspicious 
to excess, and punished without mercy all whom he suspected, the 
rage of desertion was too violent to be 
checked. Before he got within sight of 
the enemy at Huarina, near the Lake of 
Titicaca, he could not muster more than 
four hundred soldiers. But these he justly 
considered as men of tried attachment, on 
whom he might depend. They were in- 
deed the boldest and most desperate of his 
followers, conscious, like himself, of crimes 
for which they could hardly expect for- 
giveness, and without any hope but in the 
success of their arms. With these he did 
not hesitate to attack Centeno's troops 
[Oct. 20], though double to his own in 
number. The royalists did not decline 
the combat. It was the most obstinate and bloody that had hitherto 
been fought in Peru. At length the intrepid valor of Pizarro, and 
the superiority of Carvajal's military talents, triumphed over num- 
bers, and obtained a complete victory. The booty was immense, 
and the treatment of the vanquished cruel. By this signal success 
the reputation of Pizarro was re-established ; and being now deemed 
invincible in the field, his army increased daily in number. 




eac)e.£J)aBlsFdi]..-' 




PIZARRO'S VALOR, ANO CARVAJAA'S SUPEHlOfl MILITARY TALENTS, GAIN THE VICTORY OVER CENTEM) AT HUARINA. 




Bottle-shaped gourd, with in- 
cised and red colored ornaments. 

In the case of the larger one, 
its upper half used in place of a 
lid or covering. 




HEAD COVERING (TENOEMA) 

into which the feather pan- 
ache was inserted. 

FLAG-STAFF 

with red and black wool tas- 
.sel ; attached to it, the cloth 
in which it was wrapped, to 
keep it dust free in the grave. 




TABLET 

made from reeds, over which 
a woven cotton fabric is 
stretched on which the fig- 
ure of a human being is de- 
lineated. I'sed in place of 
our modern tombstones. 



PERUVIAN ANTIQUITIES FROM THE NECROPOLIS AT ANCON (STUEBEL AND REIS). 



CHAPTER LXXII. 



LANDING OF GASCA IN PERU. EXECUTION OF PIZARRO. DIVISION OF THE COUNTRY AND 

RETURN OF GASCA TO SPAIN. 



UT events happened in other parts of Peru, 
which more than counter Ijalanced the splendid 
victor}' at Huarina. Pizarro had scarcely left 
Lima, when the citizens, weary of his oppress- 
ive dominion, erected the royal standard, and 
Aldana, with a detachment of soldiers from the 
fleet, took possession of the town. About the 
same time, Gasca landed at Tumbez with five 
hundred men. Encouraged by his presence, 
every settlement in the low countr}- declared for 
the king, i he situation oi the two parties was 
now perfectly reversed ; Cuzco and the adjacent provinces were pos- 
sessed by Pizarro ; all the rest of the empire, from Quito south- 
ward, acknowledged the jurisdiction of the president. As his 
numbers augmented fast, Gasca advanced into the interior part of 
the country. His behavior still continued to be gentle and unas- 
suming; he expressed, on every occasion, his ardent wish of ter- 
minating the contest without bloodshed. More solicitous to reclaim 
than to punish, he upbraided no man for past offenses, but received 
them as a father receives penitent children returning to a sense of 




(7=6) 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



727 



their duty. Though desirous of peace, he did not slacken his prep- 
arations for war. He appointed the general rendezvous of his troops 
in the fertile valley of Xauxa, on the road to Cuzco. There he 
remained for some months, not only that he might have time to 
make another attempt towards an accommodation with Pizarro, 
but that he might train his new soldiers to the use of arms, and 
accustom them to the discipline of a camp, before he led them 
against a body of victorious veterans. Pizarro, intoxicated with 
the success which had hitherto accompanied his arms, and elated 
wdth having again near a thousand men under his command, 
refused to listen to any terms, although Cepeda, together with 
several of his ofBcers, and even Carvajal himself, gave it as their 
advice, to close with the 
president's offer of a gen- 
eral indemnity, and the 
revocation of the obnoxi- 
ous laws. Gasca, having 
tried in vain every ex- 
pedient to avoid imbruing 
his hands in the blood of 
his countrymen, began to 
move towards Cuzco [Dec. 
29] at the head of sixteen 
hundred men. 

Pizarro, confident of 
victor}^ suffered the roy- 
alists to pass all the rivers which lie between Guamanga and Cuzco 
without opposition [154S], and to advance within four leagues of that 
capital, flattering himself that a defeat in such a situation as ren- 
dered escape impracticable would at once terminate the war. He 
then marched out to meet the enemv, and Carvajal chose his ground, 
and made the disposition of the troops with the discerning eye and 
profound knowledge in the art of war conspicuous in all his op- 
erations. As the two armies moved forward slowly to the charge 
[April 9], the appearance of eacli was singular. In that of Pizarro, 
composed of men enriched with the spoils of the most opulent 
country in America, every officer, and almost all the private men, 
were clothed in stuffs of silk, or brocade, embroidered with gold 
and silver; and their horses, their arms, their standards, were 




CA SATE AT CUZCO. 



728 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

adorned with all the pride of military pomp. That of Gasca, 
though not so splendid, exhibited what was no less striking. He 
himself, accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of 
Quito and Cuzco, and a great number of ecclesiastics, marching 
along the lines, blessing the men, and encouraging them to a reso- 
lute discharge of their duty. 

When both armies were just ready to engage, Cepeda set 
spurs to his horse, galloped off, and surrendered himself to the 
president. Garcilasso de la Vega, and other oflBcers of note, fol- 
lowed his example. The revolt of persons in such high rank 
struck all with amazement. The mutual confidence on which the 
union and strength of armies depend, ceased at once. Distrust 
and consternation spread from rank to rank. Some silently 
slipped away, others threw down their arms, the greatest number 
went over to the royalists. Pizarro, Carvajal, and some leaders, 
employed authority, threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but in 
vain. In less than half an hour, a body of men, which might have 
decided the fate of the Peruvian empire, was totalty dispersed. 
Pizarro, seeing all irretrievably lost, cried out in amazement to a 
few ofiBcers who still faithfully adhered to him, " What remains for 
us to do?" "Let us rush," replied one of them, "upon the en- 
emy's firmest battalion, and die like Romans." Dejected with 
such a reverse of fortune, he had not spirit to follow this soldierly 
counsel, and, with a tameness disgraceful to his former fame, he 
surrendered to one of Gasca's officers. Carvajal, endeavoring to 
escape, was overtaken and seized. 

Gasca, happy in this bloodless victory, did not stain it with 
cruelty. Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most dis- 
tinguished and notorious offenders, were punished capitally. Pi- 
zarro was beheaded the day after he surrendered. He submitted 
to his fate with a composed dignity, and seemed desirous to atone 
b\' repentance for the crimes which he had committed. The end 
of Carvajal was suitable to his life. On his trial he offered no de- 
fense. When the sentence adjudging him to be beheaded was pro- 
nounced, he carelessl}' replied, " One can die but once." During 
the interval between the sentence and execution, he discovered no 
sign either of remorse for the past, or of solicitude about the fu- 
ture ; scoffing at all who visited him, in his usual sarcastic vein 
of mirth, with the same quickness of repartee and gross pleasantry 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



729 




THE END OF CAHVAJAL. 



as at any other period of his life. Cepeda, more criminal than 

either, ought to have shared the same fate ; but the merit of hav- 

ine deserted his associates at such a criti- 

cal moment, and with such decisive effect, 

saved him from immediate punishment. 

He was sent, however, as a prisoner to 

Spain, and died in confinement. 

In the minute details which the con 
temporary historians have given of the 
civil dissensions that raged in Peru, with 
little interruption, during ten years, many 
circumstances occur so striking, and 
which indicate such an iincommon state 
of manners, as to merit particular atten- 
tion. 

Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the 
lowest order in societ}-, and the greater part of those who after- 
wards joined them were persons of desperate fortune, yet in all 
the bodies of troops brought into the field by the different leaders 
who contended for superiority, not one man acted as a hired sol- 
dier, that follows his standard for pay. Every adventurer in Peru 
considered himself as a conqueror, entitled, by his services, to an 
establishment in that country which had been acquired by his 
valor. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose his 
side as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He 
joined his commander as a companion of his fortunes, and dis- 
dained to degrade himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. 
It was to their sword, not to the pre-eminence in office, or nobility 
of birth, that most of the leaders whom they followed were in- 
debted for their elevation; and each of their adherents hoped, by 
the same means, to open a way for himself to the possession of 
power and wealth. 

But though the troops in Peru served without an}- regular 
pay, they were raised at immense expense. Among men accus- 
tomed to divide the spoils of an opulent country, the desire of ob- 
taining wealth acquired incredible force. The ardor of pursuit 
augmented in proportion to the hope of success. Where all were 
intent on the same object, and under the dominion of the same 
passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or of securing 



730 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides the 
promise of future establishments, received in hand large gratuities 
from the chiefs with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order 
to raise i,ooo men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos, Gasca 
expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine 
hundred thousand pesos. The distribution of property, bestowed 
as the reward of services, was still more exorbitant. Cepeda, as 
the recompense of his perfid}' and address, in persuading the court 
of royal audience to give the sanction of its authority to the 
usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a grant of lands which 
yielded an annual income of a hundred and fifty thousand pesos. 
Hinojosa, who by his early defection from Pizarro, and surrender 
of the fleet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a district 
of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of ^-earl}^ value. 
While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with 
more than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred 
upon those of inferior rank. 

Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. 
It gave birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accus- 
tomed to hardships and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse 
and inconsiderate dissipation, and indulged in all the excesses of 
military licentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some ; 
a relish for expensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest 
soldier in Peru would have thought himself degraded by marching 
on foot ; and at a time when the prices of horses in that country 
were exorbitant, each insisted on being furnished with one before 
he would take the field. But though less patient under the fatigues 
and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and death 
with as much intrepidity as ever; and animated b}' the hope of 
new rewards, they never failed, on the day of battle, to display all 
their ancient valor. 

Together with their courage, the}' retained all the ferocity by 
which they were originall}' distinguished. Civil discord never 
raged with a more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. 
To all the passions which usuall}- envenom contests among coun- 
trymen, avarice was added, and rendered their enmit}- more rancor- 
ous. Eagerness to seize the valuable forfeitures, expected upon 
the death of every opponent, shut the door against mercy. To be 
wealth}' was of itself sufficient to expose a man to accusation, or to 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 



TZT- 



subject him to punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pizarro 
condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants in Peru to death. 
Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, 
cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the 
hands of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the 
field; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of 
any legal trial. 

The violence with which the contending parties treated their 
opponents was not accompanied with its usual attendants, attach- 
ment, and fidelity to those with whom they acted. The ties of 
honor, which ought to be held sacred among soldiers, and the 
principle of integrity interwoven as thoroughly in the Spanish 
character as in that of any nation, seem to have been equally for- 
gotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of shame, were 
totall}^ lost. During their dissensions, there was hardlj' a Spaniard 
in Peru who did not abandon the part}? which he had originally es- 
poused, betray the associates with whom he had united, and violate 
the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunez 
Vela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges 
of the royal audience, who were bound bv the duties of their func- 
tion to have supported his authority. The chief advisers and com- 
panions of Gonzalo Pizarro's revolt were the first to forsake him, 
and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up to Gasca by 
the man whom he had singled out among his officers to intrust 
with that important command. On the day that was to decide his 
fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their 
arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often 
conducted them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed 
•contempt of the principles and obligations which attach man to 
man, and bind them together in social union, rarely 
•occur in history. It is only when men are far removed 
from the seat of government, v.'here the restraints of law 
and order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is un- 
bounded, and where immense wealth 
may cover the crimes by which it is ac- 
quired, that we can find any parallel to 
the levity, the rapaciousness, the per- 
fidy, and corruption prevalent among 
the Spaniards in Peru. 




THE ADHERENTS OF PIZARRO AT THE titR i_F The OECAPiTATED CHiEFTAIN. 



732 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

On the death of Pizarro, the malcontents in every corner of 
Peru laid down their arms, and tranquillity seemed to be perfectly 
re-established. But two very interesting objects still remained to 
occupy the president's attention. The one was to iind immediately 
such employment for a multitude of turbulent and daring advent- 
urers, with which the country was iilled, as might prevent them 
from exciting new commotions. The other, to bestow proper grat- 
ifications upon those to whose lo^yalty and valor he had been in- 
debted for his success. The former of these was in some measure 
accomplished by appointing Pedro de Valdivia to prosecute the 
conquest of Chili; and by empowering Diego Centeno to undertake 
the discovery of the vast regions bordering on the river de la Plata. 
The reputation of those leaders, together with the hopes of acquir- 
ing wealth, and of rising to consequence in some unexplored coun- 
try, alluring many of the most indigent and desperate soldiers to 
follow their standards, drained off no inconsiderable portion of that 
mutinous spirit which Gasca dreaded. 

The latter was an affair of greater difficulty, and to be adjusted 
with a more attentive and delicate hand. The rcpartivijcntos^ or 
allotments of lands and Indians which fell to be distributed, in con- 
sequence of the death or forfeiture of the former possessors, ex- 
ceeded two millions of pesos of yearl}' rent. Gasca, when now ab- 
solute master of this immense property, retained the same disinter- 
ested sentiments which he had originall}- professed, and refused to 
reserve the smallest portion of it for himself. But the number of 
claimants was great ; and whilst the vanity or avarice of every in- 
dividual fixed the value of his own services, and estimated the re- 
compense which he thought due to him, the pretensions of each 
were so extravagant that it was impossible to satisfy all. Gasca 
listened to them one by one, with the most patient attention ; and 
that he might have leisure to weigh the comparative merit of their 
several claims with accuracy, he retired, with the archbishop of 
Lima and a single secretary, to a village twelve leagues from Cuzco. 
There he Spent several days in alloting to each a district of lands 
and number of Indians, in proportion to his idea of their past serv- 
ices and future importance. But that he might get beyond the 
reach of the fierce storm of clamor and rage, which he foresaw 
would burst out on the publication of his decree, notwithstauding 
the impartial equity with which he had framed it, he set out for 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 733 

Lima, leaving the instrument of partition sealed up, with orders 
not to open it for some days after his departure. 

The indignation excited by publishing the decree of partition 
[Aug. 24] was not less than Gasca had expected. Vanity, avarice, 
emulation, envy, shame, rage, and all the other passions which most 
vehemently agitate the minds of men when both their honor and 
their interest are deeply affected, conspired in adding to its vio- 
lence. It broke out with all the fur\' of military insolence. Ca- 
lumny, threats, and curses, were poured out openly upon the pres- 
ident. He was accused of ingratitude, of partiality, and of injust- 
ice. Among soldiers prompt to action, such seditious discourse 
would have been soon followed by deeds no less violent, and they 
already began to turn their eyes towards some discontented lead- 
ers, expecting them to stand forth in redress of their wrongs. By 
some vigorous interpositions of government, a timely check was 
given to this mutinous spirit, and the danger of another civil war 
was averted for the present. 

1549.] Gasca, however, perceiving that the flame was sup- 
pressed rather than extinguished, labored Avith the utmost assidu- 
ity to soothe the malcontents, by bestowing large gratuities on 
some, by promising repartimientos, when they fell vacant, to others, 
and by caressing and flattering all. But that the public security 
might rest on a foundation more stable than their good aff'ection, 
he endeavored to strengthen the hands of his succeseors in office, 
by re-establishing the regular administration of justice in every 
part of the empire. He introduced order and simplicity into the 
mode of collecting the royal revenue. He issued regulations con- 
cerning the treatment of the Indians, well calculated to protect 
them from oppression, and to provide for their instruction in the 
principles of religion, without depriving the Spaniards of the ben- 
efit accruing from their labor. Having now accomplished every 
object of his mission, Gasca, longing to return again to a private 
station, committed the government of Peru to the court of audi- 
ence, and set out for Spain [Feb. i, 1550]. As, during the anarchy 
and turbulence of the four last years, there had been no remittance 
made of the royal revenue, he carried with him thirteen hundred 
thousand pesos of public money, which the economy and order of 
his administration enabled him to save, after paying all the ex- 
penses of the war. 

41 



734 THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

He was received in his native country with universal admira- 
tion of his abilities, and of his virtue. Both were, indeed, highly 
conspicuous. Without army, or fleet, or public funds ; with a train 
so simple, that only three thousand ducats were expended in equip- 
ping him, he set out to oppose a formidable rebellion. By his 
address and talents he supplied all those defects, and seemed to 
create instruments for executing his designs. He acquired such a 
naval force as gave him the command of the sea. He raised a body 
of men able to cope with the veteran bands which gave law to Peru. 
He vanquished their leader, on whose arms victory had hitherto 
attended, and in place of anarchy and usurpation, he established 
the government of laws, and the authority of the rightful sover- 
eign. But the praise bestowed on his abilities was exceeded by 
that which his virtue merited. After residing in a country where 
wealth presented allurements which had seduced every person who 
had hitherto possessed power there, he returned from that trying 
station w-ith integrity not only untainted, but unsuspected. After 
distributing among his countrymen possessions of greater extent 
and value than had ever been in the disposal of a subject in any 
age or nation, he himself remained in his original state of poverty ; 
and at the very time when he brought such a large recruit to the 
royal treasury, he was obliged to apply by petition for a small sum 
to discharge some petty debts, which he had contracted during the 
course of his service. Charles was not insensible to such disinter- 
ested merit. Gasca was received by him with the most distinguish- 
ing marks of esteem ; and being promoted to the bishopric of 
Palencia, he passed the remainder of his daj's in the tranquillity 
of retirement, respected by his country, honored by his sovereign, 
and beloved by all. 

Notwithstanding all Gasca's wise regulations, the tranquillity 
of Peru was not of long continuance. In a country where the 
authority of government had been almost forgotten, during the 
long prevalence of anarchy and misrule, where there were disap- 
pointed leaders ripe for revolt, and seditious soldiers ready to fol- 
low them, it was not difficult to raise combustion. Several suc- 
cessive insurrections desolated the country for some years. But 
as those, though fierce, were only transient storms, excited rather 
by the ambition and turbulence of particular men, than by general 
or public motives, the detail of them is not the object of this his- 



THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 735 

tory. These commotions in Pern, like every thing of extreme 
iriolence, either in the natural or political body, were not of long 
iuration ; and by carrying off the corrupted humors which had 
2^iven rise to the disorders, they contributed in the end to strengthen 
;he society which at first the}- threatened to destroy. During their 
ierce contests, several of the first invaders of Peru, and many of 
:hose licentious adventurers whom the fame of their success had 
illured thither, fell by each other's hands. Each of the parties, as 
;hey alternately prevailed in the struggle, gradually cleared the 
;ountry of a number of turbulent spirits, by executing, proscrib- 
ng, or banishing their opponents. Men less enterprising, less 
lesperate, and more accustomed to move in the paths of sober and 
Deaceable industry, settled in Peru ; and the royal authority was 
gradually established as firmly there as in the other Spanish col- 
)nies. T^r" 

The following note is called for, first : Bj' the descriptive title under the 
>icture of the mummies from the Necropolis at Ancon, page 630, wherein Mr. 
r'rescott is quoted, and makes the statement : that human sacrifices were performed 
luring the reign of the Incas. Second : By the charge brought forward by the 
iccusers of the unfortunate Atahualpa (page 661) that he commanded the oifer- 
ng of human sacrifices ; and third, by the sub-title of the illustration on page 
)59 : above one thousand victims being doomed to accompany his father, Huana Capac, 
the tomb, also cited by Prescott, " Conquest of Peru," Vol. I, Chapter I., upon 
he strength of which the illustration is based. 

Note. — The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, in his Comentarios Recilcs Liber III, 
Dhap. XX, declares most positively that the Inca people " worshipped no other gods 
)ut the sun, although there are not wanting persons who state the contrary." 
rhe public worship was a Sun-worship. Some reverence was paid to the 
noon, the three brightest planets, and the Pleiades, but this was but acces- 
sory to the adoration of the orb of day. This worship was celebrated chiefly 
it four great festivals at the solstices and equinoxes each j-ear. At these festi- 
;^als there were sacrifices of llamas or alpacas, and their lambs; rabbits, birds, 
naize (corn), the strength sustaining herb coca, the exhilarating chica, or maize 
3eer, and of fine cloths. As for human sacrifices, Garcilasso assures us, and 
vith evident knowledge of the subject, that there was nothing of the sort under 
he Incas. In the times before the Inca supremacy, and among many of the 
peoples whom the Incas conquered, there were human sacrifices accompanied by 
:annibalism ; but both these practices were sternly suppressed by the Incas. If 
iome Spanish writers assert that there were human sacrifices in Peru, it shows 
;hat they do not exercise proper discrimination. Within the vast Inca dominion 
here were included a number of peoples with whom such sacrifices had long 
jeen customary, and it might well be that the Incas had not completely suc- 
:eeded in stamping out the abomination. "I am witness," says the good Gar- 



736 ' THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 

cilasso, "to having heard my father (his father was a Spaniard, his mother of 
Inca blood) and his contemporaries frequently compare the states of Mexico and 
Peru; and in speaking of these sacrifices of men, and of the practice of eating hu- 
man flesh, they praised the Inoas of Peru, because they neither practised nor per- 
mitted such acts." Mr. Prescott (Conquest of Peru, Book I, Chapter 3) was in- 
clined to admit that human sacrifices were performed, though very rarely, under 
the Incas, and quoted five contemporary authorities (including Cieza) against 
Garcilasso. But Mr. Markham has shown that Cieza and others were misled by 
supposing that the words yuyac and huahua signified " men " and " children," 
whereas, as applied to the victims of sacrifice, these words signified " adult 
beasts" and "lambs." Mr. Markham also quotes seven other important con- 
temporarj' authorities (not mentioned by Prescott), in support of Garcilasso ; so 
that the question appears to be settled in his favor. 

The duties and ceremonies of the Sun-worship were in charge of quite a hier- 
archy of ministering priests, confessors, sacrificers, hermits, and soothsayers, at 
the head of all the high priest, or "Villac Umu ," and above him the Inca. The 
ministering priests received confessions and served as mouth-pieces of oracles. 
The hermits dwelt in solitary places, and were, in some instances if not always, 
organized into a kind of celibate n^onastic brotherhood, with a chief hermit at 
the head. 

To these remarkable coincidences, with various customs in the Old World may 
be added the coincidence of the keeping of the sacred fire. Each year at the 
autumnal equinox a new fire was kindled by collecting the sun's rays on a burn- 
ished mirror, and this fire was kept alive through the year by consecrated maid- 
ens iaclla-euna) analagous to the Roman vestal nuns. These vestals lived in 
convents presided over by matrons (mama-euna.) If the fire happened to go out 
it was an evil omen. If a nun broke her vow of chastity she was buried alive, 
just as in Rome. The Peruvian system of vestal-nuns was a much more exten- 
sive affair than in Rome. In Rome there were six priestesses of Vesta, who were 
treated with most signal deference. In Peru an adla-cuna was treated with 
much deference, as a kind of superior being, but the number of them was very 
large, every temple of the Sun generally had such a convent attached to it. 
Their vow of perpetual celibacy meant that they were the Sun's wives ; whence it 
was quite natural that the punishment for infidelity should be burial in the dark 
grave out of the offended husband's sight. The Inca as representative of the 
Sun, was husband of all these consecrated women. The Inca did not visit them, 
but sent and took from them as many concubines as he wished ; those who were 
not thus taken remained virgins. It was absolutely required that the nuns at 
Cuzco should be of pure Inca blood ; and as every reigning Inca had two or three 
hundred enumerated children, the race seemed to be in no danger of dying out. 

The Inca was regarded as the human representative or incarnation of the 
solar deity. He was the Sun, made flesh and dwelling among men. Great pains 
were taken to keep the lineage of this august person as narrowly definite as pos- 
sible. The Inca could have but one legitimate wife, and it was imperatively re- 
quired that she should be his full sister — the child of the same father by the 
same mother. The children of the Inca by this incestuous marriage, were thus as 
completely and narrowly royal in blood as possible, and the eldest Son was the 
legitimate heir to the kingdom. — Extracts from John Fiske's " The Discovery of 
America." Vol. II. pages. 340—347. 



Book IV, 



ly 




t:ENJAVI'v FfiANKLIN. 

After the engraving bv the Baron Desnovfrs, made bv him when Franklin acted as 
OUR Ambassador at the court of Versaillbs. 



738) 




(739) 



Complete History of the United States. 





VIKING BOAT, OR DRAGON. 
FOUND IN THE MOOR IN JUTLAND. 



F the aboriginal inhabitants of North America — the races 
who built the mounds of the Ohio and Mississippi val- 
leys, and the ancient pueblos and cave dwellings of Ari- 
zona and New Mexico — we have no knowledge save that 
derived from their scattered and moldering monuments. 
Almost equally shadowy is the Norse legend that tells 
how Leif, son of Erik, a Viking rover from Iceland, about 
looo A. D., discovered, to the west 
of Greenland, a forest clad shore 
to which he gave the name of Vin- 
land. 

The authentic annals of Amer- 
ica begin with the famous voyage 
of Christopher Columbus, "the most memo- 
rable maritime enterprise in the history of 
the world."* On October 12, 1492, Columbus, who had been dis- 
patched by Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain to discover a westward 
route from Kurope to Asia, reached one of the Bahamas — probably 
Watling Island. Thence he sailed on to Cuba and Hayti, which he 
believed to be outlying islands of southern Asia, and whose native 
inhabitants he called Indians. Wherever he landed he raised the 
flag of Spain. 

The great discovery of Columbus was followed up by other 
navigators. In 1497 John and Sebastian Cabot, under the patron- 
age of Henry VII. of England, found the continent of North Amer- 
ica, " probably in the latitude of about fifty-six degrees, along the 
dismal cliflFs of Labrador." f They took possession of the newly 
discovered land in the name of the English king. 

Spain took the leading part in the exploration of the New 
World. Under her flag the northern coast of South America was 

* Bancroft's History of the United States. f Ibid. 



(741) 



742 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATEwS. 



discovered by Amerigo Vespucci, from whom the continent took 
its name. In 15 13 Balboa reached the Pacific Ocean, and Ponce 
de Leon found a land which he called Florida, because he sighted 
it " on Easter Sunday, which the Spaniards call Pascua Florida." * 
Ferdinand de Soto, also in the Spanish service, discovered the Mis- 




BURrAL OF DE SOTO IN THE VELLOW FLOODS OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 



sissippi River in 1542, in the waters of which he found his last 
resting place. 

France, too, was active in sending out expeditious. In 1524 
Verrazani coasted from the Carolinas to New England, and ten 
years later Jacques Cartier entered the St. Lawrence. In 1603 
Champlain followed Cartier, aud penetrated what is now north- 
ern New York. 

In 1609 Henry Hudson, sailing under the flag of Holland, 
discovered the Hudson River. 

On these discoveries Spain, England, France, and Holland 
based conflicting claims to the territory of the New World, which 

* Bancroft's History of the United States. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



74; 




THE OLD GATE AT ST. AUGUSTINE, FLORIDA. 



were only finally 
settled after nearly 
two huudred years, 
and much fighting. 

"The United 
States were sever- 
ally colonized by 
men in origin, re- 
ligious faith, and 
purposes as various 
as their climes." * 
The earliest per- 
manent settlement 
in North America 
was that of St. Augustine, Florida, founded in 1565 by a Spanish 
expedition under Pedro Melendez. 

The first English colony was Virginia, whose earliest settlement 
was on Roanoke Island, to which Sir Walter Raleigh took a body 
of emigrants in 1584. Raleigh's enterprise proved a failure, but in 
1607 an expedition sent out by the London Company built James- 
town, on the James River. This plantation prospered under the 
government of Captain John Smith, Lord De La 
Ware, and their successors. At Jamestown, in 
1619, the first African slaves brought to Amer- 
ica were purchased from a Dutch vessel. 

New York, which " united the richest 
lands with the highest adaptation to for- 
eign and domestic commerce," f was 
founded by the Dutch, who shortly , 
after Hudson's voyage planted the 
settlement of New Amsterdam on 
Manhattan Island, and Fort Or- 
ange, now Albany. In 1664 these 
were surrendered to the British, 
and the name of New Amsterdam 
was changed to New York. 

Massachusetts was colonized by 
a company of Puritans, whose 

* Bancroft's Hist. United States. f Ibid. 




SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 



74« 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



emigration was "the result of implacable differences between Prot- 
estant dissenters in England and the established Anglican church."* 
Driven from England by religious persecution, they crossed the At- 
lantic in the little ship Mayflower, and landed at Plymouth. They 

were followed by an- 
other body, which 
founded Salem and 
Charlestown. These 
settlements formed 
the Massachusetts 
Bay colony, origi- 
nally distinct from 
the Plymouth colo- 
ny. The former also 
made a settlement at 
Boston in 1630. 

Hartford and 
Windsor, the first 
settlements of Con- 
necticut, were found- 
ed by pioneers from 
Massachusetts in 
1633. A few years 
later the infant colo- 
ny passed through a 
severe struggle with 
the Indians, known 
historically as the 
Pequod War. 

In 1636 Roger 
Williams, a preach- 
er of Salem, was ban- 
ished from M a s s a- 
chusetts for his independence of religious belief. He found refuge 
with the Narragansett Indians, and bought from them a tract of 
land on which he founded the plantation of Providence. Two years 
later another company founded Rhode Island, and in 1644 the two 
settlements were united. 




CHARLES H. OF ENGLAND. 
PAINTING BV PETER LELY. ENGRAVED BY G. VERTUE, 1736. 



•Bancroft's History of the United States. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



749 



In 1623 ^ post was established near what is now Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire. This was united with the Massachusetts colony, 
together with a few outlying settlements in Maine, until New 
Hampshire was, fifty years later, created a separate province. 

Maryland was founded by Leonard Calvert, brother of Lord 
Baltimore, as a Roman Catholic colony. The first settlement was 
planted in 1634 at St. Mary's, near the mouth of the Potomac. A 
dispute at once arose with Virginia, 
which, according to its charter, "ex- 
tended two hundred miles north of 
Old Point Comfort, and therefore in- 
cluded the soil which forms the State 
of Maryland." * William Clayborne, 
who asserted the claim of Virginia, 
seized the government of the new 
colony, but was ultimately expelled. 

Delaware was first settled by 
Swedish emigrants, who established 
themselves on the Delaware River, 
below Philadelphia, and named their 
territory New Sweden. Their settle- 
ments were captured by the Dutch- 
men of New Amsterdam, under Peter 
Stuyvesant, shortly before New Am- 
sterdam was itself conquered by the 
British. 

In 1663 Charles II. granted the 
land between Florida and Virginia to 
Lord Clarendon, who named it Caro- 




lina. 



Settlers from Virginia had al- 



WILLfAM PENN. 
AFTER THE PAINTING BY GODFREY KNELLER (1659-1723). 



ready planted, at the mouth of the Chowan River, the Albemarle 
colony, which was the nucleus of North Carolina. South Carolina 
was first opened up by the Carteret colony, which founded Charles- 
ton in 1670. Its members were Englishmen and French Hugue- 
nots. 

New Jersey was claimed by the Dutch as a part of the territory 
of New Amsterdam. They had built a log fort at Camden, on the 
Delaware, in 1623, but the settlement of the country began when 

* Bancroft's History of the United States. 



750 



HISTORY OF THP; UNITED STATES. 



Charles II. granted the land between the Hudson and Delaware 
rivers to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, in 1664. 

The colonization of Pennsylvania also dates from a grant of 
Charles II., given to William Peun in 1681, in payment of a debt 

due to his father. Admiral Penn. 
Penn laid out Philadelphia, buy- 
ing the land from the Indians, 
and bringing to it two thousand 
Quakers from England. Dela- 
ware was united to his territory, 
but was finall}- separated from it 
m 1703. 
v^v The last of the thir- 

^^ -^ teen colonies was Geor- 
gia. In 1732 George II. 
empowered James Ogle- 
thorpe to found, on the 
tract between the Savan- 
nah and Altamaha rivers, 
a colony for those who 
had been imprisoned for 
debt. Other immigrants 
gathered there, coming 
'^'^^ from Scotland and Ger- 
many ; and in 1736 John 
and Charles Wesley, the 
founders of Alethodism, 
went there to preach. The 
colony was not established 
A\ithout hostilities with the 
Spaniards at St. Augustine. 

But the northern colonies 
ecame involved in more serious 
wars The settlers of New Eng- 
land were constantly harassed by 
the Indians. In King Philip's War, fought in 1675, the power of 
the Wampanoags and Narragansetts was broken. In King Will- 
iam's War, which lasted from 1689 to 1697, the aborigines were 
assisted by the French. 




-Z^ft 



A WAMPANOAG INDIAN IN FULL WAR PAINT. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



7^^ 



FrenA colonists had founded Quebec in i6oS, and their fur 
traders and missionaries had pushed up the St. Lawrence to the 
Great Lakes and the Mississippi valley. Two Jesuits, Pere Mar- 
quette and Pere Joliet, discovered the upper course of the Missis- 
sippi. In 16S2 Lasalle sailed down the Ohio and the Mississippi 
to the Gulf of Mexico. The vast region through which he passed 
lie claimed for France, and named it Louisiana, in honor of King 
Louis XIV. New Orleans and Mobile were founded b_y French 
settlers a few j-ears later. 

The uncertaiut}' of intercolonial 
boundaries, and the fi'equent wars be- 
tween the parent countries, led to the 
long conflict that forms most of the En- 
glish colonies' annals for nearly a hun- 
dred 3-ears. " The history of the colo- 
nies, except for the great and romantic 
struggle with New France, would have 
been almost destitute of striking inci- 
dents." * Queen Anue's War (1702 to 
1703) and King George's War (1744 to 
174S), in both of which the French were 
assisted by the Indians, produced no im- 
portant results. 

The decisive struggle began in 1754, 
arising from a dispute between the Ohio 
Company and the French, into whose 
territory the Company had entered to 
trade in furs. The military career of 
George Washington began at this time, 
he being dispatched by Governor Din- 
widdle of Virginia with a letter to the French commander on the 
Ohio. The latter's reply was defiant, and two expeditions were 
sent against him— the first a regiment of Mrginians, the second 
a British force under Braddock. Both were driven back from Fort 
Duquesne (on the present site of Pittsburgh), but in 1759 the war 
was decided by the capture of Quebec by Wolfe, at the head of a 
British expedition. Peace was signed in 1763, France abandoning 
all her territory in America, except the two islets of St. Pierre and 

* Fiske's American Revolution, chapter I. 




LOUIS XIV. OF FRANCE. 



752 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 




ji /^^:^. 




rt^i^ ;.; -jh ^ ■>■■ /% 




:-^. 







BRADDOCK MORTALLY WOUNDED AT FORT DUQUESNE. (SEE PRECEDING PAGE.) 



Miquelon, off Newfoundland, which she retains to-day. Her set- 
tlements east of the Mississippi were ceded to England, and the 
land west of the Mississippi to Spain, in return for the surrender 
of Florida to England. 

The next great event in American history was the Revolution 



HISTO.vi Ol- THE UNITED STATES. 



753 



ol the thirteen colonies against England. Discontent against the 
mother country had been growing gradually, arising mainlj^ from 
the unjust fiscal policy enforced by the British Parliament. The 
colonies were prohibited from exporting goods to any country but 
Bngland. Duties were exacted upon the goods they imported, and 
their efforts to establish their own manufactures were crushed. 

In 1765 the passage of the Stamp Act brought matters near to 
a crisis. This law required all documents needed in the colonies 
to be written upon stamped paper, which was to be bought from 
officers of the British revenue service. The measure aroused great 
public indignation in America. Six colonies united in a memorial 
of protest, wherein they " took their stand on the principle that as 
free-born Buglishmen they could not rightfully be taxed by the 
House of Commons unless they were represented in that body." * 

In 1766 the Stamp Act was repealed, but a few months later 
Parliament imposed a duty on all glass, paper, paints, and tea 
brought into America. Great opposition being manifested against 
these taxes, a body of British troops, under General Gage, was 
quartered in Boston. As the excitement in the colonies continued, 
the duties were ultimately removed with the exception of that on 
tea, which was retained as an assertion of the principle that Parlia- 
ment's power over America was supreme. 

For the same reason the tea tax was violently denounced in 
the colonies. "When our libertv is gone," said Samuel Adams, a 
leading citizen of Boston, " history and experience will teach us 
that an increase of inhabitants will be but an increase of slaves." f 
This feeling led to the Boston Tea Party — "an event so great that 
even American historians have generally failed to do it justice." ;|; 
On Dec. 16, 1773, a party of men, disguised as Indians, boarded 
some ships that lay in Boston harbor, and threw their cargoes of 
tea overboard. 

Parliament retaliated by closing the port of Boston. The 
custom house was removed to Salem, and General Gage was ap- 
pointed military governor of Massachusetts. The other colonies 
loj^ally supported the Bostonians, and Virginia proclaimed a fast 
upon the day when their port was closed. 

On the 5th of September, 1774, fifty-three delegates, sent by all 

* Fiske's American Revolution, Chapter i. | Bancroft's History of the United States. 
X Fiske's American Revolution, Chapter 2. 

42 



754 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



the colonies except Georgia, met in the first Continental Congress, 







^\^\' "■■■-■■ '•^/^ i ^f;f^*» 



held in Philadelphia, to discuss schemes 
for mutual assistance. Throughout 
the colonies companies of "minute 
men " were formed, to be ready for 
service in sudden emergenc}-. 

The first shots of the Revolution 
were fired at Lexington, Massachu- 
setts, where General Gage, on his way 
to destroy some military stores col- 
lected by the 
patriots at 
Concord, met 
armed resist- 
' ance from the 
minute men, 
on the 19th of 
April, 1775. 
The colonial 
forces gath- 
ered at Cam- 
bridge, oppo- 
s i t e Boston, 
and occupied 
Bunker Hill, 
whence they 
were driven 
by the Brit- 
ish in the first 
serious fight 
o f t h e \,- a r, 
fought on the 
17th of June, 
1775 — a bat- 
tle "charac- 
terized, on both the British and the American sides, by heroism 
rather than by military skill or prudence." * Meanwhile, Ethan 
Allen had captured the British forts at Ticonderoga and Crown 

* Fiske's American Revolution, Chapter 2. 



COLONEL GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

having been appointed commander-in-chief of the 
new army by the Continental Congress in session 
in Philadelphia, takes command of the patriot sol- 
diers under the elm tree at Cambridge, July 3, 1775. 
{Dra-jjing by H. A. Ogden) 




> 
-J 

3 



<3 

Z 



(755) 



75& 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Point, on Lake Champlain ; and the Second Continental Congress 
had met and appointed George Washington commander-in-chief of 
the colonial troops. 

In March, 1776, the British evacuated Boston, and in June, 

their at- 
tack, under 
General 
Clinton, on 
Charleston, 
S. Carolina, 
proved a 
failure. On 
the 4th of 
July, the 
Continent'l 
Congress, 
still in ses- 
sion at Phil- 
adel phia, 
finally sev- 
ered its al- 
legiance to 
England by 
adopting 
the Decla- 
r at ion of 
Independ- 
ence, drawn 
up by Thos. 
Jefferson, a 
delegate 




I RrrnSAT of THI OONTINCN At FORCES from long island after their defeat on the 27TH OF AUGUST. 

IDHAWING Bv H A, OGOEN I 



f 



r o m 



Vir- 



ginia. 



King George's governmt-i.i now realized that the rebellion of 
the Colonies was a serious affair. An army of twenty-five thou- 
sand men, under Lord Howe, lauded on Staten Island, defeated 
General Putnam in the Battle of Long Island, and drove Washing- 
ington out of New York. With only three thousand men, the 
American commodore retreated through New Jersey, pursued by 
•■.he British under Cornwallis. 



HISTORY OK THE UNITED STATES. 



757 



During the winter of i'J'j6-'j'j Washington twice crossed the 
Delaware, and made successful attacks upon the British at Trenton 
and at Princeton. But he was in need of men, monej', and muni- 
tions of war, and when, in September, the British, lauding in Ches- 




WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE. (PAINTING Bv LEUTZE.) 



apeake Bay, inarched upon Philadelphia, he was unable to prevent 
the capture of the colonial capital. The winter of 1777-78, during 
which Washington was in winter quarters at Valley Forge, on the 
Schuylkill, was the darkest period of the Revolution. "Well might 
Thomas Paine declare, 'These are the times that try men's 
souls!'"* 

Meanwhile, however, the patriots had gained an important 
success in the north. General Burg03nie, invading New York by 
way of Lt.ke Champlain, with a force of British troops, Hessians, 
and Indians, captured Ticonderoga, but was defeated by General 
Starke and General Gates, and on October 17 capitulated to the 

* Fiske's American Revolution, Chapter 5. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



latter his surrender being called a convention, " a soothing phrase 
well remembered by British historians."* 

Early in 177S the British evacuated Philadelphia and retreated 
to New York, followed by Washington. The indecisive battle of 
Monmouth was fought during their retreat across New Jersey. 




WASHIMGTON AT VALLEY FORGE. 
"These are the times that try men's s^u''." d- ■ lared tie patnut Thomas Paine. (Drawing by H. A. Ogden.) 

In February, 177S, Benjamin Franklin, sent to Europe to rep- 
resent the colonies, signed a treaty of alliance with France. In ac- 
cordance with this treaty, which was a very important addition to 
the strength of the patriots, a French fleet arrived in July, and 
sailed to attack the British force at Newport. It was driven back 
by a storm. In December a British expedition captured Savannah, 
Georgia. 

The year 1779 witnessed much desultory fighting at various 

* Fiske's American Revolution, Chapter 7. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



759 



points, but was chiefly distinguished by the exploits of Paul Jones, 
who, commanding the privateer Bon Homme Richard, harried the 
coast of England, and captured the British frigate Serapis, after 
"one of the most obstinate and murderous 
struggles recorded in naval history." * 

In 1780 Benedict Arnold, in command 
of the important American post at West 
Point, entered into a traitorous agreement to 
surrender it to the British. His design 
was detected through the arrest 
of Andre, a British spy ; but Ar- 
nold escaped and joined the en- 
em}'. Charleston was also cap- 
tured by the British under Clin- 
ton. A series of battles in the 
Carolinas and Virginia ensued, 
between the invaders, commanded 
by Cornwallis, and the Americans 
under Generals Gates, Morgan, 
and Greene. In October, Corn- 
wallis, intrenched at Yorktown, 
was surrounded by an army com- 
posed of Americans under Wash- 
ington and a French force under Rochambeau, together with a 
French fleet of which De Grasse was admiral. On the 19th of 
October Cornwallis surrendered with eight thousand men. 

After this disaster the British government made no further 
attempt to reconquer the colonies. A treaty of peace was negoti- 
ated, and finally signed on the 3rd of September, 17S3, by which 
England recognized their independence, their boundaries being 
the Great Lakes on the north, the Mississippi on the west, and on 
the south Florida. Florida was re-ceded to Spain — " an event 
which was accounted by our forefathers a great gain to the new 
republic." f 

The colonies had now established their independence, but their 
political, social, and financial affairs were in great disorder. The 
Continental Congress had incurred a vast debt which it had no 




MAROUIS MARIE JOSEPH PAUL DE LA FAYETTE, WHO CAME OVER IN THE 
TO OFFER HIS 6W0HD IN DEFENSE OF LIBERTY. 



FRENCH FLEET, 



* Fiske's American Revolution, Chapter 2. 
Vol. I, Chap. I. 



f Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress. 



760 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



means of paying. Its paper currency was terribly depreciated. 
" To say that a thing was * not worth a continental ' became the 
strongest possible expression of contempt." * At one time during 




SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON 

As Coniwallis disdained to personally surrender his sword 
to the American commander-in-chief, he ordered his adju- 
tant to hand the same to Washington, who, quick to see 
the intended insult, pointed to his adjutant, to whom the 
sword was turned over- (See page 747.) 



^'. 



the war " it took ten paper dollars to make a cent." f There were 
serious dissensions between the colonies, and great popular distress 
and discontent, which in Massachusetts broke out into Shaj^'s Re- 
bellion. Under such discouraging circumstances took place "the 
most cheering act in the political history of mankind, when thir- 
teen republics, of which at least three reached from the sea to the 
Mississippi, formed themselves into one federal commonwealth." % 



* Fiske's American Revolution, Ch.ipter ig. f Bancroft's History of the United States. 
X Bancroft's History of the United States. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



761 



The last British troops sailed from New York on the 25th of 
November, and "the same day that witnessed the departure of Sir 
Guy Carleton from New York also witnessed the entry into that 
city of the army of the States." * Thereupon Washington took a 




WASHINGTON BIDS FABCWELL TO HIS OFFICERS AFTER RESIGNING HIS COMMAND OF THE ARMY. 

formal leave of his troops and retired to his home at Mount Ver- 
non, Virginia. He and other leading patriots continued to urge 
the reconstitution of the government, and the union of the colonies 
in a strong and stabie confederation. In September, 1786, a con- 
vention of delegates was summoned at Annapolis, Maryland, to 
frame a plan for a more perfect union ; but as only five states sent 
representatives the convention was adjourned until the following 
May. 

* McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Chapter 2. 



7^2 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

In that month (May, 1787) delegates from all of the thirteen 
colonies except Rhode Island met in Philadelphia. The conven- 
tion sat for four months, choosing Washington as its president, 
and finally drafted and agreed upon a federal constitution. This 
instrument, which became the Constitution of the United States, 
provided for a legislative body, entitled Congress, and consisting 
of two chambers, a Senate and a House of Representatives; an 
executive department, with a President at its head ; and the federal 
judiciary of the Supreme Court. 

While the constitutional convention was in session at Phila- 
delphia, the Continental Congress held its last sitting in New 
York — a sitting signalized by the organization of a government for 
the Northwestern Territory — the vast tract of land, hitherto 
claimed b}- Virginia, between the Ohio river, the upper Missis- 
sippi, and the Great Lakes, which now forms the States of Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. General Arthur St. 
Clair was appointed the first governor of the Territory, with his 
headquarters at the settlement of Marietta, on the Ohio. 

The constitution framed at Philadelphia met with a by no 
means ready acceptance. In some of the colonies it "called forth 
the fiercest resistance that selfish interests could organize." * New 
York, unwilling to surrender to a central government the great 
revenues that might be raised at her port, " of the thirteen States 
was the most stubborn in opposition." f The constitution was to 
become operative when accepted by nine States. Delaware, Penn- 
sylvania, and New Jersey ratified it in December, 17S7; Georgia 
and Connecticut in January, 17SS; IMassachusetts in February, 
Maryland in April, South Carolina in May, and New Hampshire, 
the ninth State, on the 21st of June. Virginia and New York fol- 
lowed, but North Carolina held aloof until November, 17S9, and 
Rhode Island to the 29th of May, 1790. 

The United States was now fully established as a Nation. " It 
is estimated that at the opening of the Revolutionary War there 
were in the country, both white and black, 2,750,000 souls." $ The 
total population had now increased to about three and a quarter 
millions. The area of the Union was eight hundred thousand 
square miles. 

* Bancroft's History of the United States. f Ibid, 

t t McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Chapter i. 



I 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



'63 



New York had been designated as the seat of the federal gov- 
ernment. The first election for President was held on the 6th of 
April, 17S9, when the electors chosen by the several States named 
George Washington as President, and John Adams of Massachu- 
setts as Vice President. General Washington, who was no\v in hi 
fifty-eighth vear, journeyed from Mount X'enion to 
New York for his inauguration, being received 
with a great, popular ovation along his 
route. On the 30th of April he took the 
oath of office on the portico of the old 
City Hall, which stood at the corner of 
Wall and Broad streets. 

The leading members of Washing- 
ton's first cabinet were Thomas Jeffer- 
son, Secretary of State; Alexander 
Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury; 
Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General, 
and General Henr}' Knox, Secretary of 
War. Able men were needed for the 
guidance of the government. The treas- 
ury was empty. Spain was excluding 
American ships from the mouth of the 
Mississippi. Kngland had retained some 
forts in the West that should have been sur- 
rendered, and the Indians were waging war on 
the pioneers of the Northwestern Territory and 
had defeated Governor St. Clair. The outbreak 
of the French Revolution had caused friction with the new repub- 
lican government of France, whose ambassador in America, M. 
Genet, had fitted out vessels of war in American ports, to be used 
against England, and had defied Washington's command to respect 
the neutrality of the United States. 

All these international difficulties were removed by diplomacy. 
The offending French minister was withdrawn. In 1795 a treaty 
was concluded with Spain, and in the same year John Jay negoti- 
ated another with England. The Indian troubles in the West 
were ended by an expedition commanded by General Anthony 
Wayne, who conquered the savages in a battle on the Maumee 
river. 




ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 



76^ 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



The regulation of the Federal finances was the work of Alex- 
ander Hamilton. He funded the debt of the United States, and 
in 1 791 established a mint and the United States Bank in Phila- 
delphia, which was then the largest city and chief financial centre 
of the country, and had recently been created the capital — for in 
1790 the government was removed to it from New York. To de- 
fray the charges of the national debt, duties were levied upon im- 
ported goods, and an internal revenue tax imposed upon the dis- 
tillation of whisky. These taxes were not entirely popular. 
Western Pennsylvania rose against the taxation 
of spirits, and the Whisky Rebellion, as it was 
called, was only suppressed by calling out a 
large force of militia. 

When Washington's term of four 

years in the Presidency expired, he was 

elected for a second time, John Adams 

being also re-elected Vice-President. 

Washington's second inauguration took 

place at Philadelphia on the 4th of 

March, 1793. On the approach of the 

expiration of his second term he issued 

a Farewell Address and refused to be a 

candidate for a third, thereby setting a 

precedent that has never since been 

broken. 

During Washington's administration 
three new States were added to the original 
thirteen — Vermont (1791), Kentucky (1792), 
and Tennessee (1796). 

The political sentiment of the nation was 
divided into two schools or parties. The Republicans, of whom 
the Democrats are the modern successors, supported the rights of 
the individual States as against those of the general government. 
The Federalists, who somewhat faintly correspond to the Re- 
publicans of to-day, held that the Federal power should be further 
extended. 

The Federalists had a majority of the electors who chose 
Washington's successor, and they named John Adams, of Massa- 
chusetts. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, who was the author of 




JOHN ADAMS. 




GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

This splendid portrait of "Pater Patri^,*' is copied now for the first time after the famous etching 
BY THE French artist Henrv Lefort. The etcher took as his model the three-quarter face, 
head, and epauletted coxtinental-i'neformf.d bust of the portrait by Gilbert 
Stuart, -OF which Washington Allston wrote: "A nobler personifica- 
tion of wisdom and goodness, reposing in the majesty of a 
serene conscience, is not to be found on canvass." 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



1^1 



the Declaration of Independence, and had served as Washington's 
Secretary of State, was the candidate of the Republicans, and as he 
received the second highest number of votes he became \'ice-Presi- 
dent, according to the rule then prevailing. Adams and Jefferson 
were inaugurated in Philadelphia on the 4th of March, 1797. 

The chief incident of John Adams' uneventful Presidencv 
was a brief war with France. The friction 
with the unstable government of that 
country had continued. War was finally 
precipitated by a demand from the 
Directory, then in power at Paris, 
that the United States should pay 
the sum of two hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars, before 
the questions at issue should be 
considered. Congress declared 
war, and organized an army, 
of which Washington was ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief. 
The only actual hostilities 
that took place, however, were 
two fights at sea between 
French and American frigates, 
the latter being victorious on 
.each occasion. In iSoo, the Di- 
rectory having been overthrown 
by Napoleon Bonaparte, who estab- 
lished himself as First Consul of the 
French republic, the war was ended 
b}' a treaty of peace that left the Corsi- 
can dictator free to pursue his plans 
conquest on the continent of Europe. 

Shortly before the conclusion of ••toLEo- .s co^su,. 

peace George Washington died at Mount \"ernon, on the 14th of 
December, 1799. 

Toward the close of his administration President Adams in- 
curred much unpopularit}^ through the passage, at his instance, of 
the Alien and Sedition laws, which gave the government pow'er to 
expel disloyal foreigners and punish all disaffected persons. These 




76S 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



acts were deuouuced as unconstitutional by the Republicans, who 
were victorious in the Presidential election of iSoo. Their leading 
candidates, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, received an equal 
number of votes in the electoral college. The matter being re- 
ferred to the House of Representatives, Jefferson was elected. 

In this year (1800) the seat of the Federal government was re- 
moved from Philadelphia to a new city established on territory 
ceded by Virginia and Maryland, and named Washington. In 1802, 
Ohio, the seventeenth State, was admitted to the Union. 

The great event of Jefferson's administration was the purchase 
of Louisiana, which then included all the land west of the Missis- 




BIRDSEVE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA, SHOWING THE GREAT MISSISSIPPI VALLEV. 



sippi, stretching indefinitely westward. This vast territory, ceded 
by France to Spain in 1763, passed back to the French in 1800. 
In 1803, Jefferson, anxious to secure control of the mouth of the 
Mississippi, instructed Livingston, the American minister at Paris, 
to make a proposal for the purchase of New Orleans. Napoleon, 
needing money for his war against Austria and Prussia, offered to 
sell the whole of Louisiana to the United States. The offer, though 
unexpected, was accepted, the price agreed on being " sixty millions 
of francs, or, as was calculated, $11,250,000," * besides the payment 
of certain claims which brought the total to nearly $15,000,000. 

* McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Chapter 13. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 769 

There was some short-sighted criticism of this heavy outlay, but 
"the mass of the people pronounced the purchase a bargain. "* 

In 1801 an effort was made to punish the pirates of the north 
African coast, who had inflicted great damage upon American ship- 
ping in the Mediterranean. Commodore Preble attacked Tangiers 
in 1803, but the frigate Philadelphia, blockading Tripoli, was cap- 
tured by the pirates, and her crew was held in slavery until rescued 
by Decatur six months later. In 1804 Tripoli was bombarded and 
the Bey forced to sue for peace. 

In that same year the bitter political ani- 
mosity between Vice-President Burr and Alex- 
ander Hamilton culminated in a duel. "In 
the early sunlight of a July morning the 
two were rowed across the Hudson river' 
from New York, "and met under the 
rocky heights of Weehawken." t Ham- 
ilton was shot and killed — an event 
that caused great public sorrow, and I 
ruined Burr's career. In the ensuing 
election, while Jefferson was re-elected 
President, Burr was succeeded by 
George Clinton of New York. Before 
this election a constitutional amendment 
had been passed, whereby the electors 
voted separately for President and Vice- 
President. Two years later Burr was arrested 
on a charge of treason, and accused of a design 
of founding an empire west of the Alleghanies. 
He was not convicted. "''"" jepferson. 

In 1807 Robert Fulton's first steamer, the Clermont, made its 
famous voyage from New York to Albany, marking the invention 
of steam navigation. 

The Napoleonic wars, which at this time were making Europe 
a great battle-field, seriously affected the United States. England, 
whose navy under Nelson had become mistress of the seas, claimed 
the so-called Right of Search over American vessels. Her men-of- 
war constantly stopped and boarded them, and impressed men from 
their crews, claiming that the men she took were British citizens. 

* McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Chapter 13. f Ibid. 




770 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



IT"" 1! (Ill ill III 


lllflilill 


ill 1 Pi'"""'''' 


iiiii:iii[ii!ii!l||| 


III |rl|lli 


llPii1iiii!»fflL™".ll| 


1 III '!r 


1 i 


jf'''"'" 






■1 



The American frigate Chesapeake was fired upon, in 1S07, by the 
British man-of-war Leopard, and four of her seamen forcibly cap- 
tured as deserters. 

Americans also suffered from the blockades proclaimed by 
France and England. By the Orders in Council of 1S07 the latter 
prohibited all trade with France and her allies. Napoleon retaliated 
with the Milan Decree, declaring an embargo against England and 
her colonies. American merchant vessels attempting to trade with 
cither of the combatants were liable to seizure by the cruisers of 
the other. Congress did not mend matters by passing a law to 

prevent American ships from leaving the ports 
of the United States. The shipping industry, 
then very extensive, was seriously injured. 

Amid this political confusion Jefferson's 

] residency ended. Following the example of 

\ Washington, he declined a third term, and in 

the election of 180S James IMadison of Vir- 

inia, was chosen to succeed him, while Clin- 

l )n was re-elected Vice President. IMadison 

as one of the most distinguished leaders of 

ihe Republican party, and had been Jeffer- 

3n's Secretary of State throughout the lat- 

t ?r's Presidenc3^ 

The relations of the United States to- 
ward France, and especiall}- toward Eng- 
land, continued to be strained. In iSio 
Napoleon issued a special decree against 
American trade, and though this was shortly 
afterward revoked, both French and English men-of-war repeatedly 
seized American vessels. English ships even entered American 
ports to do so, and in 1811 shots were exchanged between the 
British cruiser Little Belt and the American frigate President. 
Altogether, between 1803 and 1S12, nine huudred American ships 
were seized or searched bv the British, and six thousand American 
sailors impressed into the British service 

In iSii there was a great rising of the Indians in the North- 
western Territory, under the Shawnee chief Tecumseh, whose 
headquarters were at the confluence of the Tippecanoe and Wa- 
bash rivers, in Indiana. General William Henry Harrison was sent 




JAMES MADISON. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



n^ 



{.•« attack him, and met his messengers, who promised that on the 
next day Tecumseh would come to sign a treaty. That night the 
Indians assaulted General Harrison's camp, but in the fight that 
followed, called the Battle of the Tippecanoe, they were defeated 
and crushed. 

In June, 1S12, Louisiana was admitted into the Union as a 
new State. In the same month war was declared against Eng- 
land. 

The first fighting took place on the Northwestern frontier 
Generixl Hull, governor of Michigan Territory, moved into Canada. 
His troops were defeated at Brownstown, and he was driven back 
across the St. Clair River to the fort at Df*'.roit. He was pursued 
by a British force under General Brock, who had been joined by 
Tecumseh and his Shawnees. At Brock's first attack upon Detroit, 
Hull ran up a white flag, surrendering the fort with its garrison 
and its stores. For this cowardly act, which occurred on the i6th 
of August, 1S12, Hull was afterward court-martialed and sentenced 
to be shot, but was pardoned by President Aladison. The British 
had also captured Fort Mackinaw, and were now in possession of 
the whole of IMichigan. 

Almost equally disastrous was an attempted invasion of Canada 




43 



GOVERNOR MULL. AFTER HIS DEFEAT AT BROWNSTOWN. WITHDRAWS HIS TROOPS TO FORT DETROIT. 



772 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

at Queenstown, on the Niagara River. A body of New York militia, 
under General Van Rensselaer, was stationed at Lewiston, on the 
American side. A detachment crossed the river, attacked the British 
force at Queenstown, and drove them back ; but reinforcements 
coming up, and the rest of the New York men refusing to go to 
their comrades' assistance, the invaders were killed or captured al- 
most to a man. 

But while the American flag met with disasters on land, at sea 
it achieved creditable successes. No important naval battles were 
fought, but the British frigate Guerriere was captured and burned 
by the United States frigate Constitution in the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence. Later in the vear the Constitution took a second British 
frigate, the Java, off the coast of Brazil. Captain Decatur, of the 
frigate United States, captured a third, the Macedonian, near the 
Azores. The sloop Wasp met and took the British brig Frolic, off 
North Carolina, but was in turn captured b}- an English man-of- 
war. American privateers were commissioned in great numbers, 
and did great damage to British commerce, seizing three hundn^d 
vessels within a vear. 

The successes over a nation whose boast it was that for fifty 
years she had never met defeat on the ocean gave great satisfaction 
in the United States. Popular approval of President Madison's 
policy was testified bv his re-election in the fall of 1812. 

In 1813 General Harrison, the victor of Tippecanoe, was placed 
in command of the army in the Northwest. His campaign opened 
disastrously. General Winchester, the leader of his advanced guard, 
was surrounded on the Maumee River and captured, with a thou- 
sand men, b}^ the British and Indians under General Proctor. Proc- 
tor then besieged Harrison at Fort Meigs, but was driven off by the 
arrival of twelve hundred Kentuckians. In July Proctor renewed 
his attack, but was again unsuccessful, and was also repulsed from 
Fort Stevenson, at Lower Sandusky. 

In September a fleet of nine small vessels, hastily equipped 
by the Americans, encountered the six British ships that had 
hitherto had control of Lake Erie. The latter were defeated and 
captured, and Perry, the American commander, sent to General 
Harrison the message, " We have met the enemy and they are 
ours!" Harrison's army was now carried across the lake to invade 
Canada. Proctor hurried back to the defense of the British settle- 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 773 

ments. The two forces met on the Thames River, where, on the 
5th of October, Proctor was defeated, and his Shawnee ally, Te- 
cumseh, was killed. This success restored Michigan to the United 
States, and relieved the Northwestern Territory from fear of in- 
vasion. 

Meanwhile General Dearborn, in April, had crossed Lake 
Ontario and captured York (now Toronto), the capital of Upper 
Canada. Not attempting to retain the town, he next attacked 
Fort George, the British post on the Niagara River. The com- 
mander of the fort blew np his magazines and retreated, but in the 
ensuing battle, at Burlington Heights, the x-Ymericans were taken 
by surprise and forced to withdraw. A detachment of six hun- 
dred of Dearborn's men was surrounded and captured at Fort 
George. 

After this disaster Dearborn was recalled, and was succeeded 
by General Wilkinson, who planned an expedition against Mon- 
treal. In the battle of Chrysler's Farm, fought near the rapids of 
the St. Lawrence, he was successful, but he was unable to reach 
Montreal, going into winter quarters near St. Regis. 

There were also hostilities against the Indians in the South- 
west in 1813. In August the Creeks captured Fort Mims, on the 
Alabama River, and massacred its inhabitants. Other settlements 
were attacked, and, though troops from Tennessee and Georgia 
were called out, the Creek War was not ended until General Jack- 
son inflicted a crushing defeat on the Indians at the Horseshoe 
Bend of the Tallapoosa River, in March, 1S14. 

The chief naval actions of 1813 were the sinking of the British 
brig Peacock by the American sloop Hornet, and the capture of 
another British brig, the Boxer, by the Enterprise. On the other 
hand, the Chesapeake, commanded by Captain Lawrence, met the 
British frigate Shannon, off Boston, and was taken after a short 
fight, in which Lawrence was killed. His last words were " Don't 
give up the ship ! " 

The battles of 1814 were the most important of the war. In 
June General Brown crossed the Niagara River with five thousand 
men, took Fort Erie, and on the 14th of July met and defeated a 
British force under General Riall, at Chippewa. On the 25th the 
two armies met again in the hard fought battle of Lundy's Lane. 
The Americans captured a hill on which the British had planted 



774 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



a battery, and held it against repeated assaults ; but thougli suc- 
cessful, their loss was so great that on the following day they 
were forced to retreat. In the battle the commander of the Amer- 
ican advance guard, Winfield Scott, " was seriously wounded in 
the shoulder." * During the summer the British, under General 
Drummond, besieged Fort Erie, which the Americans held until 
November, when its commandant, General Izard, blew it up and 
withdrew from Canada. 

In September a British expedition of twelve thousand men, 
under General Prevost, invaded the United States by way of Lake 
Champlain, and attacked Plattsburg, which was defended by Gen- 
eral Macomb, with three thousand men, and a squadron of vessels 
under Commodore McDonough. On the nth of September, Pre- 
vost, attempting to cross the Saranac River, was driven back with 
heavy loss. 

A British expedition against Baltimore and Washington was 
more successful. A fleet, under Admiral Cochrane, entered Chesa- 
peake Bay in August, and landed a force of 4,500 men on the 
Patuxent River, fifty miles from Washington. The capital was 
defended only by a body of militia under General Winder, and 
Commodore Barney's few small vessels; and "the British com- 
mander. General Robert Ross, boasted that he would wipe out 
Barney's fleet and dine in Washington the next Sunda3'."f March- 
ing upon the capital, Ross defeated its defenders at Bladensburg 
on the 24th of August, entered the city, burned the Capitol and 
the White House, and returned to the British fleet. 

Admiral Cochrane then moved toward Baltimore. He bom- 
barded Fort McHenry, 
and there was a skirmish 
on land at North Point, 
in which General Ross 
was killed. The fleet 
then withdrew. 

Another British ex- 
pedition in August 
occupied Pensacola, in 

* Lossing's Cyclopffidia of U. S. 
History (Scott), 
f Ibid (Bladensburg). 





BATTLE BETWEEN THE ESSEX, UNDER CAPTAIN PORTER, AND TWO ENGLISH SHIPS IN THE OFFING 

AT VALPARAISO, MARCH, 1813. 



(.7»; 



776 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Florida (at this time Spanish territory), and moved thence against 
Fort Bowyer, at the mouth of Mobile Bay. Major Lawrence, in 
command of the post, repelled the attack with heavy loss. General 
Jackson, who was at the head of military operations in the South, 
pursued the invaders to Pensacola and drove them out. 

New Orleans was the next point of attack. In December the 
British ships entered Lake Borgne and threatened New Orleans. 
They captured a flotilla of American vessels, and landed an army 
of twelve thousand men on the banks of the Mississippi, below 
New Orleans. Among these soldiers were "some of the best of 
Wellington's troops that fought oa the Spanish peninsula," * and 
their commander was General Pakenham, who was known as the 
Hero of Vittoria, from the important part he had played in that 
battle, fought in Spain the year before. 

General Jackson had but half as many men, mostly hastily 
levied and untrained militia. He intrenched himself in a strong 
position four miles below the city, where, to attack him, the en- 
emy must move along a narrow and exposed space. Pakenham, 
who regarded Jackson's forces as nothing better than "a handful 
of backwoodsmen," ordered his men to assault. They did this 
in the face of a terrible fire, which mowed down their ranks and 
finally routed them. 

In this battle of New Orleans "the British lost 2,600 men, 
killed, wounded, and made prisoners; while the Americans, shel- 
tered by their breastworks, lost only eight killed and thirteen 
wounded. The history of hiiman warfare presents no parallel to 
this disparity iu loss."t Pakenham himself was among the slain. 
General Lambert, who succeeded him, at once retreated to his 
ships. 

The only notable sea fight of 1S14 was that in which the 
American frigate Essex was captured by two British vessels oflf 
Valparaiso. 

On the 14th of December, 1814, a treaty of peace was signed 
at Ghent, in Belgium, by British and American commissioners. 
In those days news traveled slowly, and it was three weeks after 
the signature of the treaty that the battle of New Orleans was 
fought. Intelligence of the conclusion of peace reached America 

* Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (New Orleans). f Ibid. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 777 

on the nth of February, 1S15, and was thereupon proclaimed by 
the President. At sea, fighting went on much later. In February 
the frigate Constitution captured two British sloops off Lisbon. 
In March the Hornet sank the British brig Penguin near the Cape 
of Good Hope. In June, four months after the proclamation of 
peace, the Peacock took the British vessel Nautilus in the Straits 
of Sunda. 

The end of the war was hailed with great joy in America. 
The Federalist party had all along opposed a war policy, and it 
had been especially unpopular in New England. Just before the 
peace, a convention of New England Federalists met to protest 
against the continuance of hostilities and to set forth their griev- 
ances. The delegates were charged by their political opponents 
with intending to desert the Union and make a separate peace with 
England. The commerce of the country had been greatly injured. 
The paper currency was much depreciated, and little gold was in 
circulation. But the New England States had suffered most heav- 
ily. Their coasts had been blockaded and devastated, their fisher- 
ies suppressed, and their coasting vessels swept from off the sea. 
So completely was their ocean trade destroyed that the lighthouses 
along their shores had been ordered to extinguish their signals, be- 
cause they were of service to none but British ships. 

The land operations of the American forces during the " war 
of 1S12," as the second war against Great Britain is generally 
termed, were directed mainly toward repelling British invasions, 
and to attacking Canada. The commanders who won the greatest 
distinction were Generals Jackson and Harrison, both of whom be- 
came Presidents ; Brown and Winfield Scott, afterwards commander- 
in-chief of the army ; and Macomb, the victor of Plattsburg. The 
sea-fights of the war, though fewer and less important, were more 
signally creditable to the flag than were the land battles. 

The American navy performed another notable achievement in 
June, 1815, when Decatur, with nine ships, occupied the harbor of 
Algiers, and compelled the piratical Dey to release all the Ameri- 
cans among the slaves captured by his cruisers. 

The last important event of Madison's administration was the 
admission to the Union of Indiana, the nineteenth State, in Decem- 
ber, 1816. In the following March he retired from ofl&ce, having 
gained the reputation of one who "had done much in the establish- 



//' 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



ment of the nation on a firm foundation," * and went into private 
life. 

" Before the close of Madison's administration, the Federal 
party had so much declined in strength that a nomination for ofl&ce 
b}' the Republican party was equivalent to an election." f In the 
preceding year the Presidential nomination had fallen upon James 
Monroe, of Virginia, who was elected, with Daniel D. Tompkins, of 
New York, as \'ice-President. Monroe had performed high public 
service as an officer in the Revolutionary War, a Congressman, and 
as Secretary of War under Madison. His eight years' administra- 
tion was marked by peaceful relations with foreign powers. Its 
most important domestic event was the beginning 
of the agitation of the Slavery question. 

In December, 1S17, the western half of the 
Mississippi Territory was created into a State, 
the eastern being formed into Alabama Territory. 
In this latter there was immediately afterward an 
Indian rising, the Creeks renewing their attacks 
on white settlers, and being assisted by the Semi- 
noles of Florida. General Gaines, in command 
of the troops in Alabama, could not suppress the 
outbreak, and General Jackson called out the 
Tennessee militia. He attacked and took the 
Indian villages, and then, finding that the rising 
had been instigated from bej^ond the frontier of 
Spanish territory, he " did not hesitate to march 
across the line, capture Pensacola, and seize the 
Barrancas," 4! a neighboring fort. 
This invasion of Florida created great indignation in Spain. 
Her o-overnment had for some time been more or less unfriendly to 
America, for she " had always been dissatisfied with Bonaparte's 
transfer of Louisiana to the United States." ^S In the following 
year, however, the matter was adjusted, and all occasion for future 
difficulties at this point removed, by a treaty " which, with many 
gains, entailed some signal losses on the United States." || Spain 
agreed to sell Florida for five million dollars — " an acquisition 
which proved of great value to us from every point of view."^ 




JAMES MONROE. 



* Lossing's Cyclopedia of U. S. History (Madison). f Ibid. (Monroe). 

X Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I, Chap. i. i Ibid. || Ibid. 



If Ibid. 



\ 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 779 

On the other hand, although " the whole of Texas was fairly in- 
cluded in the Louisiana purchase," * the United States now agreed 
to consider the Sabine River as its southwestern boundary, thus 
ceding Texas to Mexico. 

In December, 1818, Illinois, the twenty-first State, was admitted 
to the Union. At the same session of Congress a bill was intro- 
duced to constitute the Territory of Missouri into a State. The 
House of Representatives inserted a clause providing that there 
should be no slavery in the State. The Senate struck it out, and 
there ensued a long struggle on " the Missouri question, as it was 
popularly termed." f In 1820 this was settled by the adoption of 
a compromise, which provided that Missouri should be allowed to 
come in as a slave State, but that no slavery should be permitted 
in any State thereafter to be formed north of the latitude of thirty- 
six and a half degrees, the southern boundary of Missouri. 

The question had been discussed with great bitterness, the 
representatives of the North antagonizing slavery, in opposition to 
those of the Sovith, where slave labor was believed to be necessary 
for the great agricultural indiistries of cotton, tobacco, and rice. 
But the compromise having been adopted, both parties " accepted 
the result, and for the next twentj' years no agitation of the slav- 
ery question appeared in any political convention, or affected any 
considerable body of the people." :|: 

Meanwhile Alabama (1819) and Maine (1820) had been ad- 
mitted as States. The tariff question had also risen into prom- 
inence, lu 1S16 a bill levying moderate duties on imports had 
been passed by the influence of the South, and against the wishes 
of the Northern representatives. The opinions prevalent in the 
two sections had since become reversed. The Northern States 
favored an increase of duties, but the Southerners prevented it. 

In 1S22 there were revolts throughout Mexico and South 
America against the dominion of Spain, to whom almost all South 
and Central America, with the exception of Brazil, had hitherto 
been subject. The United States Government recognized the in- 
dependence of the newly-formed states, and in 1823 President 
Monroe formuhited what "has since been recognized as a part 
of the settled policy of the Republic," i^* when he declared in his 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress. Vol. I, Chap. I. f Ibid. { Ibid. 
i Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (Monroe Doctrine). 



/CO 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



message to Congress that " the American continents are not to be 
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European 
powers." This sentence has become historic as " the Monroe 
doctrine." 

President Monroe and Vice President Tompkins were re- 
elected in 1820. As their second term drew to a close four candi- 
dates were nominated for the Presidency — Geueral Andrew Jack- 
son of Tennessee, Henry Clay of Kentucky, and William H. 
Crawford of Georgia, by the Republicans ; John Quincy Adams, 
of Massachusetts, by the opposition. None of 
them obtained a majority of the electoral vote. 
The House of Representatives thereupon 
elected John Quincy Adams, who was the 
son of President John Adams, and " a 
ripe scholar, an able diplomatist, a life- 
long opponent of human slavery, and 
I an eloquent orator." * He had served as 
a foreign minister, as a senator, and as 
Secretary of State under Monroe. His 
Vice-President was John C. Calhoun, 
.)f South Carolina. 

The administration of John Q. 
Adams was uneventful. The chief ques- 
tion in domestic politics was that of the 
tariff, which was debated with great vehe- 
mence. The Northern and Middle States 
sought to increase the duties on imports, and 
the representatives of the South opposed them 
strongly. The great champion of a higher 
tariff was Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, 
who " was the leader of the friends of the administration." f Ulti- 
mately, in 182S, a bill was passed which imposed high protective 
duties. 

In February, 1826, the government purchased from the 
Creeks their lands in Georgia, and removed the Indians to a tract 
west of the Mississippi. This was the beginning of the formation 
of the Indian Territory. 

In the same year, on the 4th of July, exactly fifty years from 

* Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (John Q. Adams). t 'bid. (Webster). 




JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



781 



the da}'^ when they had signed the Declaration of Independence, 
two Ex-Presidents, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, died. 

In 1828 President John Q. Adams was re-noniinated by the 
Whigs, but was defeated by General Andrew Jackson, the candi- 
date of the Democrats, as the old Republican party was now termed. 
John C. Calhoun was re-elected Vice-President. 

General Jackson, the victor of New Orleans, had had a long 
and distinguished military career. He " possessed great firmness 
and decision of character; was hotiest and true; not always cor- 
rect in judgment ; often rash in expressions 
actions; a patriot of purest stamp."* H 
took up the administration of the govern- 
ment with fearless energy. In his first 
annual message he attacked the Bank of 
the United States, a powerful, but as 
he believed, an unconstitutional institu- 
tion. The bank's charter was about 
to expire, and President Jackson urged 
that it should not be renewed. Con- 
gress passed a bill to re-charter the 
bank, but the President defeated it by '| 
a veto. 'i|j 

In 1832 a further increase of the 
tariff caused great indignation in the 
South. The State of South Carolina 
went so far as to declare that the tarii 
laws were unconstitutional, and theref( 
null and void; that the collection of the c 
in the port of Charleston would not be per- 
mitted ; and threatened that South Carolina 
would leave the Union. " The doctrine of State sovereignty and 
supremacy, and that the Union was a compact of States that might 
be dissolved by the secession of any one of them, independent of 
all action on the part of the others, was honestly held by Mr. Cal- 
houn,"'!' who was the leader of the movement. 

President Jackson issued a proclamation against the " nullifi- 
ers," and promptly sent troops to Charleston, under General Scott. 
The question was settled without bloodshed. In 1S33 Henry Clay 

* Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (Jackson). f Ibid. (Calhoun). 




ANDREW JACKSON. 



782 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



introduced a bill for the gradual lowering of the tariff, and the dis- 
content in South Carolina was allayed. 

In 1832 the Sac and Fox tribes of Indians, in what is now the 
State of Wisconsin, broke out into rebellion, led by the chief Black 
Hawk. There was some fighting before the hostiles were sup- 
pressed and deported to the newly formed Indian Territory. 




In the fall of that 
year President Jack- 
son was re-elected, 
, with Martin Van 
Buren, of New York, 
as his Vice-Presi- 
dent. His second 
term began with another 
attack upon the United 



THE ATTACK UPON FORT KING BV THE INDIAN FORCES OF OSCEOLA. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



re- 



states Bank, from which he ordered all public moneys tu be re- 
moved. 

In 1S34 there arose a dispnte with the French government, 
which had agreed to pay five million dollars as an indemnit} tor 
the damage done to American vessels during the war.-, ot Xapo- 
leon, but had withheld payment. Jackson's urgent demar.d pre- 
vented further delay. 

In 1S35 the Seminole Indians of Florida began a war which 
lasted for seven years, and cost the government forty million dol- 
lars. Major Dade, marching with 117 men to reinforce the garri- 
son of Fort Drane, was surrounded by the Indians, and only four 
of his soldiers escaped. On the same day Fort 
King was attacked, and its commander. General 
Thomson, killed, by the crafty Seminole chief, 
Osceola. The Indians were defeated by Gen- 
eral Gaines and by Governor Call of Florida 
in 1836, but they refused to submit, and re- 
treated into the Everglades, where pursuit was 
impossible. 

After fifteen years had passed since the 
admission of a State, Arkansas was allowed to 
enter the Union in June, 1836, and Michigan 
in January, 1837. This was in accordance 
with the recognized custom by which, to pre- 
serve the balance of the sections, a Northern 
and a Southern State were ci^eated at or near 
the same time. " Kentucky and Vermont, 
Tennessee and Ohio, Mississippi and Indiana, 
Alabama and Illinois, Missouri and Maine, Arkansas and Michigan, 
Florida and Iowa, came into the Union in pairs."* 

In March, 1837, Jackson retired from the Presidency. "Never 
were the affairs of the republic in its domestic and foreign relations 
more prosperous than at the close of his term of office." t 

At the election of the preceding fall Martin \'an Bnren, the 
Vice-President, had been elected to succeed Jackson. The opposi- 
tion party, which now was called the Whig Party, had divided its 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I. Ch.ip. 3. 
f Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (Jackson). 




MARTIN VAN BUHEN. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 




vote between four candidates, of whom General 
William H. Harrison of Ohio, received the most 
support. 

Van Buren's administration began with a 
financial panic, following a period of excessive 
speculation. Industries were stopped, and bank- 
ruptcy was epidemic. An extra session of Con- 
gress was called, but could do little to remedy 
matters. The sub-treasury system was an ex- 
pedient proposed at this time by the President. 

In the same year ( 1S37) a rebellion in Canada 
excited much sympathy in the United States, and 
might have led to a war with England had not 
the President taken prompt measures to prevent 
the sending of any assistance to the rebels. 

Osceola, the leader of the hostile Seminoles, 
ENR, HABmsoN, ^^g capturcdby General Jessup in October, 1837. 

This, however, did not end the war ; nor did Colonel Zachary Tay- 
lor's victory over the Indians at Lake Okeechobee, on Christmas 
Day, 1838. The struggle was not finally ended 
until 1842. 

The general depression of business during 
Van Buren's Presidency, and the discontent thus 
caused, contributed largely to his defeat when 
renominated by the Democrats in 1840. The 
successful candidate was General William H. 
Harrison of Ohio, the nominee of the Whigs, 
celebrated as the victor of Tippecanoe and for his 
services in the war of 1812. He died just a 
month after his inauguration, and was succeeded 
by the Vice-President, John Tyler, of Virginia. 

Congress again met in special session to deal 
with the disturbed finances of the country. 
Among other measures, it passed a bill to re- 
establish a national bank. President Tyler vetoed 
" ^•"■"- the bill, a step that aroused great indignation 

among the Whigs, who accused him of breaking his pledges. " Mr. 
Clay led the attack upon him openly and savagely, and pursuing 
him so violently that in September, five months after Tyler's 




HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



785 



accession, every member of his cabinet resigned except Mr. Web- 
ster," * who remained in office to complete the negotiation of the 
Ashburton treaty, defining the boundary between Maine and 
Canada. This question at one time threatened to cause a war 
with England, but was finally settled in 1842, the 
frontier being fixed as it now exists. 

In 1S43 and 1844 there were local dis- 
turbances in Rhode Island and in Illinois. 
The constitution of Rhode Island was 
still the old charter of the colony, granted 
nearly two hundred years before. Ac- 
cording to its provisions, the right of 
suffrage was restricted bj' a property 
qualification. This brought about a 
bitter controversy between the " suf- 
frage party," who demanded a free 
vote, and the "law and order party," 
which defended the existing constitu- 
tion. In 1843 each part}' elected a gov- 
ernor, and the suffragists, under Thomas 
W. Dorr, attacked the State arsenal. Uni- 
ted States troops were called upon to sup- 
press the brief civil war. Dorr was arrested 
and convicted of treason, but was shortly released, 
and the State constitution was amended to remove ..^ „>usto~ 

the property qualification. 

The disturbance in Illinois was less serious. The polygamous 
Mormon sect had established itself at Nauvoo, in that State. In 
1844 its leader, Joseph Smith, was lynched by a mob, and in the 
following year his followers were forcibly expelled from Illinois. 
They marched westward into the Rocky Mountains, and settled in 
the Salt Lake Valley. 

Texas, which by the treat}' with Spain in 
18 19 had been ceded to Mexico, had seceded 
from that country in 1835. A Mexican army 
under Santa Anna captured the Alamo, a fort in 
San Antonio, and massacred its defenders, but 
was defeated at San Jacinto by the Texans, com- 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I, Chap. 2. 





7S, 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



manded by Sam Houston. Texas was then organized as a republic, 
with Houston as its President, and though its " independence had 
never been conceded by Mexico," * it had been recognized b}' the 
United States and other powers. " The Americans who, in a spirit 
of adventure, migrated to Texas after that province had revolted 
from Mexico, became the controlling power in the young repub- 
lic," t and in April, 1844, it applied for admission into the Union. 

The question of the admission of Texas caused great excite- 
ment in the United States. It was generally opposed in the North 
as likely to lead to war with Mexico. On the other 
hand, Calhoun, the great Southern leader, 
" uro-ed the scheme of annexation with in- 

o 

tense earnestness,";}: and the Democratic 
party favored it. In July the Senate re- 
jected a treat}' admitting Texas, but the 
question became the principal issue in 
the ensuing Presidential campaign. 
Popular excitement was increased by a 
dispute with England for the posses- 
sion of the Territory of Oregon. 

The Democrats nominated James 
K. Polk of Tennessee, "chiefly because 
he was strongly in favor of the annexa- 
tion of Texas ;"'^S the Whigs selected 
Henry Clay of Kentucky. In spite of 
the great personal popularity of Mr. Clay, 
whose followers " had the profound personal 
attachment which is only looked for in heredi- 
tarv governments, where loyalty becomes a pas- 
sion," II IMr. Polk was successful. There was also 
an Abolitionist candidate in the field, James G. Birney of New 
York, who polled about sixty thousand votes, " largely at the ex- 
pense of the Whig party." % 

Regarding the election of Polk as "an unquestionable verdict 
from the people in favor of the annexation,"** Congress, just before 
the expiration of President Tyler's term, passed the necessary act. 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. 1., Chap. 3. f Ibid., Chap. 2. t Ibid. 

J Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (Polk). 

II Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol I, Chap. 2. *[ Ibid. ** Ibid. 




JOHN C. CALHOUN. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



787 



Florida and Iowa were admitted as States twu days later (^larch 

3. 1845)- 

The year 1S44 is also memorable for the construction, between 

Washington and Baltimore, of the earliest electric telegraph, the 

invention of S. F. B. Morse. 

President Polk's administration began with two international 
difficulties. That with England, on the Oregon question, was set- 
tled by a treaty fixing the northwestern boundary at latitude 49°. 
The Democratic campaign cry had been "54° 40' or fight," but it 
had become clear " that the English government would have gone 
to war rather than surrender the territory north of the forty- 
ninth parallel." * 

The annexation of Texas led to the Mexicar 
War. " According to the persistent claim of the 
Mexican government, the Nueces river was the 
western boundary of Texas," f while the Texans 
asserted that their territory extended to the Rio 
Grande. Early in 1846 General Zachary Ta3dor, 
who had entered the disputed tract, came into col- 
lision with Mexican troops, and on the 24th of 
April "the first blood was shed in that contest 
between the two republics which was destined to 
work such important results in the future and 
fortunes of both." % 

The first serious conflict occurred on the 8th 
of May, 1S46, at Palo Alto, where "General Tay- 
lor, marching with less than 2,300 men towards 
Fort Brown, encountered about 6,000 Mexicans 
under General Arista," § and defeated them. The forces met again 
on the following day at Resaca de la Palma, with the same result. 
On the nth of Maj- Congress declared war and called for 50,000 
volunteers. 

General Winfield Scott was commander-in-chief of the United 
States army; but "the plans submitted by him for a campaign in 
Mexico were disapproved by the administration " || as being unnec- 
essarily hazardous. "Taj-lor was therefore left in command,"*^ and 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, \'ol. I, Chap. 3. f Ibid, Chap. 4. 
X Ibid, Chap. 4. ? Lossing's Cyclopedia of U. S. History (Palo Alto). 
II Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 9. ^ Ibid, Chap. 9. 




2ACHARY TAYLOR. 



44 



7^3 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

advanced across the Rio Grande. In September he captured Mon- 
terey, capital of the province of Nuevo Leon, and agreed to an 
eight weeks' armistice to discuss terms of peace. 

Meanwhile Colonel Fremont, who had been at the head of an 
exploring expedition in the Rocky Mountains, had driven the Mex- 
icans from most of California. Monterey, Los Angeles, and other 
posts on the coast, were captured by Commodores Sloat and Stock- 
ton in July and August, 1846. In December General Kearny ar- 
rived in California as commander of the Army of the West, having 
marched overland from Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. On the way 
he occupied Santa Fe, and detached Colonel Doniphan to strike 
southward into Mexico. On Christmas Day Doniphan defeated 
4,000 Mexicans under General de Leon at Bracito, and in the 
spring of 1S47 he joined Taylor's army. 

In 1847, negotiations for peace having failed, it was decided 
to try General Scott's plan for an invasion of Mexico, by landing 
at Vera Cruz and marching upon the capital. With this in view 
Scott withdrew from Taylor the best portion of his troops. There- 
upon Santa Anna moved up with nearly 20,000 Mexicans to at- 
tack Taylor's remaining force of 5,000 men, which was " composed 
almost entirely of volunteers who had not been in battle before." * 
The armies met at Buena Vista, where Taylor won a brilliant 
victory, forcing Santa Anna to withdraw (February 23 and 24, 

1847). 

General Scott landed at Vera Cruz in March with 12,000 

men — " a very small army with which to penetrate two hundred 
and sixty miles into an enemy's country and to besiege the cap- 
ital." t Events showed the wisdom of his plans, however, for "in 
a campaign of about six months he became the conqueror of Mex- 
ico." $ After capturing Vera Cruz, with its fort of San Juan de 
Uloa, "as soon as transportation enough could be got together to 
move a division, the advance was commenced." 1^ A Mexican force 
was drawn up to meet Scott at Cerro Gordo, at the foot of the 
mountains. " Santa Anna had selected this point as the easiest to 
defend against an invading army," || but Scott outflanked him and 
signally defeated him (April 18, 1847). In May the Americans 

♦Grant's Memoirs, Chapter 9. f Ibid, Chapter 10. 

I Lossing's Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (Scott). 

g Grant's Memoirs, Chapter 10. || Ibid, Chapter 10. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 7S9 

entered Puebla, where they halted to rest and await reinforce- 
ments. 

Leaving Puebla on the 7th of August, Scott's army crossed 
the mountains and saw before it the valley and city of Mexico. 
This was defended by extensive fortifications and about 32,000 
Mexican soldiers. To avoid the strongest of the enemy's works, 
Scott ordered a detour to the south, and approached the city from 
that direction. The fortified camp at Contreras and the fortress 
of San Antonio were captured on August 20th by the divisions of 
General Smith and General Worth. On the same day the heights 
of Cherubusco, occupied by the Mexicans, were attacked and carried 
after a sharp struggle. In these operations "the strategy and 
tactics displayed by General Scott were faultless." * His loss was 
eleven hundred, while the enemy lost four thousand killed and 
wounded and three thousand prisoners. 

General Scott was now within three miles of the city of 
Mexico. Santa Anna applied for an armistice, which was granted, 
and negotiations for peace were again attempted. Mr. Trist, who 
was with Scott as commissioner for the government, demanded 
that " Texas was to be given up absolutely by Mexico, and New 
Mexico and California ceded to the United States for a stipulated 
sum to be afterward determined." f Santa Anna rejected the 
proposal, and fighting was resumed. On September Sth General 
Worth captured the Mexican post at Molino del Rey, and on the 
13th the strong fortress of Chapultepec was attacked and stormed, 
leaving the Americans in command of the city of Mexico. "Dur- 
ing the night Santa Anna with his army left the city," J after 
"liberating all the convicts confined in the town," t^S and on the 
following day Scott's army entered it and raised the American flag 
over the government buildings. 

Santa Anna moved upon Puebla, where General Scott had 
left Major Childs, in charge of eighteen hundred sick and wounded. 
Childs held the town against Santa Anna until General Lane ar- 
rived with reinforcements and drove him off. Meanwhile negotia- 
tions had been opened with a " temporary government established 
at Queretaro, II which resulted in the conclusion of a treaty of 
peace, signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the 2d of February, 1848. 

* Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 11. f Ibid., Chap. 11. J Ibid., Chap. 11. 

i Ibid., Chap. 11. || Ibid., Chap. 12. 



7 go 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



By its terms ]\Iexico accepted the demands previously made by the 
United States, recognizing the Rio Grande as the boundary of 
Texas, and receiving fifteen millions of dollars for New Mexico 
and California. On the 4th of July, 1S48, President Polk pro- 
claimed the end of the war, which had been a brilliant one for the 
American arm}-. Our soldiers had repeatedly vanquished thrice 
and four times their numbers of the eneni}'. It should be remem- 
bered, however, that " the ^lexican army of that day was hardly 
an organization." * 

At the beginning of 1S4S there were not more than fifteen 
thousand settlers in the territory of California. In February of 
that year gold was discovered there, the first 
nugget being found by one Marshall, at Captain 
Sutter's mill, on a branch of the Sacramento 
River, in Coloma Count}-. The discovery created 
world-wide excitement, and there was a rush of 
immigration to the gold fields. The Forty-niners, 
as the gold seekers of 1S49 were called, had to 
reach California b}' Cape Horn, by the Isthmus 
of Panama, or by a difficult and dangerous jour- 
ney across the great plains and the Rocky Mount- 
ains ; 'but they flocked to California in such num- 
bers that its population increased to 100,000, and 
it sought admission as a State. Wisconsin, the 
thirtieth State, had just secured admission (May, 
184S), but the application of California led to a 
serious political conflict. 

For the Presidential election of 1S48 the 
Democrats nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and William Butler, 
of Kentucky. The Whigs named General Zachary Tajdor, of 
Louisiana, one of the heroes of the Mexican war, for President, and 
for Vice-President Millard Fillmore, who had served as a Congress- 
man and as Controller of his State, New York, " with rare ability 
and fidelity. "t Ex-President Martin Van Buren was the candidate 
of the Free Soilers, whose platform demanded the prohibition of 
slavery in all the Territories of the United States The canvass 
resulted in the election of Taylor and Fillmore. 

* Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 12. 

f Lossing's Cyclop£edia of U. S. History (Fillmore). 




JAMES K. POL 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



791 



President Taj-lor had a " blunt, honest, and stern character, 
that endeared him to the masses of the people." * His brief ad- 
ministration was mainly occupied b}- the dispute over the admis- 
sion of California. The constitution provisionally adopted had a 
clause forbidding slavery, and this was opposed by the representa- 
tives of the Southern States in Congress. The cjuestion was de- 
bated with a vehemence that foreshadowed the civil war, until in 
May, 1S50, the Senate appointed a committee to devise a plan of 
compromise. Henry Clay, the great Whig statesman, was chair- 
man of the committee, and the chief author ol the 
bill it drew up, which was nicknamed the 
Omnibus Bill, on account of the varied nature m^ 
of its provisions. It admitted California /§ 
with a free constitution. On the other 
hand, it provided for the arrest and re- 
turn to their masters of all slaves who 
might escape to a free State. At the 
same time, it abolished slavery in the 
District of Columbia, and created the 
Territories of Utah and New Mexico, 
slavery being prohibited in the former 
but not in the latter. The bill was ac- 
'cepted by Congress, and became a law 
in September, 1850. 

On the 9th of July President Taylor 
died after a brie' illness, and was succeeded 
in office by Mr. Fillmore, the Vice-President. 
President Fillmore conscientiously enforced the 
provisions of the Omnibus Bill ; but it became 
evident that the compromise was only partially 
successful, and that the views of the extremists on both sides were 
irreconcilable. 

In 185 1 our relations with Spain were imperiled by a filibus- 
tering invasion of Cuba, organized by one Lopez, who enlisted five 
hundred men in the South and Southwest. On landing in Cuba, 
Lopez's expedition was captured by the Spaniards, and some of its 
members were shot. 

Another difficulty with England arose in the following year. 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 2. 




HENRY CLAV. 



792 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 




MilLARD FILLMORE 



It had been agreed in 1818 that American vessels 
should not fish within three miles of the Cana- 
dian shore. The Canadians claimed that by the 
treaty the Americans had no right to enter the 
gulfs and bays of the coast. Our fishermen held 
that they might do so, providing the}^ kept three 
miles from land. In 1852 the dispute became so 
serious that British and American war-ships 
were ordered to the Canadian coast. The diffi- 
culty was arranged, however, without hostilities, 
although the question was not finally settled. 

In the Presidential campaign of that year 
the Democratic candidates were Franklin Pierce 
of New Hampshire, and William R. King of 
Alabama. The Whigs nominated General Win- 
field Scott of New Jersc}', the conqueror of 
Mexico, and William A. Graham of North Caro- 
lina. Both of these leading political parties indorsed the Omnibus 
Bill, though it was thoroughly popular with neither. It was openly 
opposed by the Free-Soilers, whose candidate for 
the Presidency was John P. Hale of New Hamp- 
shire. Mr. Pierce, who had served with distinc- 
tion in the Mexican war and in the United States 
Senate, was successful, receiving a large majority 
of the electoral vote. 

Two great statesmen died in 1852 — Henrj'' 
Clay, the Whig leader, and Daniel Webster, the 
Massachusetts Senator. Webster's fame was as 
an orator and jurist. The speech he delivered 
in the Senate, in reply to Hayne of South Caro- 
lina, is " considered the most correct and com- 
plete exposition ever given of the true powers 
and functions of the national government." * 

In March, 1S53, President Fillmore retired 
from ofiice, " leaving the country in a state of 
peace within and without, and every department 
of industry flourishing," f although the bitterness of political par- 
tisanship was very great. The earliest acts of his successor's ad- 

* Lossin^'s Cyclopaedia of U. S. History (Webster). f Ibid. (Fillmore). 




FRANKLIN PIERCE 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



'93 



ministration were the creation of the Territory of Arizona, and iLe 
sending ont of expeditions to survey a route for a railroad to the 
Pacific coast. 

Commodore Perry, who had been despatched to Japan by Presi- 
dent Fillmore to endeavor to open that country to American com- 
merce, retiched Jeddo Avith his squadron in the summer of 1853. He 
succeeded in negotiating a treaty with the emperor, by which Amer- 
ica was the first western nation to be admitted to Japanese ports. 

The conflict of parties in and out of Congress was renewed by 
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, brought forward in 1S53 
by Senator Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois. It 
created the Territories of Kansas and Ne- 
braska, and left the question of slavery to 
be decided by their inhabitants, or by 
" Squatter Sovereignty," as it was gener- 
ally termed. This was contrary to the,^ 
Missouri Compromise of 1820, which, 
prohibited slavery in all territories 
north of latitude 36° 30'. Neverthe- 
less, in spite of strenuous opposition, 
the bill passed through Congress and 
became a law in May, 1854. 

A violent struggle ensued in Kan- 
sas between the advocates and the op- 
ponents of slavery in the Territory. So 
much blood was shed in the contest that the 
Territory was termed " Bleeding Kansas," anc 
the civil war of its hostile parties created great 
excitement throughout the country. 

The conflict in Kansas was still in progress 
when the time came for the election of 1S56. In the summer the 
Democrats nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, for Presi- 
dent, and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for Vice-President, 
and indorsed the Kansas-Nebraska act. The Whig party had become 
disintegrated, the great majority of its members having joined 
the new Republican party. This had sprung into existence 0:1 
the issue of slavery, and declared that all the Territories should 
be free — the doctrine of the old Free-Soilers. The Republican 
candidates were John C. Fremont, of California, whose successful 




DANIE!. WEBSTER. 



794 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



explorations in the far West had won him the sobriquet of the 
"Path-finder," and William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. The small 
American, or " Know-Nothing" party, which advocated the restric- 
tion of foreign immigration, nominated ex-President Fillmore. At 
the polls Buchanan and Breckinridge were victorious. 

President Buchgnan's term of office was marked chiefly by the 
alarming increase of sectional animosities. The Fugitive Slave 
Law — that part of the Omnibus Bill compromise which provided for 
the arrest of escaped slaves — was extremely unpopular in the North. 
The opponents of slavery maintained a sj-stem known as the " Un- 
derground Railroad," b}- which slaves were secretly aided to escape. 
Several Northern legislatures met the Federal 
law with Personal Liberty Bills, securing a trial 
to fugitive negroes. These bills, in turn, aroused 
much indignation in the South, where they were 
regarded as being in violation of the Constitution. 
In 1857 the Mormons of Salt Lake Cit3% led 
by Brigham Young, expelled a United States judge 
from Utah, and openly defied the Federal author- 
ities. Troops were sent to suppress the rebellion, 
which subsided upon their arrival. 

Minnesota was admitted as a State in May, 
1S5S, and Oregon in the following February. 
This finalh' destroyed the balance in the number 
of free and slave States, long maintained by the 
admission of States in pairs, a Northern and a 
Southern State being created at about the same 
j»nEs BUCHANAN. tluie. Tlicrc wcrc now eighteen Northern and 

fifteen Southern States, giving the former a majority of six in the 
Senate. In the House of Representatives its majority was sixty, 
owing to the rapid expansion of population in the North, whither 
immigrants were flocking in rapidly increasing numbers. 

In October, 1S59, occurred an incident that greath* embittered 
the feeling between North and South. John Brown, a Free-Soil ex- 
tremist in Kansas, organized a raiding party of twentj'-one men 
and seized the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, 
with the avowed object of causing a rising of the slaves. In this 
he was unsuccessful. After holding the arsenal for two days, he 
was attacked by a body of State and National troops, and his men, 




HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 795 

except two, who escaped, were killed or captured. Brown was tried 
b}' the State of Virginia, convicted, and hanged. 

The one great issue of the Presidential campaign of 1S60 was 
the slavery question. The foreign relations of the country were 
at this time uniformly peaceful. "The long series of irritating 
and dangerous questions which had disturbed the relations of the 
United States and Great Britain, from the time of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, had reached final and friendly solution." * 
But while foreign affairs were on so satisfactory a footing, the 
political prospect at home was a troubled one. 

In April, the Democratic nominating convention met at 
Charleston, S. C. The delegates of extreme Southern views, finding 
themselves unable to control the convention, left it in a body, and 
nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky. The delegates 
who remained in the convention named Stephen A. Douglas, of 
Illinois, while a third section, which termed itself the Union party, 
put forward John Bell, of Tennessee. \\ hile the Democrats were 
thus hopelessly split, the Republicans were united for Abraham 
Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, 
for \'ice-President. The result was the election of Lincoln in No- 
vember. 

Throughout the canvass Southern extremists had threatened 
that if Lincoln should be elected the South would leave the Union, 
and declared that they would not tolerate the administration of a 
President who was avowedly opposed to slavery. When the re- 
sult of the election was known the}' pro'ceeded to prove that they 
meant what the}- said. On the 17th of December a convention 
met at Charleston, which, on the 20th, declared that South Caro- 
lina was no longer one of the United States. Six others — i\Iissis- 
sippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas, — took 
similar steps before the end of January, and on the 4th of Febru- 
ary a convention met at Alontgomery, Alabama, and formed a new 
government under the name of the Confederate States of America. 
It elected Jefferson Davis, up to that time United States Senator 
from ^Mississippi, President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Geor- 
gia, Vice-President. 

Almost all the United States forts and posts throughout the 
Southern States had fallen into the hands of the secessionists, with 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I, Chapter 26. 



796 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

a vast quantity of arms and stores, valued in all at nearly twenty 
millions of dollars. The government at Washington did nothing. 
The President's cabinet was largely composed of Southern sympa- 
thizers. General Cass, the Secretary of State, who favored an ac- 
tive policy, was forced to resign by the President's apathy. 

Neither section understood the other. The general opinion 
in the North was that the South would not take up arms when it 
had four millions of slaves in its population. The South believed 
that the North would not fight for the maintenance of the Union. 
But meanwhile the country was drifting into civil war. 

On the 9th of January, 1861, the steamer Star of the West, 
despatched to relieve Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor — one of 
the few Southern forts still held by the Federal government — was 
fired upon and driven off. Even after this overt act of hostility, 
President Buchanan adopted no decided plan of action. He declared 
that he had "no authority to decide what shall be the relations 
between the Federal government and South Carolina." * 

In January, 1861, Kansas, where the anti-slavery party had 
finally been victorious, was admitted into the Union as a State. 

Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, the President elect, and one of 
the most remarkable figures of American history, was a man of 
humble origin. Born in Kentucky in 1809, he grew to manhood 
in what was then the backwoods of Indiana. At twenty-one, mov- 
ing to Illinois, he became the keeper of a store. Then, a self- 
taught lawyer, he was elected to the State Legislatiire and to Con- 
gress. He was brought into national prominence by his unsuccess- 
ful contest against Stephen A. Douglas for a seat in the Senate. 

Since his election to the Presidency, so bitter had been the 
speeches of his extreme opponents, that fears were entertained for 
his personal safety on his journey to Washington. But after mak- 
ing "a quick and secret night journey through Baltimore to the 
Federal capital," f he w-as inaugurated without disturbance on the 
4th of March, 1861. For his cabinet, " Mr. Lincoln chose his ablest 
friends," if the most noted members being W^illiam H. Seward, 
Secretary of State; Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War; and Sal- 
mon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury. 

Expecting that Fort Sumter would be reinforced by the Fed- 

* Nicolay & Hay's Lincoln, Vol. Ill, Chapter 5. 

t Ibid, Vol. III. Chapter 20. J Ibid, Vol. Ill, Chapter 22. 




s./V^uA\ycar^ 



FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN BEFORE HIS ELECTION IN 1860. 



(797* 



79S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

eral government, the Confederate forces at Charleston decided to 
attack it. On the 12th of April, "at about half-past four, as the 
dim outline of Fort Sumter began to define itself in the morning 
twilight," * the bombardment began, and on the 13th Major Ander- 
son, commanding the fort, surrendered it. The news that the Con- 
federates had thus made "active, aggressive war upon the United 
States " t caused great excitement throughout the country. Presi- 
dent Lincoln at once issued a call for 75,000 volunteers, to serve 
three months, and the summons met with a read}' response in the 
North. 

The fall of Sumter heightened the enthusiasm of the South. 
On the 17th of April Virginia passed a secession ordinance. Bodies 
of State militia were immediately despatched to seize the United 
States arsenal at Harper's Ferr}', and the great navy yard at Nor- 
folk. The commander of the arsenal abandoned it, after firing the 
buildings and destroying a part of the stores. The same course 
was taken by the Federal officers at the Norfolk nav_v yard, the war 
ships there being sunk or burned, and the cannon spiked. The 
Confederates, however, captured an immense amount of guns and 
stores, and afterwards raised some of the sunken vessels. 

Three more States followed their vSouthern sisters out of the 
Union — Arkansas, May 6; North Carolina, May 20; and Tennes- 
see, June 6. This raised the number of the Confederate States to 
eleven. 

The first volunteer regiment to arrive in Washinsjton was the 
Sixth Massachusetts. While passing through Baltimore on its 
way to the capital, on the 19th of April, it was attacked by a mob, 
and "lost four men killed and thirty-six wounded." J Other reg- 
iments rapidly followed, and on the 3rd of May the President is- 
sued a call for eighty thousand additional troops, to serve for three 
years, "swelling the entire military establishment of the nation to 
an army of 156,861, and a navy of 25,600." \i 

At this time " Lieutenant-General Scott commanded the army 
in chief." || The concjueror of Mexico, although a Virginian, and 
though he personally "deprecated war,"'^ liad adhered to the Fed- 
eral cause. So quickly had the Northern States answered President 

*Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, \'ol. I\', Chapter 3. f Ibid, \'ol. IV, Chapter 3. 

t Ibid, Vol. IV, Chapter 6. ? Ibid, Vol. IV, Chapter 14. 

II Sherman's Memoirs, Chapter 8. ^ Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. IV., Chapter 5. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 799 

Lincoln's call that " all fears for the safety of the capital had ceased, 
and quite a large force of regulars and volunteers had been col- 
lected in and about Washington." * 

On the 23rd of May, a brigade commanded by General Irwin 
McDowell crossed the Potomac aud occupied Alexandria. After 
two months of drilling and organizing the recruits, "the cry of 
'On to Richmond ! ' forced General Scott to hasten his preparations 
and order a general advance about the middle of July." t As yet the 
Federal troops were " far from being soldiers." J General Sherman, 
who was under McDowell, asserts that on the marcli, " with all his 
personal efforts, he could not prevent the men from straggling for 
water, blackberries, or any thing on the way they fancied." t^S 

Richmond had been selected as the capital of the seceded 
States, whose government was to assemble there on the 20th of 
July. At the beginning of the month the Confederates "had two 
armies in front of Washington ; the one at Manassas Junction, 
commanded by General Beauregard ; the other, commanded by 
General Joseph E. Johnston, was at Winchester." j| On the 21st 
ofjuly McDowell attacked Beauregard. The ensuing battle of Bull 
Run was "one of the best planned battles of the war, but one of the 
worst fought." "ff Johnston arriving to reinforce Beauregard, Mc- 
Dowell's troops became panic-stricken and fled in disorder. Had 
the Confederate army pursued them, it might have entered the 
Federal capital. Indeed, Johnston's " failure to capture Washing- 
ton received strong and general condemnation in the South." ** 

Meanwhile hostilities had begun at other points. General 
George B. McClellan, who after serving in the Mexican war had 
retired, and had become "president of the (_)hio and Mississippi 
railroad, "ff was placed in command of a Union force in western Vir- 
ginia. He defeated the Confederates at Philippi on June 3, aud at 
Rich Mountain on July 11. He was then called to Washington to 
take command of the army there. General Rosecrans, who succeeded 
him in Western Virginia, won the battles of Carnifex Ferry and 
Cheat Mountain, and drove the Confederates from that part of the 
State west of the Alleghany Mountains. 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chapter 8. f Ibid, Chapter 8. | Ibid, Chapter 8. 
? Ibid, Chapter 8. || Ibid, Chapter 8. ^ Ibid, Chapter 8. 

** Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chapter 2. 
ff Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. IV, Chapter 16. 



8oO HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Kentucky and Missouri, although slave holding States, had not 
joined the Confederacy. The sympathies of their citizens were di- 
vided. General Polk, ordered by the Richmond government to 
occupy Kentucky, blocked the Mississippi by fortifying Columbus. 
In Missouri, the secession party made a great effort to carry the 
State out of the Union. " Governor Jackson, having decided on 
revolution, formed at St. Louis a nominal camp of instruction 
under the State Militia laws," * where he designed to assemble a 
Confederate army. But the camp was broken up by General Lyon, 
who defeated Jackson's forces at Booneville on Jiine 17, 1861. Jack- 
son was again defeated by Colonel Siegel at Carthage on Juh' 5th. 
General Lyon was killed at Wilson's Creek on the loth of August, 
and the Confederate General Price on September 20th captured 2,600 
Union troops at Lexington. In November, General Halleck, a man 
"not only practically accomplished in his profession as a soldier, 
but also distinguished as a writer on military art and science," f 
was appointed to command the Federal army of the West, and drove 
Price southward toward Arkansas. 

A brigade of Halleck's army was stationed at Cairo, " the mili- 
tary key of the ^Mississippi Valley." $ From this point 3,000 men 
under General Ulysses S. Grant were sent to attack the Confederate 
camp at Belmont, on the Mississippi opposite Columbus, but re- 
treated after fighting "a drawn battle," i^S November 7, 1S61. 

On taking command at Washington, General McClellan busied 
himself during the fall and winter in drilling and organizing his 
army of recruits. The only battle fought during the remainder of 
the year was that of Ball's Bluff, on the Potomac, in which 1,900 
Union troops under Colonel Baker were defeated with heavy loss 
by General Evans, October 21. 

At sea, the Federal government had in April proclaimed a 
blockade of all the Southern ports. Almost all the forts and de- 
fenses on the coast had been seized by the Confederates at the out- 
break of the war. Fort Pickens, at Pensacola, had been held by its 
commander. The fortifications at Hatteras Inlet were captured by 
Commodore Stringham and General Butler in August, and in No- 
vember the important harbor of Port Royal, South Carolina, was 
taken. 

»Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. IV, Chapter n. f Ibid, Vol. V, Chapter 5. 
t Ibid, Vol. IV, Chapter 10. i Ibid, Vol. V, Chapter 7. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 8oi 

In October the Richmond government despatched two com- 
missioners, Mason and Slidell, to treat with the French and British 
governments. After running the blockade from Charleston, they 
reached Cuba, and took passage for England on the British ship 
Trent. Captain Wilkes, in the United States steamer San Ja- 
cinto, stopped the Trent, seized Mason and Slidell, and carried 
them to Boston. His action, of doubtful legality, caused great 
excitement in England, and " seriousl}- threatened to embroil the 
nation in a war with Great Britain." * Mr. Seward, Secretary of 
State, at once declared that Captain Wilkes had acted without 
authority, and the two commissioners were allowed to sail for 
England from Boston. Their missions proved entirel}- fruitless. 

The year 1S62 "brought stirring events to the armies in the 
West."t The fighting opened in Kentucky. General Sherman, 
ordered to Louisville in the preceding fall, had complained that 
his " force was out of all proportion to the importance of the posi- 
tion." "^ A large army had now been stationed in that section, 
under General Buell. Two of Buell's subordinates. Colonel Gar- 
field and General Thomas, won the battles of the Big Sand}- and 
Mill Spring, respectively, in January, 1S62. 

General Grant, in command of a brigade of Halleck's army, 
had suggested to that officer that, "if permitted, he could take 
and hold Fort Henry, on the Tennessee," ijS an important Confed- 
erate position. He was ordered to advance on the fort, while a 
fleet of gunboats, under Commodore Foote, was ordered to attack 
it from the river. Before Grant reached the fort it had surrendered 
to the gunboats. February 6. 

Most of its garrison had escaped to Fort Donelson, on the 
Cumberland River, twelve miles away. General Grant, " knowing 
the importance of the place," || pushed on to attack it. He was 
obliged to wait until February 14 before the gunboats could steam 
down the Tennessee to Cairo, and up the Cumberland to Fort Don- 
elson. The fort was a strong post. To reduce it Grant had 
" 15,000 men, including eight batteries," % while it was "probable 
that the Confederate force was 21,000."** On the 15th the defend- 
ers attempted to break Grant's lines, but were repulsed, and their 

* Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. V, Chapter 2. f Ibid.. \'ol. \', Chapter 7. 

J Sherman's Memoirs, Chapters. ^Grant's Memoirs, Chapter 21. 

II Ibid., Chapter 21. 1[ Ibid., Chapter 21. **Ibid., Chapter 22. 



802 HIsrORY Ci- '!..,. L^NITEIJ STATES. 

Generals, Floyd and Pillow, fled with a part of the garrison. 
Next day General Buckner, on whom the command had devolved, 
offered to treat with Grant, who returned the famous message, 
" No terms except an unconditional and immediate surrender can 
be accepted. I propose to move immediately upon your works." * 
Buckner thereupon surrendered the fort, with 12,000 men — the 
greatest success yet achieved by the Federal forces. 

Owing to a misunderstanding with Halleck, Grant was for a 
time, after the capture of Fort Donelson, "virtually under arrest 
and without a command," f although he "had done so much that 
General Halleck should have been patient." J He was, however, 
speedily reinstated, and moved his forces southward toward Cor- 
inth, " the great stragetic position being the Tennessee and Missis- 
sippi Rivers, and between Nashville and Vicksburg." (J* 

At this time " all the Confederate troops west of the Alle- 
ghany Mountains, with the exception of those in the extreme 
South," II were commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston, 
" a man of high character and ability, but vacillating and undecided 
in his actions." ^ After the fall of Fort Donelson, General John- 
ston "abandoned Nashville and fell back into northern Missis- 
sippi." ** On April 6, 1S62, he suddenly attacked Grant's army, 
which was at Shiloh Church, near Pittsburg Landing, on the 
Tennessee. The ensuing battle of Shiloh "was the severest bat- 
tle fought in the West during the war," ff and one that has been 
the subject of a great deal of controversy." :{:$ The Union forces, 
whose "effective strength was 33,000," i^S^^S were during the first day 
driven back, after some desperate fighting in which General John- 
ston was killed. On the 7th Grant was reinforced by General 
Lewis Wallace, who "did not arrive in time to take part in the 
first day's fight." || || The Federal troops recovered their lost 
ground and drove the Confederates from the field — a success which 
" gave the men that achieved it great confidence." %^ 

Meanwhile " the Army of the Mississippi, commanded by 
Major-General John M. Pope, was moving directly down the Mis- 
sissippi River, against that portion of the Confederate line which, 

* Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 22. f Ibid., Chap. 23. | Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 9. 

? Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 24. II Ibid., Chap. 23. H Ibid., Chap. 25. ** Ibid., Chap. 23. 

f\ Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 25. H Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 9. 

J§ Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 25. |||| Ibid., Chap. 24. ^ 'bid.. Chap. 25. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 803 

under Generals Polk and Pillow, had fallen back from Columbus, 
Kentucky, to Island No. 10 and New Madrid." * Pope, who, 
" though still a young man, was a veteran soldier," and " had 
served with great distinction in the Mexican war," f captured Isl- 
and No. 10, with 5000 prisoners, on the 7th of April, 1862. The 
Union gunboats captured Fort Pillow on June 4, and two days 
later Memphis surrendered to them. 

In August the Confederates made another attempt to conquer 
Kentucky. " Two Confederate armies, under General Kirby Smith 
and General Braxton Bragg, penetrated " J into that State from 
eastern Tennessee. Smith defeated a Union force at Richmond, 
Kentucky (August 30), and Bragg captured a body of 4500 men at 
Mumfordsville (September 17). After threatening Cincinnati and 
Louisville, the two Confederate armies united at Frankfort, and on 
the Sth of October met Buell's forces in the severe battle of Perry- 
ville. Buell had the best of the fight, but Bragg's troops " retired 
in good order," 1^^ and took a vast c^uantity of captured stores into 
Tennessee. 

After the battle of Shiloh General Halleck " reorganized and 
rearranged the whole army" || on the Tennessee, reinforcing Grant's 
troops with those of General Pope. Corinth, evacuated by the Con- 
federates, was occupied on the 30th of May. Halleck was then sum- 
moned to Washington to become general in chief, and was succeeded 
by Grant, who prepared to move against the Confederate stronghold 
at Vicksburg, Mississippi. He sent Sherman down the Mississippi 
with 40,000 men and Admiral Porter's gunboats, while he himself 
pushed forward by land. But the Confederate General Van Dorn 
got into Grant's rear, cut off his supplies at Holly Springs, and 
forced him to retreat. Sherman embarked at INIemphis, landed 
north of Vicksburg, and attacked the works at Chickasaw Bayou, 
where he was decisively repulsed (December 29, 1S62). 

Meanwhile General Rosecrans, in command at Corinth, had 
been attacked (October 4) by Generals Price and Van Dorn, but had 
driven them off with heavy loss. He then marched against Bragg, 
who had just retreated from Kentucky. They met in the bloody 
battle of Stone River, near Murfreesboro (December 31, 1862, to 
January 2, 1863), which although "a negative victory so far as con- 

*Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 10. f Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VI, Chap. i. 
I Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. I, Chap. 11. § Ibid. || Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 10. 

45 



804 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

cerned the result on the battle-field," * was on the whole a Federal 
success, and "West Tennessee and Kentucky were never again seri- 
ously threatened by the armies of the Confederacy." f 

. In Missouri there was fighting during the early part of 1862 
between the Confederates under Price, jNIcCullough, and Van Dorn, 
and a Union force under General Curtis, whose "strength tTirough- 
out the campaign was about fifteen thousand men.";}; The latter 
was victorious in the important battle of Pea Ridge, fought in 
Arkansas, March 7. 

Early in the year a Federal fleet and army assembled at Ship 
Island, off the mouth of the Mississippi, to operate against the 
southern coast of the Confederacy. "New Orleans, being the most 
important prize, both military and political, became the principal 
objective point," ^S and in April the attack was begun. The fleet 
was commanded b}^ Admiral Farragut, a man "sixty years of age, 
forty-eight of which had been spent in the naval service." || On the 
24th of April he ran past Forts St. Philip and Jackson, which de- 
fended the entrance to the Mississippi, attacked and destroyed a 
Confederate squadron, and on the following day reached New Or- 
leans, of which the troops under General Butler at once took pos- 
session. Farragut went on to Baton Rouge, and, passing Vicksburg, 
joined the squadron of the upper Mississippi at Memphis. 

In January, 1862, an expedition under General Burnside sailed 
to attack Roanoke Island, on the North Carolina coast. It was 
completely successful, capturing the island, destroying the Con- 
federate fleet in Albemarle Sound, and taking Fort Alacon and 
Newbern. In March another expedition, from Port Royal, took 
Jacksonville, Florida, Brunswick, Georgia, and other towns on the 
coast. 

On the 8th of March the Federal fleet that lay in Hampton 
Roads, off" Fortress Monroe, was attacked by the Merrimac. This 
was one of the ships sunk at the surrender of the Norfolk navy 
yard. The Confederates had raised her, covered her deck with 
railroad iron, fitted her with a ram, and named her the Virginia. 
She now rammed and sank the Union ship Cumberland, and drove 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. I, Chap. 13. 

f Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. \'I, Chap. 13. 

J Sheridan's Memoirs, \'ol. I, Chap. 13. 

^ Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. V, Chap. 15. |{ Ibid. 




(8o5) 



8o6 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



the Congress ashore. At sunset she returned to Norfolk. On the 
following day, returning to complete the destruction of the Federal 
fleet, she was met by the Monitor, an iron turret ship of novel con- 
struction, which had just arrived from the North. In the duel that 
followed, the Merrimac was disabled and driven back to Norfolk. 

In April, the capture of Fort Pulaski by the Federals, under 
General Hunter, closed the port of Savannah. 

Of all the campaigns of 1862 the most important was fought 




ENCOUNTER BETWEEN THE MONITOR AND MERRIMAC IN HAMPTON ROADS ON MARCH 8, 1862. 



in northern and eastern Virginia. On the loth of March Mc- 
Clellan crossed the Potomac, but after advancing a short distance 
he decided "that operations would best be undertaken from Old 
Point Comfort, between the York and James rivers." * The bulk 
of his army was transported thither by April 2, and he moved up 
the peninsula between the rivers, toward Richmond. At Yorktown 
Magruder, with 10,000 Confederate troops, held him at bay for a 
month, but evacuated the place on May 4. McClellan then advr.nced 
rapidly, winning the battles of Williamsburg (IMay 5) and West 

*Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. V, Chapter lo. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



S07 



Point (May 9). At the end of the month his advance guard was 
only seven miles from Richmond. 

Confederate forces were hastily collected from all quarters for 
the defense of their capital. The nav}- yard at Norfolk was de- 
stroyed and abandoned, the \'irginia, or Merrimac, being blown 
up. With all the troops he could gather General Joseph K. John- 
ston attacked McClellan at Seven Pines and Fair Oaks (I\lay 31 
and Jiine i), but was defeated and severely wounded. 

Notwithstanding his success, IMcClellan delayed moving upon 
Richmond. He overrated his opponent's strength, " as was gener- 
ally done by the opposing commanders during the war,"* and 
" kept up a continual cry for reinforcements." f 
His inactivity gave the Confederates time to make 
their army "stronger in numbers than it had ever 
been before." J General Robert E. Lee, who had 
succeeded Johnston, attacked him on the 25th of 
June in the first of the " seven days' 
battles." Though he repelled Lee's as- 
saults on the first two days, McClellan 
fell back toward the James River. On 
the 27th, at Gaines' Mill, he was 
heavily defeated. After two more inde- 
cisive battles he reached Malvern Hill, 
on the James, where Lee was driven 
back by the fire of the Union gun- 
boats. 

McClellan's Peninsula campaign had 
proved a failure. The stubborn "re- 
sistance of the Confederates compelled the Federal general to 
abandon his plan of operations," ^S and his army was withdrawn 
down the James. 

At the same time General " Stonewall " Jackson, with 20,000 
Confederate troops, had successfully defied the Union forces in the 
Shenandoah Valley. In IMay he captured a Union force at Front 
Royal, and chased General Banks out of the Valley. Banks only 

* Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chapter I. 
fNicnlay and Hay's Lincoln, 'Vol. 'V, Chapter 23. 
J Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chapter 4. 
^ Ibid, Chapter 5. 




ROBERT E, LEE. 



8o8 • HISTORY OF THE I'NITED STATES. 

saved his command by a hasty retreat across the Potomac. Gen- 
erals Shields and Fremont were sent against Jackson, who fell back 
before them and then defeated them separatel}' at Cross Keys and 
Port Republic, June S and 9, 1S62. He then moved to Richmond 
to join Lee. 

At the beginning of August Lee marched northward toward 
Washington. On the 9th he met and defeated General Banks at 
Cedar Mountain. An army of 40,000 men under General Pope still 
lay between Lee and the Potomac, but fell back before the Con- 
federates' advance. On August 26, Lee attacked the Federal force 
at Manassas Junction, and captured a great quantity of stores. 
The rest of the month was spent in severe but indecisive fighting 
at Centreville, Gainesville, and Chantilly, nearlj' opposite Wash- 
ington. After losing 30,000 men in the campaign, Pope retreated 
across the Potomac. 

The President had ordered a fresh levy of 300,000 troops (July 
I, 1862) and the Federal forces at Washington were reorganized 
and greatly strengthened, McClellan succeeding Pope in the com- 
mand. The time "for training and drilling was brief; for within 
a few days the news came that Lee had crossed the Potomac into 
Maryland." * The Confederate commander detached Jackson to 
attack Harper's Ferr}-, which was held by Colonel Miles with 13,000 
men. Miles surrendered to Jackson, after a weak resistance, Sep- 
tember 15. On the previous day McClellan had marched between 
the armies of Lee and Jackson and defeated the former at South 
Mountain. 

Lee, whose situation was perilous, retreated towards the Poto- 
mac, halting near Sharpsburgh, Maryland, to await Jackson, who 
was hurrying back from Harper's Ferry. The Confederate forces 
had had time to reunite when McClellan attacked them at Antietam 
Creek. The battle, one of the bloodiest of the war, was indecisive, 
but on the next day Lee withdrew across the Potomac. 

McClellan did not pursue him, and after six weeks of in- 
activity President Lincoln removed him from command, replacing 
him with General Burnside. Burnside moved forward, crossed 
the Rappahannock, and attacked Lee at Fredericksburg, where he 
was repulsed with great slaughter. 

In September, 1862, President Lincoln had warned the se- 

Kicolay and il.iy\ Lincoln, Vol. \'l, Chapter 7. 




(Scd) 



8lO HIvSTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

ceded States that unless they returned to their allegiance he 
■would issue a proclamation declaring all slaves within their borders 
free. The proclamation was indeed " published in full by the 
leading newspapers of the country on the morning of September 
23d."* On the ist of January, 1863, it was formally issued. 

After his defeat at Fredericksburg, General Burnside was 
succeeded in command of the Army of the Potomac b}- General 
Joseph Hooker. In April, 1863, the Federal forces made another 
attempt to reach Richmond, and again they met with disaster. 
After crossing the Rappahannock they were attacked by the Con- 
federates at Chancellorsville, on the 2d and 3d of May, and de- 
feated. "The losses were large on both sides," f Hooker's being 
17,000 men killed, wounded, and missing. The Confederates lost 
12,000, among whom was General Jackson, mortally wounded 
through mistake by his own men. 

Hooker retreated across the Rappahannock, while Lee moved 
forward and threatened Washington. Hooker marched rapidly to 
the defense of the capital, and the Confederates, instead of attack- 
ing it, advanced northward across Maryland into Pennsylvania. 

The invasion of Pennsylvania caused great alarm in the 
North, and great efforts were made to strengthen the forces around 
Washington. Hooker was superseded by General George G. 
Meade, an officer who " had served with distinction on almost 
everj^ battle-field of the Army of the Potomac." J Meade took up 
a strong position at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, with eighty thou- 
sand men, and on the ist of July Lee attacked him with about 
the same number. The battle, the most decisive in the war, was 
fiercely fought for three daj's, and ended in the Confederates' de- 
feat, with the loss of nearly half their army. On the 4th of July 
Lee withdrew his crippled force across the Potomac, and retreated 
beyond the Rapidan. 

After his repulse from Chickasaw Bayou, in front of Vicks- 
burg (December 29, 1862), Sherman, who thought that "Louisiana, 
Mississippi, and Arkansas were the key to the whole interior," § 
speedily resumed the offensive. On January' 10, 1S63, he captured 
Arkansas Post, on the Arkansas River. A few days later "Admiral 

*NicoIay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VII, Chap. 8. 

t Ibid., Vol. VII, Chap. 8. t Ibid., Vol. VII, Chap. 4. 

? Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 12. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 8ll 

Porter was equally busy on the Yazoo River," * and Grant, who 
had now reached the scene of action, made several successive at- 
tempts upon the defenses of Vicksburg from the same side. But 
the ^Mississippi and its branches were "very high and rising," f 
and for three months Grant could not get near enough to strike. 
He then moved his army to the western bank of the river, and 
went down it to New Carthage, below Vicksburg, running his gun- 
boats and transports past the Confederate batteries. Meanwhile he 
had despatched Grierson, with 1,700 cavalry, on a raid through Mis- 
sissippi, to the rear of Vicksburg, which was successfully executed, 
and caused great damage to the communications of the Confederates. 

On the 29th of April Grant attacked Grand Gulf, on the 
Mississippi, but was repulsed. The next day, however, he crossed 
at Bruinsburg, lower down, and defeated the Confederate com- 
mander, Pemberton, at Port Gibson. General Joseph E. Johnston 
was advancing toward \"icksburg with a second force, and Grant 
"prepared with his usual energy to prevent the two Confederate 
generals from effecting their junction." "^ He met and defeated 
Johnston at Jackson (May 14), pushed in between him and Pem- 
berton, and drove the latter into Vicksburg. 

Twice Grant attempted to carry the works of Vicksburg by 
assault. He was twice repulsed, and settled down to a siege of 
the place. His position was so strong that Johnston made no 
attempt at relief, and "on the 3d of July, about 10 o'clock A. M., 
white flags appeared on a portion of the works." ^ On the 4th, 
the surrender of Pemberton and his army, which numbered about 
30,000, was completed. 

Four days later Port Hudson surrendered to the Federal troops 
under General Banks. " The Mississippi River was now wholly in 
the possession of the Union forces," || an achievement that aroused 
"new hopes for the final success of the Union cause." ^ Johnston's 
army at once " fell back to Jackson." ** A few days later the " evac- 
uation of Jackson was decided on, andVas accomplished before day- 
break "ff of July 17, but Grant did not pursue. 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 11. f Ibid., Chap. 12. 

X Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VII, Chap. 5. 

^Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 38. || Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 13. 

^Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 39. 

** Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chap. 7. ff Ibid., Chap. 8. 




GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT. 



(»■•) 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 813 

After the battle of Stone River, at the beginning of January, 
1863, Rosecrans' Arm}- of the Cumberland lay inactive until June, 
facing that of Bragg. Rosecrans then advanced through Tennessee 
and occupied Chattanooga, Bragg falling back before him. On Sep- 
tember 9 Rosecrans telegraphed to Washington that he expected 
no resistance from Bragg, but "it took but one day's marching to 
disconcert these confident expectations." * Bragg had been rein- 
forced, and was prepared to resist Rosecrans' advance. On Sep- 
tember 19, when the Union army had just entered Georgia, Bragg 
attacked it at Chickamauga Creek. It was defeated after a two 
days' battle, and would have been routed had it not been for the 
gallant stand made by General George H. Thomas. Bragg's report 
of the fight declared that he "had driven the enemy from the State 
of Georgia, and was still pursuing him."f General Sheridan states 
that it "left in the Cofederates' possession not much more than the 
barren results arising from the simple holding of the ground on 
which the engagement was fought." J 

Rosecrans, who had lost 16,000 men, fell back to Chattanooga. 
Bragg occupied the heights above the town, and Rosecrans' situa- 
tion became perilous. In this emergency " the Secretar3' of War 
directed General Grant to proceed immediatel}' to the front " 6 and 
take command of the army at Chattanooga. Arriving in Novem- 
ber, and being reinforced by Sherman and Hooker, Grant prepared 
to attack the Confederates, who " were looking upon the garrison 
of Chattanooga as prisoners of war." || On the 24th Lookout 
Mountain was stormed by Hooker's division, and the following day 
Grant assaulted Missionary Ridge, and carried it, driving Bragg 
back into Georgia. In these battles Grant had "in round numbers 
about 60,000 men. Bragg had about half this number, but his posi- 
tion was supposed to be impregnable." ^ 

On the ist of January, 1863, the Confederate General Magru- 
der captured the port of Galveston, Texas, together with a United 
States steamer and a great quantity of stores. Elsewhere in the 
Southwest the Federal forces were successful. The Confederates 

* Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. Vlll, Chap. 4. 

f Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chap. 8. 

J Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. I, Chap. 15. 

? Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VIII, Chap. 4. 

II Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 41. 1[ Ibid., Chap. 45. 



8l4 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

were driven from Helena and Little Rock, Arkansas, by Generals 
Prentiss and Steele, and forced to retreat beyond the Red River. 
Throughout the summer there was guerilla warfare in the Indian 
Territory. Quantrell, who was little more than a bandit, raided 
the town of Lawrence, Kansas, and murdered 140 of its citizens. 

Another raid was that of General Morgan, who M-ith 3000 Con- 
federate cavalry passed through Kentucky in June, and invaded Indi- 
ana and Ohio. His retreat was cut off by a Union force and b^' the 
gunboats on the Ohio, and on the 27th of July he was captured at 
New Lisbon, Ohio. 

Charleston was attacked by two Federal expeditions in 1863. 
The first, under Admiral Dupont, was repulsed with heavy loss on 
the 7th of April. The second, under General Gillmore, effected a 
landing on Morris Island, demolished Fort Sumter, and captured 
Fort Wagner, thus closing the harbor (September 6). 

In June, 1863, Congress passed an act admitting West Vir- 
ginia, whose citizens had opposed secession, into the LTnion as a 
separate State. 

The great armies called for b}' the Federal government were, 
throughout the war, readily furnished by the North, except in 
one instance. In July, 1863, during Lee's invasion of Pennsyl- 
vania, the drafting of troops in New York was resisted by rioters, 
who killed several negroes and destroyed much property. Gover- 
nor Seymour, of New York, though he was himself "convinced 
of the illegality and impolicy of the draft," * took measures to 
suppress the riot, which ended after considerable loss of life. 

The last fighting of the year 1863 took place around Knox- 
ville, Tennessee, where in November a Federal force, under General 
Burns ide, was closely beleaguered by General Longstreet. On 
November 29th Longstreet made a fierce attack on the defenses of 
the city, but was repulsed. Four days later, hearing that Grant 
had detached Sherman to relieve Burnside, he raised the siege and 
withdrew into Virginia. 

"The winter of 1863-64 was unusually cold,"t and military 

operations, except in the extreme South, were suspended. In 

\ February Sherman, who was stationed at Vicksburg, planned an 

expedition through northern Mississippi, in order " to prevent 

further molestation of boats navigating the Mississippi, and there- 

*Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VII, Chap. 2. f Ibid., Vol. Mil, Chap. 13. 



\ 



■lilllttllllillE'i^^ ■.'"'^'•i." 5 



lili'"'^ ., 



^■^ 



m 

II IIL' 

■'iiK' 



.1 ■; 




,,:iilli^^!'.ii::!^!:'aii:iiii:::lillllililiil 



(315) 



8l6 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

by to widen the gap iu the Confederacy." * In spite of a defeat 
inflicted upon a part of his forces at IMeridian by General Forrest, 
he returned to Vicksburg, after doing great damage to the Con- 
federate communications. Forrest pushed on into Tennessee, cap- 
tured Union City (March 24), fruitless!}- assaulted Paducah, and 
on the 12th of April took Fort Pillow, near Memphis. Some 
negroes among its garrison were shot after the surrender. 

In March another expedition from Vicksburg moved up the 
Red River, in Louisiana, with 10,000 troops under General Smith, 
and a gunboat squadron under Admiral Porter. After the capture 
of Natchitoches (March 21), General Banks joined the expedition 
with a force from New Orleans, and took command. Advancing 
toward Shreveport, he was attacked and severel}- defeated at 
Sabine Cross Roads (April 8), and fell back to Alexandria. The 
gunboats were caught above the rapids at Alexandria by the fall 
of the river, and must have been abandoned had not Colonel 
Baile}', a Wisconsin lumberman, constructed a great dam, that so 
deepened the water as to allow the fleet to pass. Meanwhile Gen- 
eral Steele had moved from Arkansas to join Banks, at Shreve- 
port Hearing of the latter's defeat, he fell back, severely pressed 
by the Confederates. The Red River expedition had ended in 
failure, and General Banks was superseded bj- General Canby. 

At the beginning of March, Grant was summoned to Wash- 
ington from the West, to take command of all the Federal forces. 
Sherman "accompanied him as far as Cincinnati on his way"t to 
the capital, to arrange plans for concerted action. Grant's inten- 
tion was " to employ the full strength of the ami}' in a simulta- 
neous movement all along the line." J He himself designed to 
advance on Richmond with the Army of the Potomac, while Sher- 
man struck at Atlanta with a force composed of the three Western 
armies — those of the Ohio, the Cumberland, and the Tennessee. 
The main forces of the Confederacy were grouped before Rich- 
mond, under Lee, and in northern Georgia, under Johnston. 

On the 7th of May, 1S64, Sherman moved out of Chattanooga 
with 100,000 men. Johnston confronted him with 70,000 men^ 
and a series of battles follow-ed, Sherman gradually pushing for- 
ward. After two days of desperate fighting at Resaca, Ma}' 14 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chapter 14. flbid.. Chapter 15. 
X Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VIII, Chapter 14. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. S17 

md 15, Johnston fell back to Dallas, where Sherman defeated him 
md tnrned Allatoona Pass (May 25 to 28). At the end of May 
Sherman "had advanced over nearly- a hundred miles of as diffi- 
:ult country as was ever fought over b}- civilized armies." * The 
ivooded hills of Georgia were so defensible that Sherman reported 
;hat "the whole country' was one vast fort."t There was heavy 
ighting at Lost Mountain on June 15, 16, and 17, and again on 
;he 2 2d at Kenesaw Mountain, where Johnston had taken up a 
strong position. On the morning of June 27 Sherman ordered 
m attack. " By half-past eleven the assault was over and had 
"ailed," J the Federal troops having been repelled b}- Johnston's 
' intrenched infantry, unsurpassed bj- that of Napoleon's Old 
juard." ^ Sherman still pressed forward, however, and on the 
[oth of July he forced Johnston to retire within the fortifications 
)f Atlanta. 

The Richmond government, dissatisfied with Johnston's fail- 
ire to arrest Sherman's advance, now removed him from his com- 
nand, substituting General Hood. For some time the siege of 
Atlanta made "slow and steady progress," !| Sherman being "held 
n check by the stubborn defense " ^ of the garrison. Near the 
;nd of July Hood three times attacked the Federal lines, but was 
;hree times driven back, and in the last of these battles (Jul}- 28) 
lis forces were divided and he was compelled to abandon the city, 
■etreating northward. On the 2nd of September Sherman entered 
\tlanta, where he rested to prepare for his intended march through 
jcorgia to Savannah. 

" While Sherman was planning his march to the sea. General 
Sood was devising a counter-scheme of invasion." ** He moved 
nto Tennessee, where he was confronted by a Union force under 
jcneral Thomas. On the 30th of November he defeated a part of 
Fhomas' army, under General Schofield, at Franklin. Tliomas 
A'ithdrew to Nashville, and the Confederates were preparing to 
issavilt the city when he suddenly moved against Hood, defeated 
lim and almost destroyed his army (December 15 and 16, 1864). 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 25. 

tIbid..Chap. 16. t Ibid., Chap. 16, 

J Johnston's Narrative of Mihtary Operations. Chapter II. 

II Sherm.in'-^ Memoirs, Ch.ip. iS. \ Ibid., Chap. 18. 

*** Nicolay and Hay's I.incohi, \'ol. 10, Chap. i. 



8iS 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



On the 1 2th of November Sherman's railroad and telegraph 
communications with the rear were broken, and the army stood 
dependent on its own resources and supplies." * With 60,000 men 
he marched through Georgia, meeting little resistance, and reaching 
Savannah a month after leaving Atlanta. On the 13th of Decem- 

rm ber he stormed Fort Mc- 
Allister, and on the 21st 
entered the city, which 
had been evacuated bv the 
Confederates. Here he 
remained for a month. 

Meanwhile Grant had 
"started upon the cam- 
paign destined to result 
in the capture of the 
Confederate capital and 
the army defending it."f 
Crossing the Rapidan, 
" on the 4th of May the 
army of the Potomac 
moved against Lee,":}] 
who, on the 5th, attacked 
Graat in a tract called 
the Wilderness. " ]\Iore 
desperate fighting has 
not been witnessed on 
this Continent " 1^^ than 
the three days' battle that 
ensued. The slaughter 
in both armies was great. 
On the Confederate side 
General Longstreet was 
wounded, and " his loss 
was a severe one to Lee." || 
From the Wilderness Lee fell back to Spottsylvania Court 
House, where the fighting was renewed, Grant telegraphing to 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 20. f Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 50. 

J .Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. I, Chap. 18. 

^Grant's Mtmoirs, Chap. 50. || Ibid., Chap. 50. 




GENERmL W. T. SHERMAN. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Si 9 

Washington that he "proposed to fight it out on this line if it 
took all summer." At the same time Sheridan was despatched 
" to proceed against the enemy's cavalr}'," * and to break Lee's 
railroad communications. Grant then moved to the left, to out- 
flank Lee, and on the ist of June attacked the Confederate army 
at Cold Harbor. He was driven back from their intrenchments, 
and by a second assault, made two days later, " no advantage what- 
ever was gained to compensate for the heavy loss." f He had, 
however, no difiiculty in securing reinforcements, while the Con- 
federates, whose resources were rapidly becoming exhausted, could 
no longer strengthen their forces. Crossing the James River, on 
the iSth of June he attacked Petersburg, but after four days' fight- 
ing was repulsed with heavy loss. He then intrenched himself 
before Petersburg and Richmond, where he remained during the 
rest of the year 1864. 

Sheridan's raid on the railroads in the rear of Richmond was 
effectively carried out. Two other subsidiary movements of the 
Federal forces were less successful. General Butler, advancing to- 
ward Richmond from Fortress Monroe, was defeated at Bermuda 
Hundred (May 7 ), and an expedition sent to the Shenandoah Val- 
ley, under Generals Sigel and Hunter, after a defeat at Newmarket 
(May 15) and a victory at Piedmont (June 5), was forced to retreat 
into West Virginia. This left Washington unprotected, and Lee 
despatched 20,000 men under General Jubal Farly to strike at the 
national capital. 

Crossing the Potomac into Maryland, Karly defeated General 
Wallace at Monocacy (July 9) and advanced within gunshot of 
Washington. If he "had been but one day earlier he might have 
entered the capital before the arrival of reinforcements.";}; Find- 
ing Washington well defended, he retired into the Shenandoah 
Valley, pursued by General Wright. At Winchester Early turned 
on Wright, defeated him, and advanced through Maryland into 
Pennsylvania. After burning the town of Chambersburg (July 
30) he retreated into Virginia. 

In September Grant ordered Sheridan to the Shenandoah Val- 
ley, to drive off Early and "to destroy all the forage and subsist- 
ence the country afforded," \S so as to prevent the possibility of 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. I, Chap. 18. f Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 55. J Ibid., Chap. 57. 
§ Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. I, Chap. 24. 

46 



820 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Confederate raids from that quarter. On the 19th of September ! 
Sheridan routed the Confederates in " the battle of the Opequon, i 
or Winchester, as it has been unofficially called,"* and "sent | 
Early's army whirling up the Shenandoah Valley." f On the 19th [ 
of October, Sheridan, having been temporarily called to Washing- 
ton, Early attacked the Federal Forces at Cedar Creek, and drove 
them back. Sheridan, hurrying back to his post, was met by " the 
appalling spectacle of a panic-stricken army." X He rallied his 
men, led them forward, and turned defeat into a complete victory, 
Early's troops being routed and scattered. 

One of the lesser military movements of 1864 

was General Seymour's expedition to the coast of 

Florida, which ended disastrously at the battle of 

Olustee (February 20), where the Federal force 

was defeated. 

In July, Mobile, one of the most 
strongly fortified places of the Confeder- 
acy, was attacked by a fleet under Ad- 
miral Farragut and a land force com- 
manded by General Granger. On the 
5 til of August, Farragut ran into Mobile 
Bay, passing Forts Morgan and Gaines 
at its entrance, and capturing the Con- 
federate ram Tennessee. The forts soon 
afterward surrendered to General Gran- 
ger. 

One of the few Confederate ports 
" «"«"^- ^i^j^,. j-^jij remained open was that of Wil- 

mington, North Carolina, which was defended by Fort Fisher. In 
December, 1S64, an expedition under Admiral Porter and General 
Butler was despatched to reduce the fort, but after bombarding it 
they found it too strong to be carried by assault, and withdrew. 

In April, 1864, the Confederates had captured Plymouth, North 
Carolina, with the formidable iron ram Albemarle. On the night 
of October 27 the Albemarle was sunk by a torpedo attached to it 
by Lieutenant Gushing, who crept up in a small steamer manned 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol, II, Chap. i. 
flbid., Vol. II. Chap. i. 
J Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 3. 





SHERIDAN'S FAMOUS RIDE FROM WINCHESTER TO CEDAR CREEK, OCTOBER 19, 1864, WHERE HE 
RALLIED HIS PANIC-STRICKEN TROOPS AND TURNED DEFEAT INTO COMPLETE VICTORY. 

"And there, through the flush of the morning light, 
A steed as black as the 5iteeds of night 
Was seen to pass, as with eagle flight, 
As if he knew the terrible need ; 
He stretched away with his utmost speed" — 

— Thomas Buchanan Read. 



(821) 



822 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

by a volunteer crew, onlv two members of wliich escaped. Ply- 
mouth surrendered four days later. 

In 1S64 the depredations of Confederate privateers were brought 
to a close, after the infliction of great damage upon American ocean 
commerce during the four years of the war. In May, 1S61, the Sum- 
ter, commanded by Captain Semmes, sailed from New Orleans, and 
captured and burned a number of merchantmen before being block- 
aded at Cadiz by the United States ship Tuscarora. Semmes then 
discharged his crew and sold his vessel. The Nashville left Charles- 
ton in October, 1S61, and returned, running the blockade, with a 
valuable cargo of stores from England. She was destroyed in the 
Savannah River by the Federal ironclads, in March, 1863. 

Several of the Confederate cruisers were built in British ports. 
Such was the Florida, which sailed into Mobile Bay under British 
colors in August, 1S62. In January, 1S63, she ran through the block- 
ade, and cruised in the Atlantic for three months, taking fifteen 
American ships. She was then captured in the harbor of Bahia, 
Brazil. The Georgia, built at Glasgow, was also captured in 1863. 
Most notorious ana destructive of all was the Alabama, which sailed 
from Liverpool in 1S62. Her builders had "made no special effort 
to dissemble her object and purpose," * and the American minister 
in lingland had protested against her being allowed to put to sea. 
She cruised for tv/o years, capturing sixtj'-five merchant ships, and 
destroying property valued at ten millions of dollars. Her captain 
was Semmes, who had commanded the Sumter. She never entered 
a Confederate port, and was finally blockaded by the Kearsarge in 
the harbor of Cherbourg, France. Being ordered by the French 
government to leave Cherbourg, the Kearsarge attacked and sank 
her (June 19, 1864). 

In the summer of 1S64 nominations were made for the Presi- 
dential election. During the first two years of the war the serious 
disasters suffered by the Union cause had created much dissatisfac- 
tion with the policv of the President; but the later successes of the 
Federal armies had made it clear that "nothing could prevent Lin- 
coln's renomination." f The Republican convention coupled to his 
name that of Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, as their candidate for 
Vice-President. The Democrats nominated General George B. 

* Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. VI, Chap. 3. 
f Ibid., Vol. IX, Chap. 2, 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 823 

McClellan, of New Jersey, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. At 
the polls Lincoln and Johnson received a large majority. 

In October, 1S64, Nevada, the thirty-sixth State, was admitted 
to the Union. 

The year 1S65 opened with the captnre of Fort Fisher by a 
second expedition, commanded by Admiral Porter and General 
Terry. The fort was bombarded and taken by storm on the i5tli 
of January, and on the 22nd of February the Union forces occupied 
Wilmington — a port that had been "of immense importance to the 
Confederates, because it formed their principal inlet for blockade 
runners." * 

By this time "the Southern cause appeared hopeless to all 
intelligent and dispassionate Southern men."t The situation of 
Lee's army at Petersburg and Richmond was growing desperate 
under the pressure of Grant's superior strength. To oppose Sher- 
, man's northward march from Savannah there were only "scattered 
and inconsiderable forces.";]! The Carolinas and Virginia were the 
only States that still remained to the Confederacy. 

It was in the Shenandoah Valley "that the first gleams of the 
final victory shone upon the Union arms." i^S Sheridan was again 
ordered there by Grant in February, 1S65, to strike at Lee's com- 
munications. At Waynesboro he met a Confederate force under 
Early, which he attacked and routed — a defeat that "finished Early 
as a military leader." || After a successful raid Sheridan rejoined 
Grant before Petersburg in March. 

Sherman moved from Savannah at the end of January, and 
marched through South Carolina to Columbia, the State capital, 
which he entered on the 17th of February. General Joseph E. 
Johnston was ordered by the Confederate government to collect 
the forces scattered through North and South Carolina, and to 
endeavor to arrest Sherman's progress. This, however, he was 
unable to do. The Federal army entered Goldsboro, North Caro- 
lina, on the 2ist of March, after a severe engagement. Generals 
Schofield and Terry were bringing up reinforcements from the 

* Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 61. 

f Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chap. 12. 

J Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 22. 

§ Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. IX, Chap. 7. 

II Lossing's Cyclopedia of U. S. History (Sheridan's Raid). 



824 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

coast, and their forces and those of Sherman "efifected a junction 
in and about Goldsboro during the 22nd and 23rd of March." * 
Johnston had withdrawn his troops to Raleigh. 

On the 25th of March, Lee attacked Grant's lines at Fort 
Steadman, but was repulsed, and a week later his position at Five 
Forks was assaulted and carried by Sheridan. Grant followed up 
this success b}' an attack all along Lee's front, and the Confederate 
defenses were pierced at several points. Lee's situation was now 
hopeless, and he evacuated Petersburg and Richmond, which were 
at once occupied by the Federal army (April 3, 1865). 

Lee's retreating forces were closely pursued by Grant and 
Sheridan. "Let the thing be pressed," f the President telegraphed 
to Grant on the 6th of April, and on the same day, at Sailor's 
Creek, Sheridan gained "a victory which led to the annihilation 
of one corps of Lee's arm}-.";]; The end of the war was evidently 
at hand, although it was generally expected that either Sherman or 
Grant "would have to fight one more bloody battle."^ In order 
" to shift from himself the responsibility of any further effusion of 
blood," II Grant sent a message to Lee, pointing out "the hopeless- 
ness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern \"ir- 
ginia,"^ and suggesting a surrender. Lee, in reply, inquired what 
terms Grant would offer, and several notes passed between the com- 
manders. Meanwhile Sheridan had moved around Lee's army, and 
on the morning of April 9 attacked it from the rear, near Appomat- 
tox Court House. A white flag was displayed by the Confederate 
general, who requested a suspension of hostilities that he might 
have an interview with Grant. At that interview, which took place 
in the house of a Mr. McLean, it was arranged that Lee's soldiers 
" should lay down their arms, not to take them up again unless ex- 
changed,"** and that they should " be allowed to return to their 
homes." ft Grant then telegraphed to the Secretary of War, at 
Washington, " General Lee surrendered the Army of Northern 
Virginia this afternoon on terms proposed by myself." JJ 

The surrender of Lee's army practically closed the war. John- 

* Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 23. 

t Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. II, Chap. 8. t Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 7. 

2 Sherman's Memoirs, Chap. 23. 

II Grant's Memoirs, Chap. 66. ][ Ibid., Chap. 66. 

** Ibid., Chap. 67. ft Ibid., Chap. 67. H Ibid., Chap. 6;. 




(8*5) 



826 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



stou had just evacuated Raleigh, and was retreating before Sherman, 
when he heard the news of Appomattox. He thereupon sent a 
message to Sherman proposing "to make a suspension of active 
operations.-" * Before the negotiations were concluded the country 
was shocked by the assassination of President Lincoln. 

The 14th of April "was a day of deep and tranquil happiness 
throughout the United States." f The President, relieved of the 
terrible burden of the war, that evening attended Ford's theater in 
Washington. While there he was shot by Wilkes Booth, an actor, 
and "at twenty-two minutes after seven o'clock on the morning 
of April 15 " '^ he expired. On the same morning Mr. Seward was 
wounded by another assassin who broke into his 
house. A few days later Booth was shot in a barn 
in Maryland where he had been hiding. 

Johnston's surrender was signed on the 26th 
of April, and no Confederate army remained in 
the field except inconsiderable forces beyond the 
Mississippi. Jefferson Davis, endeavoring to 
escape in that direction, was captured at Irwins- 
ville, Georgia, on the loth of May, and sent as a 
prisoner to Fortress Monroe. On the 26th of 
May the last of the Confederate forces in the 
southwest surrendered, and the civil war was 
over. 

Three hours after the death of Lincoln " the 
oath of office as President of the United States 
was administered to Andrew Johnson by Chief 
Justice Chase." ^S Born in North Carolina of 
humble parentage, and unable to read and write until after his 
marriage, Johnson had risen to be United States Senator from 
Tennessee (i860) and military governor of the State (1862) before 
his election to the Vice-Presidency in 1864. His administration 
was at once confronted with several important questions. 

On the 7th of April, 1865, Mr. Adams, the x^nierican minister 
at Loudon, presented to the British government a claim for repara- 

* Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, Chap. 12. 
f Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. X, Chap. 14, 
I Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. II, Chap. i. 
^Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. I. 




ANDREW JOHNSON. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 827 

tion for the damages done to the commerce of the United States 
by the Alabama and other Confederate cruisers equipped in En- 
gland. The diplomatic dispute that eusued was not settled for 
some years. 

On the ist of February Congress framed an amendment to the 
Constitution declaring that slavery should not exist within the 
United States. During 1S65 this, the thirteenth amendment to 
the Constitution, was ratified by all the States then in the Union. 

The war had left a debt of almost two and three-quarter 
billions of dollars. To meet the interest heavy import duties and 
internal revenue taxes had been imposed. The country proved its 
ability to sustain the burden without difficulty, and, to increase 
confidence. Congress, in December, 1S65, formally resolved that 
" the public debt ought and must be paid, principal and interest." 

On the question of reconstruction, or the reorganization of the 
seceded States, serious differences arose between President John- 
son and Congress. The former maintained, in opposition to the 
views of Congress, that no State could of its own act leave the 
Union, and that therefore the Confederate States need not and 
could not be readmitted. 

An international c|uestion with France arose out of that coun- 
try's attempt, during the civil war, to establish an empire in Mex- 
ico under the Archduke Maximilian of Austria. President Lincoln 
had protested against this European interference, and " no one 
will question the wisdom of the attitude assumed and consistently 
maintained"* by him and Secretary vSeward. It was impossible to 
do more than protest while the country's entire energies were oc- 
cupied in the prosecution of the war. On its conclusion the gov- 
ernment demanded of Napoleon III. that his troops, which had 
placed Maximilian on the throne, should be withdi'awn from Mex- 
ico. The French emperor acceded to the demand, with the result 
that Maximilian was dethroned bv the Mexican republicans and 
shot (June 19, 1867). 

In Jul}^ 1866, repeated attempts to lay a telegraph cable from 
Evirope to America reached a successful conclusion. The enterprise 
was undertaken in 1S57, mainly through the efforts of Cyrus W. 
Field, of New York, who persevered with his project in spite of 
four failures, which cost about six millions of dollars. The cable 

*Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, \'ol. \I1, Chap. 14. 



S2S 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 




THE GREAT EASTERN LANDING IN TRINITY BAY, NEWFOUNDLAND, WITH THE END OF THE FIRST OCEAN CABLE. 



ran from Valencia, in Ireland, to Trinity Bay, Newfoundland, a 
distance of 1,700 miles. 

In March, 1867, Secretary Seward negotiated a treaty with 
Russia, whereby the latter agreed to sell Alaska to the United 
States for the sum of seven million dollars. This great northern 
territory, with an area of 577,000 square miles, was then almost 
unknown and thought to be of very little value, and " it required 
all Seward's skill and influence to accomplish the ratification of the 
Alaska purchase." * The Senate accepted it, however, on the 9th 
of April, 1S67. 

The disagreement between President Johnson and Congress 
was becoming more and more marked. He vetoed a bill establish- 
ing a military government in some of the Southern States, a bill 
admitting Nebraska to the Union, and the Reconstruction Bill, 
providing for the reorganization of the seceded States. All of these 
measures, however, were passed over his veto by a two-thirds vote, 
and in January, 1868, the House of Representatives ordered his 
impeachment. On being tried before the Senate, the President 
was acquitted, though only one vote was lacking of the two-thirds 
vote necessary for his conviction (I\Iay 23, 1S6S). 

The settlement of affairs in the South made steady progress. 

* Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, Vol. I, Chap. 13. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



829 



In May, 1S67, Jefferson Davis, who had been imprisoned at Fortress 
Monroe for two years, was released on bail. He was never brought 
to trial. In September the President issued a proclamation of 
" amnesty to all engaged in the Rebellion," with a few exceptions. 
In June, 186S, the States of x-llabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, 
and North and South Carolina were readmitted to the Union. 

An Indian war, that had lasted for four years in Colorado and 
the Indian Territory, was terminated in the fall of 1S68 by the 
battle of the Wacheta, in ^vhich the chief Black Kettle was de- 
feated and killed by General Custer's cavalry. 

As the Presidential election of 186S approached, the Republi- 
can party placed in nomination General Uh'sses F^^^' : — -^-v 
S. Grant, the hero of the civil war, with Schuyler | 
Colfax, of Indiana, as their candidate for Vice- 
President. The Democrats selected Horatio 
Seymour, who, as Governor of New York during 
the war, " had been a great favorite of the peace 
party," * and Frank P. Blair, of Missouri. At 
the election in November Grant was successful 
by a large majority, Seymour carrj-ing New York 
and only five other States. 

General Grant, who thus became the eigh- 
teenth President of the United States, was born 
at Point Pleasant, Ohio, in 1S22. He v>-::s edu- 
cated at West Point, entered the army, and 
served with credit as a subordinate officer under 
General Scott in IMexico. After the [Mexican 
war he retired into civil life, but on President 
Lincoln's call for troops he at once volunteered for service. 

Two months after Grant's inauguration the first transconti- 
nental railroad was completed. This great enterprise, which had 
been six years in progress, was undertaken partly as a government 
work, in order to cement the distant Pacific coast to the rest of 
the Union. The line from the Missouri to San Francisco, nearly 
eighteen hundred miles in length, was built, by two companies, the 
Union Pacific working westward, the Central Pacific eastward. 
The two met near Salt Lake, Utah, where the last spike was 
driven on the loth of IMay, 1S69. 




PRESIDENT UL*SSE5 S. GRAM. 



* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. II, Chap. i6. 



830 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

To insure the civil status of tlie emancipated negroes, the 
fifteenth amendment to the Constitution was framed by Congress 
in February, 1869, and was ratified by the States during the fol- 
lowing twelve months. It provided that the suffrage should not be 
restricted "on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude." 

In May, 1S71, was signed tlie treaty of Washington, whereby 
the British government agreed to refer the claims arising from 
the Alabama affair to a tribunal of arbitration, whose settlement 
should be accepted as final. The tribunal was to consist of five 
members, named respectively by the President of the United 
States, the Queen of England, the President of Switzerland, the 
King of Italy, and the Emperor of Brazil. The court thus con- 
stituted met at Geneva in December, 187 1, and after sitting for 
nine months it decided that Great Britain should pay to the 
United States $15,500,000 in gold. That sum was thereupon paid 
by the British government. 

Another international cjuestion with England was settled by 
arbitration in 1872. The island of San Juan, lying between Van- 
couver's Island and the mainland, was claimed • both by Great 
Britain and by the United States. On being referred by mutual 
agreement to the Emperor of Germany, the dispute was decided 
in favor of the United States. 

In the summer of 1872 President Grant was renominated by 
the Republicans, with Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, as a can- 
didate for the Vice-Presidency. A small section of the part}^ dis- 
satisfied with Grant's administration, took the name of Liberal 
Republicans, and placed in nomination Horace Greelc}', the cele- 
brated founder of the New York Tribune, and Gratz Brown, of 
Missouri. The Democratic convention indorsed the Liberal can- 
didates, but at the election in November Grant and Wilson were 
successful by a considerable majority. 

Shortly before the election the city of Chicago was swept by 
a terrible conflagration, which destroved property valued at 
$200,000,000, and left 100,000 people homeless (October 4 to 6, 
1872). A little more than a year later there was a fire in Boston, 
second only to that of Chicago in its destructiveness. It burned 
over sixty acres of buildings, and caused a loss of $80,000,000, 
November 9 and 10, 1873. 




MASSACRE OF GENERAL CUSTER AND COMMAND ON THE LITTLE BIG HORN RIVER, JUNE 25, 187fi BY THE SIOUX 

INDIANS UNDER SITTINl^ eiill. ISee Ne.t Paue, 



'831I 



S32 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The commercial expansion that followed the civil war culmi- 
nated in a period of over-speculation, and this, in the fall of 1873, 
led to a disastrous financial panic. Business throughout the 
country was prostrated by widespread bankruptcy, and great in- 
dustrial distress resulted. Four years passed before the effects of 
the crash disappeared. 

Throughout Grant's second term there were more or less seri- 
ous Indian troubles in the West. In 1872, the Modocs, occupying 
a reservation in California, went on the warpath, and murdered 
General Canbv and Dr. Thomas, the government commissioners 
sent to confer with them. After a tedious campaign the rising 
was put down by United States troops, and the chief, Captain Jack, 
was hanged for the murder of the commissioners. The next out- 
break was among the Sioux, in the Black Hills, on the border of 
Dakota and Wyoming. Gold had been discovered in their reser- 
vation, and the government had not been able to keep out the 
rush of gold-seekers. The Sioux, indignant at the invasion, rose 
in rebellion, and on June 25, 1876, they surrounded a body of 261 
troopers, under General Custer, on the Little Big Horn River, and 
killed them. After this success Sitting Bull, the leader of the 
hostiles, fled into Canadian territory. 

On the loth of May, 1876, the Centennial Exposition in Fair- 
mount Park, Philadelphia, was opened by President Grant. For 
six years preparations had been in progress, the exhibition being 
designed to commemorate the centennial of American Independ- 
ence, and illustrate the Nation's progress during the first hundred 
years of existence. It was the largest display of the kind that 
had been held up to that time, the covered space being sixty acres, 
and the cost of the buildings more than $4,000,000. It remained 
open for four months, the number of visitors being over ten 
millions, and the receipts for admission nearly $4,000,000. There 
were more than thirty thousand exhibitors, and thirt37-three for- 
eign countries were represented. 

Colorado, the thirty-eighth State, was admitted to the Union 
on the 1st of August, 1876. 

In the Presidential conventions of that year, the Republicans 
nominated Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, and William A. Wheeler, 
of New York ; the Democrats, Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, 
and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. The contest was very 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



833 



close, and when Congress came to count the vote it was found 
that several States had sent conflicting certificates. To settle the 
dispute, which for a time caused great excitement, Congress ap- 
pointed an Electoral Commission of fifteen members — five Sena- 
tors, five Representatives, and five Judges of the Supreme Court. 
By a strict party vote, the Commission declared that Rutherford 
B. Haj'es was elected to the Presidency. 

The administration of President Hayes opened with the with- 
drawal from Louisiana and South Carolina of the Federal troops 
stationed there since the conclusion of the war, the President hav- 
ing declared in his inaugural address that the self-government of 
the Southern States should be completely re- 
stored. 

The greatest strikes ever known in America 
occurred in the summer of 1S77. The}' were 
caused by a general reduction in the wages of 
railroad employees, and began on the Baltimore 
and Ohio lines, whence they spread to the men 
on other railroad systems and to the coal miners 
of Penns3'lvania. There were serious riots at 
several points, and the running of trains was 
temporarily stopped throughout a great part of 
the countr3^ The rioters were finally overpowered 
by State and Federal troops, after the destruction 
of much property and the loss of manv lives. 

Two notable financial events took place 
during Mr. Hayes' Presidency. Congress having 
passed a bill to make the silver dollar a legal 
tender for all debts, unless otherwise stipulated bv contract, the 
President vetoed the measure, rebniary 28, 1S7S. On the same 
day it was passed over his veto bv a two-thirds mainritj' of both 
houses. 

Specie payments were resumed by the government, after seven- 
teen years' suspension, on the first da}- of 1S79. During the war 
it was forced to make pavments in currency, which became so 
much depreciated that in 1864 a dollar in gold was worth $2.85 in 
paper. The premium on gold became small at the end of the war, 
and was now entirely extinguished. 

The immigration of Chinese laborers to the Pacific coast had 




auTHEHFORD B. HA^ES 



834 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

become so serious a grievance to the American labor of that sec- 
tion, that a treaty was negotiated with the Pekin government, 
whereby restrictions were placed upon the importation of China- 
men to this country. The treaty, secured through the diplomacy 
of Mr. Burlingame, the American minister to China, was ratified 
by the Senate on the i6th of July, 1878. 

In that summer there was a destructive outbreak of yellow 
fever in the cities and villages along the lower Mississippi. The 
total number of deaths caused by the epidemic was nearly fourteen 
thousand, New Orleans and Memphis suffering most severely. Lib- 
eral money contributions and other assistances were received from 
all parts of the country and distributed by the Howard Association. 

The treaty of Washington, negotiated in 1871 for the settle- 
ment of the Alabama question, also provided for a Fishery Com- 
mission, to adjust the disputes that had arisen between the British 
and American governments with reference to the Canadian fisher- 
ies. The commission met at Halifax, Nova Scotia, and on the 23rd 
of November, 187S, decided that the United States should pay Great 
Britain $5,500,000 for infringements of the latter's rights. 

As the time approached for the selection of candidates for the 
Presidential election of 18S0, the Republicans were mainly divided 
between Ex-President Grant, who had just returned from a tour 
around the world, and Senator Blaine of Maine. The proposal to 
nominate Grant was in contravention of the tradition against third 
terms in the Presidency, and after his eight years in office " Grant 
himself had discountenanced the movement." * In the convention 
it was narrowly defeated by a combination of the opposition forces, 
which nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, and Chester A. Ar- 
thur, of New York. The Democratic candidates were General Win- 
field S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, and William H. English, of 
Indiana. The popular vote was very close, but the Republicans 
secured a majority of fifty-nine in the electoral college. 

General Gariield, who thus became the twentieth President of 
the United States, was born in Ohio in 1831, and brought up in 
very humble circumstances. He worked his way through college, 
served with distinction in the war, and was a member of Congress 
from 1863 up to the time of his election to the Presidency. His 
tenancy of that office was brief. Scarcely four months after his 

* Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. II., Chap. 29. 




INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT GARFIELD ON THE EAST PORTICO OF THE WHITE HOUSE, MARCH 4, 1881. 



47 



(83s) 



836 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 




inauguration lie was shot by a wortliless ctar- 
acter named Charles J. Guiteau, in the Balti- 
more and Ohio railroad station at Washing- 
ton, July 2, iSSi. He lingered for eleven weeks 
before his death, which occurred at Blberon, near 
Long Branch, New Jersey, on the 19th of Sep- 
tember. 

On the following day Vice-President Arthur 
took the oath of office. He had been a well- 
known lawyer and politician in New York, where 
he had served as Collector of the Port. His char- 
acter and abilities were but little known to the 
nation before his unexpected elevation to the 
chief magistracy. 

President Arthur's administration was an 
uneventful one. It was marked by a continued 
* """^'■i'- expansion of the country's material prosperity, 

and by some notable triumphs of the American inventive faculty. 
The telephone was perfected by Professor Alexander Graham Bell, 
of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 
and a similar instrument on a different principle 
was produced b}^ Thomas A. Edison, who also in- 
vented the phonograph. 

Ou the 24th of May, 1883, the great bridge 
spanning the Bast River, and conuecting the 
cities of New York and Brooklyn, was opened. 
The largest structure of its kind in the world, 
it was designed by John A. Roebling, and had 
been thirteen years in building, at a cost of fifteen 
million dollars. 

Two notable centenaries of Revolutionary 
events were celebrated during Arthur's Presi- 
dency. One was that of the surrender of Corn- 
wallis at Yorktown, which was attended by a 
great gathering of officials, soldiers, citizens and 
foreigners (October 19, 1881). The other celebra- 
tion was in New York, and commemorated the evacuation of the 
city by King George III.'s troops (Noveirber 26, 1883). A bronze 
statue of Washington was unveiled in Wall Street ou that occasioru 




CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



837 



The Revolutionary centennials also led to the completion of 
the great Washington Monument at the national capital, which, 
commenced fifty years before, had been allowed to languish for 
lack of funds. It was completed and dedicated on the 21st of 
February, 1885. 

To succeed President Arthur the Republicans placed in nom- 
ination, in the summer of 18S4, James G. Blaine, of Maine, who 
had been Secretary of State under Garfield, with John A. Logan, 
of Illinois, as their candidate for Vice-President. The Democrats 
nominated Grover Cleveland, of New York, and Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks, of Indiana, and for the first time since the election of 
Buchanan in 1856 they were successful at the 
polls. Mr. Cleveland's political rise had been re- 
markably rapid. Born at Caldwell, New Jersey, 
in 1837, he practiced law at Buff"alo until elected 
sheriff of Erie County. In 1881 he became 
mayor of Buffalo, and a year later was elected 
Governor of New York by a phenomenally large 
majority, which led to his nomination for the 
Presidency. 

President Cleveland's administration, like 
that of his predecessor, was a period of compara- 
tively uneventful prosperity. The Democrats 
had carried the country upon a platform which 
demanded the reform and reduction of the tariff 
upon imports. The chief legislative event of 
the administration was the effort of the Demo- 
crats in Congress to effect this reduction of o"""" Cleveland. 
duties by a measure known as the Mills bill, from the name of 
its chief author. Congressman Mills, of Texas. The bill was 
passed by the House of Representatives (July 21, 1SS8), but 
failed in the Senate, where there was a Republican majority. 

An attempt was made to bring to an end the still unsettled 
questions of the Canadian fisheries by a treaty with Great Britain, 
negotiated at Washington in February, 18SS. The treaty was, 
however, rejected by the Senate. A bill to effect the more complete 
exclusion of Chinese immigrants was passed in the same year. 

During Cleveland's Presidency two of the great Federal gener- 
als of the civil war passed away — Grant and Sheridan. Ex- 




83S 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



President Grant died at Mount McGregor, New York, after a long 
and painful struggle with a cancerous disease, July 23d, 1885. Gen- 
eral Sheridan, who was commander-in-chief of the United States 
Army, died at Nonquit, Massachusetts, August 5, 1888. Another 
death was that of Vice-President Hendricks, on the 25th of Novem- 
ber, 1SS5, which left the Vice-Presidential office vacant. 

In the summer of 1888 Mr. Cleveland was renominated by the 
Democrats, who named Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, for the Vice- 
Presidency. The Republican candidates were General Benjamin 
Harrison, of Indiana, and Levi P. Morton, of New York. An un- 
pleasant incident of the canvass was the disclosure, just before the 

election, of the fact that Lord Sackville, the 
British minister at Washington, had been en- 
trapped into an expression of partisanship. 
For this breach of diplomatic rules his recall 
was demanded (October 30, 1888). The 
election resulted in the victory of the Repub- 
lican candidates. 

Benjamin Harrison, the twenty-third 
President of the United States, was a grand- 
son of William Henry Harrison, the ninth 
President. Born at North Bend, Ohio, in 
1833, he distinguished himself as one of 
Sherman's officers in Georgia, became a suc- 
cessful lawyer in Indianapolis, and represent- 
ed Indiana in the United States Senate from 
1881 to 1SS7. 

The first year of President Harrison's 
administration was rendered remarkable by the admission to the 
Union of six new States — North and South Dakota, Montana and 
Washington (November, 1889), and Idaho and Wyoming (July, 
1890). The total area of these commonwealths was more than 
600,000 square miles — half as large again as that of the thirteen 
original colonies, and completing an unbroken line of States from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific. 

The tariff question again occupied the attention of Congress 
during 1890. The Republicans having a majority in both branches, 
a bill, known as the McKinley bill, was passed by the House of 
Representatives (May 21) and by the Senate (September 30), and 




BENJAMIN HARBISON. 



illiillip^^^^^^^^^ 



""mmi 



!ll!!!i!lif"l!lll 



1 

^1 ?" Y ' 






Q 




L.. 



.■Hi,, 



'8l9l 



840 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

signed by the President (October i), to increase the duties on a 
large number of manufactured articles, including especially tin 
plate, woolen goods, and articles of apparel. The duty on sugar 
was at the same time removed. The Fifty-first Congress was also 
notable for the strong resistance offered by the minority to the 
rulings of the Speaker, Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, who, his oppo- 
nents claimed, violated parliamentary law and traditions by count- 
ing a quorum from members who declined to vote. 

The State Department, to which President Harrison called 
Mr. Blaine as Secretary, has had three troublesome international 
questions to deal with during the past two years. One, the long 
standing question of the Behring Sea seal fisheries, the American 
and British governments have now agreed to refer to arbitrators, 
meanwhile continuing a viodits vivcndi that restricts poaching. 

A second arose from the lynching (March 14, 1S91) of eleven 
Italians, who had been thrown into jail at New Orleans on a charge 
of murdering a police official. As some of the victims were Italian 
citizens, the government of that country demanded reparation. 
The Federal authorities being, under the Constitution, unable to 
interfere in a matter that was within the sole jurisdiction of the 
State of Louisiana, the Italian minister was hastily withdrawn 
from Washington (March 31). The matter was recently settled by 
the voting of an imdemnity of $25,000 by Congress. 

The last and most serious complication was with Chili. A civil 
war broke out in that republic in January, 1891, between the dicta- 
tor Balmaceda, and the Congressional party, in which the latter 
was ultimately successful. The United States men-of-war, sent to 
the Chilian coast to protect American property, became very un- 
popular with the victorious party, on account of their supposed 
friendliness to Balmaceda, and because the Itata, a Congressional 
transport, had been pursued and captured on a charge of infringing 
the neutrality of the United States. This resentment culminated 
in the mobbing, on the streets of Valparaiso, of some seamen be- 
longing to the steamer Baltimore, of whom two were killed and sev- 
eral wounded. The government demanded an apology and repara- 
tion (October 26, 1891). Unsatisfactory and dilatory replies were 
received until on the 23rd of January, 1892, an ultimatum was pre- 
sented to the Chilian government, demanding that it should im- 
piediately apologize for the outrage and withdraw an insulting cir- 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 841 

cular that had been issued by Senor Matta, its foreign secretary. 
The apparent imminence of war created considerable excitement, 
but the Chilian government acceded to the ultimatum, and on Jan- 
uary 28 the President informed Congress that a satisfactory reply 
had been received, thus terminating the difficulty. 

The Presidential election of 1892 was approaching. The Re- 
publicans renominated Benjamin Harrison, naming Whitelaw Reid 
for the Vice-Presidency. The Democrats once more placed in nomi- 
nation Grover Cleveland, with Adlai Stevenson, of Illinois, for Vice- 
President. The Democratic ticket was successful, and Grover 
Cleveland has the unique distinction of having served two terms as 
Democratic President, with, however, one intervening term between 
the two. 

Among the principal events of President Cleveland's second 
term we must note the World's Fair at Chicago to celebrate the 
four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Col- 
umbus, the grounds being dedicated October 12, 1892, but the 
exposition proper occurring in 1893, Congress having liberally 
assisted in the movement and all the prominent nations of the world 
contributing, by erecting buildings and sending exhibits. The 
exposition was a very great success, and served to make known to 
the nations of the world the vast resources of our country. It also 
had a great educational value to Americans, since we could compare 
our products, our machines, our methods of doing business with 
those of other countries. 

In internal affairs, Mr. Cleveland's second administration opened 
in a season of financial distress and gloom. The panic of 1893 
will long live in history as one of the worst that the United States 
has ever experienced. 

In August, 1893, a special session of Congress was called to 
take some action in regard to financial matters. As a result, the 
Sherman Purchase Act of 1890, which was itself in the nature of 
a compromise between the free coinage of silver and its disuse, was 
repealed, and the United States took the position so long maintained 
by England, France and Germany, and refused to longer coin silver, 
except for subsidiary purposes. As the tariff was one of the 
issues in 1892, we are not surprised that as soon as the Democratic 
party found itself in power it proceeded to enact a new tariff 



842 HISTORY OP THE UNITED STAx^^o. 

measure. This was known as the Wilson Bill. It was introduced 
in December, 1S93, but it did not become a law until August 25, 
1894. 

In external afFairs, we have to notice the sudden and, for the 
time being, really alarming crisis between our country and Great 
Britain in the fall of 1S95, over the dispute between England and 
Venezuela as to the boundary between that country and the British 
possessions. As that involved the Monroe Doctrine, to the main- 
tenance of which our country is thoroughly committed, we were 
in imminent danger of war with Great Britain. Fortunately, 
the danger was realized, and Great Britain receded from her 
extreme claims. We have also to notice the breaking out of the 
Cuban insurrection in 1895, which was destined to involve our 
country in war. 

Owing to financial legislation, the great issue between the two 
parties in 1896 was the free and unlimited coinage of silver. The 
Democrats, choosing for their standard bearers W. J. Bryan, of 
Nebraska, and Arthur P. Sewall, of Maine, took their stand on a 
platform demanding such coinage. The Republicans put in nomi- 
nation William McKinley, of Ohio, and Garrett A. Hobart, of New 
Jersey, and affirmed that gold must be the sole standard of value. 
The campaign was waged with great earnestness along these lines, 
and resulted in the return of the Republican nominees. 

The events of President McKinley's administration were so 
important and far-reaching in their results, marking apparently 
the beginning of a new era in our history, and advanced the United 
States so materially in the estimation of the world at large, that 
we reserve them for a separate chapter. 



CHAPTER II. 



THE WAR BETWEEN THE UNtTED STATES AND SPAIN. 




HE victories of peace far outweigh those of 
war, though many of the forward move- 
ments of nations and races look back to 
some war as the time when they took 
form, attracted public attention, and from 
hich they are said to date. But causes pre- 
de effects, and every advance won in the life 
■ a nation has been preceded by a long train 
" events; as the century plant bursts into 
profusion of blossoms only after years of 
growth. In national affairs it is as if 
)pments went forward silently, slowl_y, 
but none the less surely under the sweet influence 
of peace until the fullness of time had arrived, 
and then the tension between the new, though unrecognized, state 
of affairs and the old official order of things became too strong to 
be endured, and the storm of war bursts, and the clash comes, and 
on the issues of the resulting conflict depends much of weal or 
woe to the people directl}' involved, and to mankind in general. 
The truth of this observation is apparent when we consider any of 
the great wars of the past. The Revoluti<m was but the outcome 
of a long train of causes. There was involved in it not simply 
the welfare of the nation then springing into existence, but the 
deeper question of Anglo-Saxon liberty. It is not too much to say 
that had the Colonies failed in their efforts, constitutional liberty, 
the rights of the people as against the divine rights of kings and 
privileged classes, the wretched inheritance of the past, under which 
man}^ people otherwise well advanced still labor, would have 
received a great check. 

It is well to bear these observations in mind when we reflect 
on the war between our country and Spain. What were the causes 



(843) 



844 



HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 



leading to it? What are the national traits of character that have 
rendered Spain's colonial policy a byword and a reproach among 
the nations of the earth, and finally justified the United States, 
in the eyes of the world at large, in interfering in the case of her 
colony lying at our Southern door; and what are to be the results 
of that war, not simply to Spain and our country, but to mankind 
in general ? To rightly answer these questions we must glance at 
the historj' of Spain, see what elements have mingled to form the 
Spanish people, what influences have molded Spanish character. 

All, of course, are familiar with the geographical position and 
outline of the Spanish Peninsula. It may not be so well-known 
that in area it is almost exactly two-thirds that of our State of 
Texas. Long before the certain light of histor}^ 
falls upon the Mediterranean Basin, the fame of 
Spain as a country rich in commerce had penetrated 
into Western Asia. The Tarshish of the Bible 
was probably a Spanish town. The Phoenicians, 
the daring merchant explorers of antiquity, sailed 
along its coasts, and established their trading 
depots that became centers of enlightenment to 
the Celt-iberian tribes that thronged the peninsula. 
When Carthage was the commercial metropolis of 
the ancient world, she sent her troops and her ships 
to more completely subjugate the country. Two 
centuries before the Star of Bethlehem shone, the 
larger part of what is now Spain was under her 
control. There the great Hannibal laid the secure 
foundation of his fame and departed thence to Rome and final 
defeat. 

Then came the Roman Conquest. For two centuries, the 
fighting and amalgamating process of Rome went forward. At the 
end of that extended period of time Spain was a Roman province. 
The Celt-iberians and Phoenicians were fused into one mass; all 
were alike subjects of Rome. The centuries of Roman possession 
are amongst the most prosperous and peaceful periods in the troubled 
history of Spain. Its population is estimated to have been nearly 
twice what it is at present. It was one of the richest provinces 
of that world-embracing empire. There were mines of precious 
metals in the mountains. The country was dotted with cities and 




WIUJAM MCKINLEY. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. S45 

towns. The wines, silk, and olives of the south, the flocks and 
herds of the center, the grains of the north contributed to the 
necessities, comforts and business of Rome. 

But the time finally came when Rome entered on its decline. 
Very early in the fifth century of our era there poured through the 
rocky passes of the Pyrenees a blighting host of barbarian invad 
ers. They were but partially civilized Teutonic tribes, known in 
history as the Vandals, Suevi, etc. Cut off from assistance from 
Rome, the inhabitants could offer no effectual resistance, and, almost 
unopposed, the invaders swept the country with the besom of 
destruction from the mountain barrier on the north to the Pillars 
of Hercules on the south. A few years later a still more mighty 
host of still more redoubtable warriors came through the self-same 
passes in the Pyrenees, and after some years of conquest, built 
up the Gothic kingdom of Spain, that for three centuries held 
sway in the peninsula. Thus was introduced another and most 
important ethnical element, the possession of which has given 
rise to the Spaniard of to-day, with his contradictory traits of 
character. Thus was introduced also one of the religious elements 
which has resulted in making Spain noted for religious bigotry. 
One of the most furious conflicts of early Christianity was the 
Arian controversy, and the Goths were all followers of Arius. 
It was some centuries before this heresy was rooted out, and in the 
meantime, the fires of persecution burned, and thus it came to pass 
that the Spaniards were early trained in the necessity of being 
orthodox. 

And now we turn to the introduction of still another people 
into the peninsula, the records of whose conquest and rule read 
like an extract from a work of fiction. This refers to the Moham- 
medan or Moorish conquest of Spain. After some years of longing 
waiting the Moorish hosts suddenly crossed the narrow strait 
of Gibraltar, and in a surprisingly short space of time overrun 
the larger portion of what is now Spain. Subsequently, the 
Gothic kings reclaimed the northern portion, but for eight long 
centuries the fairest part of the peninsula formed the Mohammedan 
Khalifat of Cordova. Many pages would be required to properly 
speak of this conquest. We can only remark that Arabian Spain 
was the most enlightened and liberal country in Europe. Beneath 
the banner of the prophet, a genial toleration was accorded to all 



S46 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

religions. Arts and sciences flourished. To this day the mournful 
ruins of the Alhambra delight the eye and inform the mind of 
the traveller. Their pieces of silver money called dirhems, found 
scattered all over Europe, attest the extensive sv^^eep of their com- 
merce. They were the patrons of literature, and, as early as the 
tenth century of our era, persons having a taste for learning and 
the pleasing amenities of life found their way into Spain. Such 
a people during the long centuries of their sojourn in Spain, left 
a lasting impression on the country. Though they were subse- 
quently expelled, yet the inevitable result of a long intermixture of 
races was achieved, and Moorish blood still flows in the veins of 
the inhabitants of Leon, Aragon, and especially Granada. 

We have now passed in review the principal ethnical elements 
which compose the Spanish nation. We must note they were drawn 
from widely separated parts of the earth. Each stock was master 
in the peninsula for some centuries of time. There was a long period 
of intermixture. Though the noble families of Spain may pride 
themselves on the purity of their descent, and while all Spain pre- 
sents a people possessing substantial unit}-, j-et different provinces 
show differences in type and speech, presenting the characteristics 
of the different stocks that met in conflict. These ethnical elements 
should have given rise to a powerful, enterprising and conquering 
people; and in fact, such was the characteristics of the Spanish 
people three and four centuries ago. 

The Moorish conquest occurred in the eighth century. The 
next eight centuries was a long drawn out contest between the 
Moors and descendants of the old Gothic power. Amongst the 
mountains of Northern Spain, the Goths retained a foothold, and 
from thence they waged a war of reconquest. Century by centur_y 
slow advance was made. But it was not a united people that 
contended against the Moors. There were several small kingdoms, 
such as Castile, Leon, Navarre, and Aragon. These petty states 
were at war with each other quite as often as with the Moors. 

The origin of some traits of Spanish character may now be 
discovered. During the long centuries of conflict, the Gothic 
Spaniards, deprived of the best portion of Spain, longed for the 
wealth and comforts abounding in the Moorish dommions. The 
easiest, the only way to secure possession of the same, was by 
means of the sword. And so all Spain became thoroughly imbued 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. S47 

with the idea that the way to wealth was to find some one who 
had wealth and take it from him by force. Consequently, as a 
recent writer observes: ' ' In every conquest and in every colony for 
centuries, this spirit of spoliation has l^een the dominant impulse 
of the Spanish race. They are unable to conceive of any advan- 
tage to be gained from territorial acquisition, except the riches 
that could be actually seized and carried away by the strong hand 
from a conquered or subject race. Spain has gone into every land 
on which she has set foot as her barons of olden times issued 
from their mountain fastnesses into the domain of the Saracen to 
ravage, plunder, and despoil. " 

Other results are discernible. While not very extensive in area, 
still the provinces of Spain are filled by people differing widely in 
ethnical character. The territory along the Pyrenees has ever 
been the home of the Basques, probably descendants of the Iber- 
ians. But the interests of the Basque provinces are not in all 
respects identical with those of the rest of Spain. They enjo}' 
certain privileges not given to other provinces. The eastern and 
southern provinces of Spain are settled with people — Spaniards all 
- — of a different temperament from that of the people of the center 
provinces. Hence what policy suits Madrid may be quite distaste- 
ful to Barcelona or Cadiz. This spirit seems to have permeated 
all classes in Spain; hence the difficulty of agreeing on a united 
policy. Any one acquainted with the history of Spain since the 
restoration of the Bourbons in 1814; the numerous plots and coun- 
terplots; spasmodic attempts at reform and constitutional govern- 
ment, to be promptl}^ followed by absolutism; riots in the cities; 
rebellion in the provinces; Carlists rising — -all keeping the country 
in a continual uproar — will admit that a partial explanation of this 
state of affairs is to be found in the diverse ethnical elements of 
the various provinces. The Carlist uprisings would be quite 
harmless were not the people of the Basque provinces firm believers 
in exploded ideas as to the legitimate rights of kings. 

It is necessary for the historian to glance at another result 
flowing from the long centuries of conflict with the Moors, since it 
tends to explain the peculiar influence religion has ever had in 
Spanish policy, which made the Inquisition such a hideous success, 
and which, as we see in the case of the Phillipines, is now bringing 
ruin to Spain. We must reflect that in contending with the Moor 



848 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the}^ were fighting not only an alien race, but an alien religion. 
For nearly eight centuries then it was " Christian against infidel, 
native against foreigner, European against Asiatic, inhabitant 
against invader. " It is not at all singular, then, that Catholic and 
Christian came to be, in popular thought, the same as countryman 
and patriot. For one not to be a firm believer in the national 
faith was the next thing to being a traitor. To doubt a man's 
orthodoxy was near to doubting his patriotism. To make men 
firm believers in the national faith was the first step to take in 
making them loyal subjects of Spain, and so the power given to the 
church in colonial affairs. 

Such a people as we have now described, in whose veins min- 
gled the blood of various races, brave, ambitious, able and filled 
with pride of ancestry, but who possessed at the same time wrong 
conceptions as to the rights of subject people, who held divergent 
views of policy, who were already fixed in the groves of religious 
intolerance, after being united in one people by the marriage of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, were given the control of the larger por- 
tion of the New World, with its interesting but helpless popula- 
tion. The story has been told of the conquest of Mexico and Peru. 
Spain suddenly leaped to the very pinnacle of power. Wealth 
poured in upon her. Under Charles V. and Phillip II., she was the 
most powerful nation in Europe. Outside of Spain, the sway of 
Phillip II. embraced large portions of Europe, all West India 
Islands, what is now Central America and Mexico, and the latter 
term included the larger part of what is now the United States, 
not to mention the Floridian Peninsula, and a large portion of 
South America, while, across the Pacific, the Phillipine Islands 
became a part of his extensive domain. 

And now we pause to ask why it was that a nation so circum- 
stanced, but lately united in one people whose sudden rise to wealth 
and power startled the world, whose flag was now floating over 
sixty degrees of latitude in the New World, into whose lap poured 
the gold and silver of America, and who had assumed a command- 
ing position in the Spice Islands, should now have fallen to a position 
one of the feeblest in Europe? The great mass of the people of 
Spain labor under the fond delusion that no decline has taken place, 
that they are still the most enlightened, progressive and powerful 
nation. But as a matter of fact, only three generations elapsed 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 849 

from the death of Phillip II. until Spain had fallen to an extremely 
low ebb. The poverty, ignorance and destitution, as portrayed 
by the pen of Buckel, were terrible. A slight change for the better 
occurred during the eighteenth century, but still Spain has remained 
in her fallen state, and no bright prospects of recovery are in store 
for her. 

Thoughtful writers generally attribute the sudden decline of 
Spain to three principal causes, and in order to understand the 
Spain of to-day we must glance at them. The first in order of 
importance is the Inquisition. We have no desire to paint the 
horrors of that system, no wish to reproach the church. Let us 
say they were honestly mistaken in a question of policy. We will 
point out the inevitable and disastrous consequences. Springing 
into life and vigor in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, for more 
than three centuries the Inquisition overspread Spain like a pall. 
Intellectual advance was most effectually prevented. There was 
no such a thing as free speech or free opinion. While the rest of 
Europe was wakening to new life during the Reformation, there 
was no such result in Spain. Ten short years sufficed to effectually 
throttle all efforts in that direction. Reflect that in Spain alone 
more than three hundred thousand individuals were condemned to 
suffer various penalties, more than thirt}^ thousand being burned 
alive. Condemned and tortured and put to death, impoverished 
and imprisoned, for what? For being traitors to their countr}'? 
For crimes and misdemeanors? Not at all, but for holding or being 
suspected of holding either personally or harboring in their family 
some member who held or was suspected of holding some opinion 
not agreeing in all points with those of the church. Neither age, 
sex nor condition was a palliative. Even graves were violated, 
that the bodies might be burned, and the property long since 
descended to the heirs might be confiscated to enrich the church 
and the king. 

The result of such a procedure was instant and far-reaching. 
The crassest ignorance speedily became the rule. It could not be 
otherwise where all inquiry was effectually stifled. We are told 
that late in the seventeenth century, the upper classes in Spain 
were unacquainted with science or literature, and scarcely knew 
anvthing of the commonest events which occurred outside of their 
own country. We read the statement of an observer in Madrid in 



S50 HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 

1679, that ' ' men even in the highest position never thought it neces- 
sary that their sons should study; and that those who were destined 
for the army could not learn mathematics, if they desired to do so, 
as there were neither schools nor masters to teach them." We 
observe that it was only by chance that a student after attending 
the University of Salamanca for some years discovered that there 
was such a branch of science as mathematics. This same Uni- 
versity in 1 77 1 refused to allow the discoveries of Newton to be 
taught because they were not as consonant with revealed religion 
as the system of Aristotle! 

The Spanish mind has never recovered from that terrible 
bliirht. We all know what ridiculously childish views all classes 
in Spain have expressed, as to the wealth and power of our country. 
Making all allowances for national egotism, what a strange exhibi- 
tion of ignorance she has given! To this day their minds are 
absorbed in distorted reflections on their past glory. They do not 
want to learn the true condition of affairs. As Buckel observes, 
" Spain sleeps on, untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiving no 
impression from the rest of the world, and making no impression 
upon it." She is to-day paying for the awful mistake she made 
some centuries ago, and we shall see that the results were not con- 
fined to Spain alone, but extended to her colonies as well. 

Spain inflicted a severe blow to her own prosperity by the short- 
sighted, cruel policy she pursued in respect to two elements of her 
population. The Jews from an early date evidenced a great 
partiality for Spain. Since the time of Hadrian, that country 
was full of their colonies. When the Goths became Catholics the 
Jews were made the subjects of a most cruel persecution. But 
during the long centuries of the Moorish conquest, Arabian Spain 
was one European country, where the Israelite was afforded pro- 
tection. It is not singular, then, that they not only accumulated 
wealth "but gradually rose to the highest civil dignities, and 
made great advances in the various departments of letters. " We 
read of their schools in Cordova, Toledo, Barcelona, and Granada, 
crowded with scholars, which contributed to make Spain the one 
country in Europe where learning made progress during the Dark 
Ages. The Jews were celebrated in mathematics, astronomy and 
medicine. But as the Moors lost their hold over the country, the 
Jews again felt the rigors of persecution. Without prolonging 



HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 85 1 

a drear}' recital, suffice to say tliat in the ver}^ 3'ear Columbus made 
bis memorable voyage, the Jews were expelled from Spain. Four 
months were given them to wind up their business affairs. They 
were not allowed to take gold or silver with them, but could take 
personal property or bills of exchange. Let us not dwell on the 
unnecessary cruelt}' of their expulsion. By this act Spain lost 
a population estimated from one hundred and sixty thousand to 
eight hundred thousand of her most industrious, cultured and 
learned citizens. The moral consequences could not but be dis- 
astrous. The people of Spain had seen a most heinous crime 
committed. An act of national robbery had been consummated. 
Amidst great suffering and wrong, a whole people had been driven 
into exile. Such acts as these inevitably react on the mind and 
conscience of a nation. The economic results were equallv deplor- 
able. " Do they call this Ferdinand a politic prince, who can thus 
impoverish his own kingdom and enrich ours!" was the surprised 
exclamation of a barbarian king to whom some of the poor exiles 
went for protection. 

And what shall we say to the expulsion of the Moriscoes or 
descendants of the Moors, in the opening 3'ears of the seventeenth 
century? It is not intended to dwell on the wrong, the cruelty, 
the bigotr}', which produced and accompanied this act, but consider 
the lamentable results on Spain herself. "About one million of 
the most industrious inhabitants of Spain were hunted out like wild 
beasts." The results were instant and lasting. Sa3's Buckel, 
" The best systems of husbandry then known were practiced by 
the Moriscoes, who toiled and irrigated with indefatigable labor. 
The cultivation of rice, cotton, and sugar, and the manufacture of 
silk and paper were almost confined to them. By their expulsion, 
all this was destroyed at a blow, and most of it was destroyed 

forever Arts and manufactures either degenerated or 

were entirely lost, and immense regions of arable land were left 
uncultivated. Some of the richest parts of Valencia and Granada 
were so neglected that means were wanting to feed even the scanty 
population which remained there. Whole districts were suddenly 
deserted, and down to the present day have never been repeopled. 
These solitudes gave refuge to smugglers and brigands, who suc- 
ceeded the industrious inhabitants formerly occupying them, and 
it is said that from the expulsion of the Moriscoes is to be dated 

48 



852 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the existence of those organized bands of robbers which after 
this period became the scourge of Spain, and which no subsequent 
government has been able entirely to extirpate." 

We will not speak further of the history of Spain, or the 
character of her people. We have now seen the diverse ethnical 
elements, the fusion of which has given us the Spain of to-day. 
It has been in no captious spirit that we have pointed out some of 
her traits of character. It helps us to understand the people with 
whom we suddenly found ourselves at war in the spring of 1898. 
It tends to make clear why Spain has made such wretched business 
in the management of colonies. She looks on them much as her 
Gothic rulers of a thousand years ago regarded the land of the 
Moors — lawful prey from whom she was to extort all she could. 
It explains the curious mixture of bigotry and cruelty observable 
in her treatment of the natives brought under her dominion. It 
partially explains why the Spanish people are so very proud of their 
history, wh)^ they are apparently unconscious that the rest of the 
world has advanced far beyond them, and why the masses of the 
people are in such depths of ignorance. But now leaving this 
part of our subject, let us consider her colonies, and why it was 
that our country felt justified in rescuing them from her grasp. 

The story of the conquest of Mexico and Peru has been told 
with a vast wealth of detail in the earlier pages of this book. It 
suffices to remark that in the short space of about fifty years from 
the time the Spanish admiral dropped anchor off San Salvador, the 
immense possessions of Charles V. and Phillip II. had. been won 
by the sword. Already the hapless natives, groaning in slavery, 
were on the road to conversion and extermination. The extensive 
territory in the New World had been divided into two vice-royal- 
ties. One, at Lima, was the seat of government for South America, 
the various sections now composing the troubled republics of that 
continent being under the government of captain-generals directly 
under the supervision of the viceroy at Lima. Subsequently in 
the eighteenth century this extensive territory was divided, and 
independent vice-royalties established at Bogota and Buenos Ayres. 
The viceroy of Mexico exercised supervision over the Phillipines. 

And now let us see how the elements, as we have traced them, 
that go to make up Spain began to play havoc with their extensive 
possessions. Spain, we have seen, is composed of diverse ethnical 



HISTORY OF THB UNITED STATES. 853 

elements. Colonies from different sections of Spain must display 
different characteristics. This accounts, in some measure, for the 
ceaseless wrangles displayed in the history of the South American 
Republics, and which were none the less active during the long 
period they were governed by viceroys, and prevented the proper 
growth of the country. Take for illustration Chili and Peru. 
The former is Biscayan, the latter Andalusian, in its origin; the 
one retains the hardihood of the north, the other the gayety and 
grace of the south of Spain. Nor do England and Italy differ 
more widely in their habits and springs of action than do these 
neighboring colonies from opposite sections of the mother country. 
But this diversity of characteristics was one of the least of 
evils. It could have been overcome had an enlightened policy pre- 
vailed as to government. But first as to the treatment of the 
natives. A people who clamored for the expulsion of a hundred 
thousand and more of their best citizens, attending that expulsion 
with unnecessary acts of cruelt}', and forbidding any assistance 
to the poor wretches in their forced migration; a people who could 
applaud the treachery of their sovereigns in condemning upwards 
of fifteen thousarid of the inhabitants of Malaga to slavery, could 
not be expected to show mercy to the aborigines of the New World. 
The relatively small amount of gold that the natives had gathered 
in the course of their history did not go far in .satisfying the wants 
of the conquestadores, let alone the urgent demands of Spain. To 
work the mines and the estates labor was needed, and accordingly the 
natives were simply enslaved, — divided up among the conquerors. 
Probably a more cruel form of slavery never existed. We are told 
that before twelve years had elapsed after the discovery of Cuba, 
several hundred thousands of its native inhabitants had perished, 
miserable victims to the grasping avarice of the white man. 
Markham tells us that in the vice-royalty of Peru in less than 
two centiiries nine-tenths of the Indians had been destroyed from 
the face of the earth, and the survivors were ground down by 
pitiless slavery and oppression. How did Spain regard this? 
With favor, because, in the first place, it brought tribute to Spain; 
and, in the second place, the aborigines were thus given the inestim- 
able privilege of learning the true faith! Las Casas, Bishop of 
Chiapas, the life-long friend of the Indians, went to Spain in his 
endeavor to succor them. He had an interview with the Bishop 



854 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

of Burgos, who had the chief mana<,remcnt of Indian affairs, and 
acquainted him with a few facts. Amon^rst other items of infor- 
mation he told him how seven thousand children had perished in 
three months. "Look you, what a droll fool!" interrupted the 
bishop. " What is that to me, and what is it to the king? " The 
men who did this were the "heroic ancestors " to whom General 
Blanco appealed in one of his bombastic proclamations. Truly; 
and in starving reconcentrados they showed themselves worthy 
descendants of this " heroic ancestry. " 

Let us see how Spain treated her American possessions, and 
we shall see how utterly impossible it was for colonies so situated 
to thrive. The colonies were the personal property of the king 
of Spain, being given directly to Ferdinand and Isabella by the 
famous bull of Alexander VI. To assist the king in the adminis- 
tration of his property, two councils were formed, one to stand 
for the king in political matters, the other to attend to economic 
affairs. Passing by the political government, with its vice-royal- 
ties, governor-generals, etc., as not calling for anything especial, 
let us see how it was in the internal affairs of the colonies. 

In the first place, trade and commerce was made a strict 
monopoly. It was prohibited between the several provinces, and 
not at all allowed with the outside world, except through Spain. 
The end in view was to derive all revenue possible for the govern- 
ment of Spain, quite regardless of the welfare of the colonies 
themselves. From only one port in Spain were ships allowed to set 
sail for the New World. Down to 1718, that port was Seville, after 
that Cadiz. The ships were not allowed to leave Spain at their 
pleasure, but twice a year a fleet was made up, and after a tedious 
round of red tape and the collection of all sorts of charges departed 
under convoy. The ships could not stop at any port they pleased, 
but all goods for Mexico went to Vera Cruz, all for South America 
to Porto Bello on the Isthmus, From this point goods were dis- 
tributed all over South America. To illustrate how the system 
worked. Buenos Ayres is a port with a fine harbor, yet for 
decades goods for that place went first to Porto Bello, thence 
down the coast to Lima and thence overland to their destination. 

There could be no trade between the colonies. Quicksilver 
is needed in mining. The mines in Almaden could not supply the 
demand for Mexico. Peru had plenty, so a little trade sprang 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 855 

up between Peru and Mexico for that commodity, to the benefit of 
both provinces. With her usual short-sightedness, Spain stopped 
this traffic and supplied Mexico with quick-silver from Germany- 
through Spain. Late in the seventeenth century, one of the most 
able viceroys of Peru carelessly allowed a slight trade with Mexico, 
and a few objects of Chinese manufacture came thence into Mexico. 
Immediately the Spanish merchants sounded the alarm. The vice- 
roy was summarily deposed from office. The obnoxious articles in 
question were destroyed. A similar spirit ruled in agriculture. As 
late as 1803, orders were received in Spanish America to root up 
all vines in certain provinces, because it was hurting the wine trade 
of Cadiz. At one time, the cultivation of tobacco, flax, hemp, 
saffron, and olives was prohibited. Migration to the colonies was 
surrounded with all sorts of difficulties. In short, in all sorts of 
ways the industrial freedom of the colonies was interfered with, 
and the result was disastrous both to Spain and to the colonies. 
What chance was there for colonial prosperity? Trade hampered 
in every way, prohibited between the colonies, prohibited with the 
outside world. Movements of the citizens to the colonies, from 
the colonies, within the colonies, prohibited without a special 
license. But in one direction, all was energy: raising tribute for 
Spain. n 

It is necessary to speak frankly about the interference of the 
church in the government of the colonies, since, from what we have 
learned of the state of the Spanish mind in regard to religion, 
and the practical results as shown in the Phillipines. It is a 
melancholy truth, abundantly attested by history, that it will not 
do to entrust religion, however pure it may be, with the political 
interests of a nation. Religious leaders, inspired with what they 
regard as the eternal interests of the people, loose sight of the 
blessings of temporal liberty. Spain has ever erred in this matter. 
In 1522, it was decreed that no one with the slightest suspicion of 
heresy should be allowed to set foot on Spain's American soil. 
Later, it was provided that the authorities should make vigorous 
search for any such so minded, and to "punish them severely." 
In 1569, the Inquisition, that most dangerous weapon against 
popular liberty, was set up. This meant the crushing of all 
freedom of thought. It were vain to think of advance in any 
direction, so long as it was in power. As a whole, the well-organ- 



< 



856 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

ized hierarchy of the church in all the colonies was independent of 
the civil authorities, and in some respects claimed to be superior to 
it. Time after time the whole civil administration was thrown 
into disorder by wranglings with ecclesiastical authorities. Many 
illustrations of this disastrous state of affairs could be given. 
Then again there was the same spirit of greed that is so exemplified 
in the Phillipines. When in 1 767 the Jesuits were expelled, they left 
such vast wealth in Lima, that a special department of government 
had to be provided to attend to it. 

It were utterly hopeless, judging from this brief sketch of 
Spanish policy, to expect the state of the colonists to be happy 
and prosperous. In 1736, the viceroy of Peru describes a most 
gloomy state of affairs. The Spanish population was mostly con- 
centrated in Lima. The noble and wealthy oppresssed the poor, 
and all classes oppressed the Indians. Only one industry seems to 
have been flourishing. In Lima alone there were thirty-six con- 
vents, each one, on an average, equal to four in Spain. In 1772, 
the governor of New Granada makes a most despondent report. 
The local officials everywhere were indifferent and careless as to 
their duty; the people were steeped in poverty. Trade was almost 
extinct; capital was lacking, and there were no opportunities for 
its investment. Ever}' one sought to subsist on the government by 
procuring some little office. Commerce with Spain only employed 
two ships a year. If it were onl}^ allowable to export tobacco, 
cocoa and precious woods, the colony could hope for prosperity. 

It is then no wonder that in the opening years of the present 
century, when the Napoleonic wars gave a chance to the colonies 
in the New World, they gained with comparative ease their inde- 
pendence. Neither is it any wonder considering their past history, 
their centuries of misrule, the state of general ignorance, the pride 
of race, that from that day to this they have constituted so many 
disorderly republics, and only now and in but few instances does a 
stable government, standing for liberty and progress, make its 
appearance. However, the future is before them. Some of our 
clearest thinkers hold that, having finally severed the last political 
tie with the mother country, the real influence of Spain, as shown 
in language and customs, and to be shown in commerce, will com- 
mence; in short, that Spanish life, crushed in the Old, will become 
a world power and influence in the New World. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 857 

Let US now turn our attention to Cuba, "La siempre fiel Isla 
de Cuba/" as the Spanish writers so fondly termed it before the 
war of 1S6S. We have all read the glowing description of the 
island left b_y Columbus. He supposed that at last he had found 
the shores of Cipango, the country of the Great Khan. These 
golden dreams were soon dissipated. However, this lovely island — 
with its fine climate, though situated in the tropics; its fertile soil; 
its forests of valuable woods, tropical birds, and flowers, and fruits; 
with its aboriginal population, mild and gentle in disposition, num- 
berino- well in the hundreds of thousands — formed a most attractive 
combination for the conquestadores. 

We have already quoted Las Casas' observation as to the fearful 
results of Spanish policy with the aborigines. Spanish writers 
labor to show that the enthusiast Las Casas was mistaken in his 
figures. However true that may be, Gomara, writing in 1553, 
asserts that the Indians had even then "entirely disappeared." 
The name of an important city near Havana, Matanzas, meaning 
"massacre," still commemorates the last great slaughter of the 
Indians. To take the place of the fast disappearing natives, 
negro slaves were imported as early as 1523, and thus the curse of 
negro slavery was fastened on Cuba. Little did the Spanish 
settlers dream that in enslaving the Africans they were forging the 
chains which three centuries later were to bind their own descend- 
ants in political slavery to Spain. 

The earliest settlements in Cuba were in the southeastern 
portion, attracted thence by the nearness to the Spanish colonists 
in Jamaica. Santiago was one of the earliest settlements, and 
was long the capital of Cuba, and has remained the capital of the 
eastern division of the island. In time Havana was settled, and 
owing to its location it became the port of call for the trading 
fleet to and from Vera Cruz, and so steadily rose in importance. 
From about the middle of the sixteenth century the captain-general 
resided in Havana, having a lieutenant in Santiago. For two 
centuries nothing of importance is to be noted in regard to Cuba. 
The same restrictive policy as to trade and commerce held sway, 
consequently population increased slowly. In 1660, it was not 
above 40,000, only a tithe of that on the island at the time of its 
discovery. During this extended period of time the Spanish West 
Indies, known as the Spanish Main, was the theater of operation 



858 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



for pirates, cut-throats and freebooters that often threatened the 
coast cities of Cuba. 

During our French and Indian war the English made an attack 
on Havana, in which, as we were all good British subjects then, 
troops from New York, Connecticut and New Jersey participated. 
The result was the surrender of Havana to the English. But in 
the treaty of Paris the city and with it the island were handed 
back to Spain. It is hard to understand how England came to 
depart from her usual course in giving up her conquest, but it was 
extremely fortunate for our country that she did so, for with Cuba 
in her possession, commanding as she would the Gulf of Mexico, 
there would have been no Louisiana Purchase, and our 
history would have been vastly different. With the 
restoration of Cuba to Spain began a new era in the 
history of the island. 

The restrictive policy of Spain with reference 
to the trade of her colonies began to break down 
late in the eighteenth century. In 1793, the 
coasts of Cuba were blockaded by the French, and 
the inhabitants were in great distress, to relieve 
which Spain passed a decree throwing open the 
ports to neutral vessels. The result was instantly 
felt, the United States at once opening up a 
flourishing trade, dispatching more than one hun- 
dred cargoes of grain and provisions. An improve- 
ment set in. The white population, which in two 
centuries had only grown to 90,000, received an acces- 
sion of 37,000 in a few years after the ports were opened. It was 
during the first quarter of the present century that Cuba gained 
the name of the ' ' ever faithful Island ' ' by remaining loyal to 
Spain while the colonies on the main land were throwing off the 
yoke. It happened from 1799 to 1S12, Cuba was blessed with an 
exceptionally good governor-general, the Marquis de Someruelos. 
Although they were not supposed to be retained in office more than 
five years, yet he held his position more than twice that period. 
The greatly increased trade facilities, the new era of prosperity, 
and the prudence and sagacity of Someruelos prevented any expres- 
sion of discontent in Cuba. 

In 1812, after Napoleon had overrun Spain, and had placed his 




MARIA CHRISTINA. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



8.59 



brother, Joseph, on the throne, only to have him retire in disgust, 
the Cortes at Cadiz adopted a Constitution for Spain, which held out 
a fascinating prospect for libertj^ to the colonies, — they were to 
have a share in the government and such extensive privileges that, 
if they had only been honestly extended, the island would have 
speedly attained a wonderful prosperity. But Ferdinand VII., 
great-grandfather of the present boy king, a man lacking almost 
every trait of character fitting him to rule, came to the throne in 
1814, and at once set the Constitution aside, and "at once took a 
plunge back as far towards the Dark Ages as was possible in a world 
that had just witnessed the French Revolution." The hopes of 
Cuba as well as those of the liberal element in Spain, were 
dashed to the ground, and once more the repressive 
system prevailed. 

In 1820 occurred a turn of the kaleidoscope 
in Spanish affairs. The golden stream from 
America had dwindled to nothing. The colonies 
on the main land were throwing off the yoke. 
Spain was powerless to prevent. Cuba, how- 
ever, remained loyal, though there w^as talk of 
armed intervention from Columbia and Mexico to 
force Cuba into a rebellion. Bolivar had his 
agents in Cuba to work up a revolution, which was 
prevented largely by the influence of the United 
States. The rising tide of dissatisfaction in Spain 
w-as so great that at length Ferdinand as a measure of 
safety decreed the adoption of the Constitution; and again 
Cuba began to dream of prosperity, and a share in the government. 
This time the arms of France, and the moral support of the Holy 
Alliance interfered in distracted Spain. Ferdinand again found 
himself in absolute power and again tore up the Constitution, and 
once again Cuba's dreams were blasted. To show how despotically 
Cuba was governed, we might remark that in view of the threat- 
ened uprising on account of the work of the agents of Bolivar, the 
captain-general was given in 1825 all the powers of a dictator. 
He was directly given all the powers of a commander of besieged 
cities. He could deport from the island without any further pro- 
cess of law " anv person, whatever be their rank, class or condi- 
tion, whose continuance therein " be deemed inadvisable. He could 




ALPHONSO Xlll. 



86o HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

"suspend the exercise of any order whatsoever, or any general 
provision made concerning any branch of the administration," at 
his personal pleasure. The captain-general retained from that day 
to this such powers, and freely exercised them. 

The weak and vacillating Ferdinand died in 1833, bequeath- 
ing to Spain the Carlist troubles, which have twice since that 
date plunged the country in civil war, and are once more causing 
the most ominous gathering of clouds in the political sky. To 
gain popular support, Christina, regent during the minority of 
Isabella II., decreed in 1836 the adoption of the Constitution. 
But now we are to see how the fair promises of Spain were to be 
broken. As we have seen, the captain-general had power to 
"suspend any ordinance whatsoever." September, 1836, a sailing 
vessel brought to Santiago de Cuba the intelligence that the Con- 
stitution had again been proclaimed in Spain. General Lorenzo, 
the military governor of Santiago, in the midst of great rejoicing, 
visions of a happy, prosperous future, proclaimed the Constitution 
in his province. He apparently did not know what a helpless 
official he was. The captain-general at Havana was Tacon. He 
knew exactly what he was expected to do. He promptly ' ' sus- 
pended " the operation of the Constitution in Cuba, and sent word 
to Santiago that "not the slightest change in the order of things 
should be made unless by his express and final order. ' ' Neverthe- 
less, an effort to obtain their rights was made, and three deputies 
from Santiago went to Spain and vainly endeavored to be heard. 
They were coldly shown the door, and the Cortes decided that the 
"provinces of America and Asia, these shall be ruled and adminis- 
tered by special laws appropriate to their respective situation and 
circumstances, and proper to cause their happiness." Ever since 
that fatal day affairs have gone from bad to worse in Cuba. 

As this was a crucial point in Cuban history, let us see Spain's 
probable line of reasoning. In area Cuba was about one-fourth 
that of Spain. It was a country richly endowed by nature. It 
occupied a most commanding position in the Gulf of Mexico. Its 
long coast line was dotted with numerous deep, spacious, land- 
locked harbors, in which the navies of the world could find anchor- 
age. It possessed a wonderfully fertile soil, vast forests of most 
valuable woods, and mines of copper, iron and other minerals. It 
had prospered under what little liberty it enjoyed. Spain evidently 




< p> 
to o 

Z> o 

O «5_ 

Q 13 

„ a 

O a 
a 

< n3 

— a 

^ s 



o 

I- 



a 
en 





tlO 


cc 


o 




u> 


> 


rt 


o 


<J 


<. 


<u 


tl. 


a. 


O 


A 


z 




o 


0) 






H 


o 


<■) 




3 

a: 


o 
a 


1- 


en 



J3 
tio 

g 



(861) 



862 



HISTORY OF THK UI^ITKD STATES. 



feared that should she relax her authority over the island thei 
colony would make such rapid strides in wealth and prosperity, ' 
and would so develop its unrivaled resources that it would speedily | 
surpass Spain herself in importance and power, and soon ceasing '^ 
to be content with half-way liberties, would demand and obtain 
independence. That they were correct in regard to the commerce of 
Cuba is shown by the fact that as early as 1847 the imports and exports 
of Cuba exceeded those of Spain by five million dollars. In view of 
her power, Spain reasoned that it was the better policy to hold, by 
force, her last possession of importance in the Western Hemisphere. 

So she fell back on that fatal line of policy, so congenial to 
Spanish taste, and regarded Cuba as a subject country, out of 
which she was to derive all the revenue possible, but the welfare , 
of the colony, the good of the people was not to be considered. ] 
Smarting under the loss of the gold and the silver from the main! 
land, Spain must contrive, as far as possible, to force Cuba alone J 
to make good the loss. The crown needed revenue. There werej 
generals, impoverished grandees, politicians, and favorites of a 
dissolute queen, that must be provided with lucrative offices, and 
so an armv of officials was saddled on the island, with an army of 
soldiers to enforce its demands. Taxes were multiplied beyond all 
reason. In all conceivable ways revenue was wrung from the "ever 
faithful Isle," and Cuba, which had formerly drawn money from 
Spain, became instead a sort of reserve treasury for that impov- 
erished countr}-. 

About fifty years ago this system had come to full bloom in 
Cuba. The captain-general was an irresponsible despot. It was 
said at that time that "individuals, for the slightest possible cause 
of offense — often indeed without any cause whatever — are [written 
in 1850] seized and banished from the island; or, what is still worse, 
are incarcerated in loaths<mie prisons. ' ' At the same time, speaking 
of the Cul)ans, "there is but one way of avoiding persecution, but 
one way of escape when j)ersecuted, but one way to obtain justice 
when seeking ordinary redress. It is by bribery. Gold will open 
prison doors, procure dispensation for falsely imputed crimes, obtain 
a tardy decree of long sought justice. " In 1S44, about §25,000,000 
yearly was being squeezed out of the inhabitants. It was shown 
that only ^ v(.j.y small per cent, of this vast amount was being 
applied to the legitimate purposes of taxation, and, continues our 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 863 

author, "when it is considered that for variety and extent, for 
amount and oppressiveness, they exceed any taxation imposed by 
any government in any country upon the earth; when the enormity 
of the whole subject matter is regarded in all its features, no one 
can repress a feeling of abhorrence at such acts of tyranny, and of 
wonder that they have been so long endured in silence." This 
was written in 1S50, so that Cuba suffered from these wrongs for 
nearly half a centurv more. 

What did the Cubans receive in exchange for all this revenue 
wrung from them? As for the officials: "In the whole island a 
most brutal spirit of despotism is strikingly prevalent in all officials 
of the government from the captain-general down to the most 
abject of his hirelings, not excepting the municipal and other local 
authorities." As for the Cubans themselves: "They are excluded 
from the army, the judiciary, the treasury and customs, and from 
all influential and lucrative positions — all good and enlightened 
patriots are forced into obscurit)' or persecuted or expatriated." 
As for other abuses: "The press under the most infamous and 
servile censorship is a weapon onh' wielded against their rights — 
a petition signed by more than two is condemned as a seditious 
act." The vast amount of taxes was being spent in paying large 
salaries to the army officials, not one of whom was a native Cuban, 
also, "To support an arnw of twenty thousand men to intimidate 
and oppress the peaceful inhabitants of Cuba, and likewise the 
entire nav}' of Spain, unnecessarily stationed in the ports of the 
island for the same purpose, in the paying of a vast number of 
officers residing either on the island or in Spain, and in remittances 
to the court." 

In spite of the enormous amount collected "it was only by 
subscription that the inhabitants can secure to themselves temples 
for their worship, or cemeteries for their dead, and for a baptism, 
or a burial, or to obtain any of the consolations of religion, it 
requires a large additional sum to be paid." Education was badly 
neglected. In 1S50, only one free child in sixt3'-three attended 
school. Out of a total school population of about one hundred 
thousand less than ten thousand were receiving an education, and 
by far the larger portion of them were educated at private expense. 
To illustrate, a populous district of over thirty thousand inhabi- • 
tants had one school of forty boys within its borders, a town of 



g64 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

ten thousand had one school of thirty boys. General O'Donnell, 
afterwards one of the numerous favorites of Isabella II., perhaps 
fearing that the children would imbibe liberal ideas, suppressed 
primary schools. Did the wealthier classes desire to send their 
children abroad for education? They were forbidden by law to do 

such a thing. 

One thing the Cubans could get, provided, of course, they had 
money to pay the fees. They could purchase a title. If they had 
from twenty to fifty thousand dollars to pay for the luxury they 
could become Count this or Marquis de la some other place. Many 
of the prosperous sugar planters availed themselves of this privi- 
lege, and so collectively the "nobility" were often called the 
"sugar noblemen." We can scarcely blame them for buying a 
title since it saved them from petty annoyances at the hands of 
officials. A nobleman could only be tried by a high tribunal, and 
could not be arrested for debt. 

In levying tribute the Spaniard's only care was to get all 
possible. In the matter of flour, for instance, wheat was not raised 
in Cuba, and Spain could not supply the demand. Under these cir- 
cumstances, being one of the necessities of life, we would naturally 
expect only a moderate duty to be placed on it. But in 1834, a 
duty of ten dollars a barrel was imposed. This almost destroyed 
the trade with the United States, annihilated the mercantile 
marine which the island had been creating, put an end to ship 
building which had been flourishing, caused distress in Cuba; but 
to offset all this, produced revenue for Spain. In short, the native 
Cubans were taxed every turn they made, on what they raised, on 
what they sold, on what they bought, on what they manufactured, 
exported or imported. Every religious consolation sought, — 
baptism, marriage, death, burial — all taxed. Their business move- 
ments interfered with in every way, education neglected, the press 
turned against them; and all that revenue might be gained for 
Spain, that an army of officials might be enriched, and that politi- 
cal chains might be bound more strongly around the "ever faithful 
Island," while the sons of Cuba were "persecuted, imprisoned, 
buried in dungeons, banished, sentenced to fortresses and con- 
demned to death for calumnies, for imaginary crimes of disloyalty, 
on no better foundation than flimsy suspicion or false denunciation 
by infamous spies." We have in the last pages presented a very 



HISTORY OF THE UA'ITED STATES. 865 

conservative picture of the conditions in Cuba for the fifty 3'ears 
preceding 1S9S. 

We must now consider the question of slavery in Cuba, which 
for many years, recognized as a great evil by the Cubans themselves, 
was forced on the island by an unscrupulous ring, to share in the 
ill-gotten gains of which the royal family itself participated. At 
first it was supposed that owing to the climate, slave labor was 
the only kind that could be emplo3'ed on the island, hence the 
deputies to the Cortes of iSi2and i82odefended the slave trade. In 
181 7, Spain joined with the other nations in declaring the slave trade 
illegal. This step was considered almost as a calamity in Cuba. 
But the danger lay in quite another direction. The profits that 
could be cleared in this infamous trade, the hush-money that could be 
extorted by officials, were far too great to be relinquished. Spain 
had no intention of giving up the trade, though in opposition to 
her treaty with England. It is stated that the ex-regent Christiana 
was at the head of a slave importing company. The captain- 
general received, as his share of the hush-money, from thirty to 
fifty dollars for each slave imported. We are told that in the 
first three months of the 3^ear 1850, captain-general Alcoy cleared 
about $200,000 in this way. 

But now the native Cubans, the Creoles, soon awoke to a very 
real and pressing danger. They were constantly oppressed with 
a fear of a repetition of the insurrectionary scenes of Hayti and 
San Domingo. The proportion of the colored population to the 
white was constantly increasing. In 1775 it was only forty-four 
per cent., but in 1844 it was more than sixty per cent., and at that 
date the slave trade was steadil}"" increasing. In that year it was 
pointed out in a warning way that ' ' insurrections have become 
frequent and have assumed a more alarming character. Instead 
of being prompted as they formerly were by the accidental severity 
of some overseer, they are now the result of a settled conviction 
in the slaves of their own rights and those of their race." In 
1841 the Royal Association for Improvement, the Chamber of 
Commerce and the Municipality of Havana, and the principal cor- 
porations of Cuba, memoralized Madrid against the trade. But all 
in vain. The importation of slaves continued. And now, observe 
the weapon Spain held over Cuba. As long as slavery continued, 
the Cuban population knew very well that in event they rose in 



866 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

rebellion the military authorities could by arming the blacks, let 
loose an insurrection that would shock the whole civilized world. 

Thus the Heraldo of Madrid in 1S53 asserts: "It is well for 
all to know, whether native or foreign, that the island of Cuba 
can only be Spanish or African. When the day comes when the 
Spaniards should be found to abandon her, they will do so by 
bequeathing their sway to the blacks." Thus is seen the truth of 
our assertion, that in enslaving the negroes the Spaniards enslaved 
their own descendants. We have now learned that the Spaniards 
carrying out their policy of forcing all revenue possible out of 
Cuba held the white population in political and economical slavery, 
not only laying on them burdens such as no other people had to 
endure, but held the fear of a successful insurrection on the part 
of the slaves should they (the whites) rise in rebellion, refusing at 
the same time to permit the emancipation of the slaves, and con- 
tinuing the slave trade with all its horrors, on account of the great 
profit to all concerned in it. While the slave trade was finally 
abolished, yet on the whole, matters went from bad to worse in 
unhappy Cuba, until finally we come to the ten years' war. 

It would have been passing strange had Cuba remained sub- 
missive and tranquil all the years preceding the outbreak of 1868. 
As a matter of fact, there were a number of conspiracies and small 
insurrections, some of which were on the part of the whites to 
break the political bondage, and some on the part of the slaves 
and free colored people to gain their freedom and rights. In 1823, 
there was a conspiracy known as the Soles de Bolivar, which had 
reference to the rising under Bolivar, but this did not amount to 
much. Another conspiracy in 1829, known as the Black Eagle, is 
attributable to emissaries sent from Mexico to work up the revolu- 
tion. In 1842-44 there was a very serious insurrection among the 
blacks. It is claimed that the British Consul, Mr. Turnbull, was 
one of the prime movers in the matter, in the secret hopes that in 
the terribl}' chaotic condition necessarily attending a successful 
slave revolt, England would seize the island. However that may 
have been, the insurrection is principally remembered for the sicken- 
ing scenes of cruelty with which the authorities suppressed it. It 
is something terrible to read the accounts. It made no difference 
whether an unfortunate suspect was innocent or guilty, he was 
tortured until he confessed something and then shot. The streets 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. S67 

of Matanzas (the scene of Indian butchery centuries before) at 
times actually ran with blood. Between three and four thousand 
negroes were thus put to death. 

The filibustering expeditions oi Lopez in 1S50-51 attracted 
much attention in this country. Lopez himself was a native of 
Venezuela. Entering the Spanish army he rose to the rank of 
major-general. Retiring to private life in Cuba he was detected 
in conspiracy against Spanish rule, and fled to the United States 
for safety. Finding many congenial spirits he was soon busy 
organizing expeditions to Cuba, where he was under the impression 
he would be joined by the Cubans in great numbers. The first 
expedition in 1850 captured and held Cardenas for a few hours, 
but they had to precipitately retreat, and barely escaped capture 
at the hands of a Spanish man-of-war. Amongst the four hundred 
and fifty men comprising this expedition were some well known in 
America. There were such men as Pickett, O'Hara and Gonzales. 
The next 3'ear, undeterred by his first failure, Lopez made a landing 
at Bahia Honda. His second in command was Colonel Crittenden, 
a graduate of West Point, and an officer of distinction in the Mexican 
War. Lopez had miscalculated the feelings of his countrymen. 
There was no rising. The expedition met with disaster. Lopez 
was himself garroted, Crittenden shot, and with the leaders per- 
ished about one hundred of their followers; another hundred endured 
imprisonment in Spain. 

The years of abuse had been leading up to, these suppressed 
insurrections had been prophetic of, a coming struggle which should 
test to the utmost the ability of Cuba, the power of Spain. In 
1868, Queen Isabella II. finally exhausted the patience of even 
Spain, and found it necessary for her comfort to seek refuge in 
France. Marshal Serrano and his liberal associates came in power, 
and a constitutional form of government was adopted. Looking 
backward, it is singular that Serrano, who had himself advocated 
emancipation of the slaves in Cuba, Sagasta and Duke, who were 
ready to risk all for constitutional government in Spain, should not 
have been ready to extend some of this liberty to Cuba. But they 
clung to the traditions of the past, aad determined to hold the 
island in the old way; this, in spite of appeals from distinguished 
citizens from Havana, in spite of most eloquent protests from 
Emilio Castelar, who vainly pointed to the condition of Canada, ' 

49 



868 



HISTORY OF THE UxMTED STATES. 



and ur<red that somewhat similar liberties should be granted their 
colonics. Lersundi, the captiiin-general who had but recently 
arrived on the island, and consequently had not acquired his 
fortune, but, judging from the frantic efforts made in that direc- 
tion, did not propose to be long alx)ut it, refused the respectful 
petition of the Havanese, and hastily organized the volunteer 
army to subdue the insurrection which had begun. 

All the preceding incipient insurrections and conspiracies 
which Spain had so easily crushed were but ebulitions of a deeper 
undercurrent, which was working unseen. Secret societies, akin 
to our Masonic lodges, were formed here and there, at Havana, 
Santiago and other places, preparing for a more concerted move- 
ment. The Spanish government, impressed with the necessity of 
doing something, and impelled to action by a petition of 
twenty thousand Cubans, called for a commission to 
meet in ]\Iadrid in 1865 to consider the state of the 
cdlonv. This commission accomplished nothing. 
The Cul)ans assert that it levied even harder 
terms of taxation. The commissioners returned 
to Cuba, and then it was that plans began to be 
laid for war. This action was hastened by 
knowledge of the coming revolution in Spain. 
The movement was rather precipitantly inaugu- 
rated by Cespedes, in the village of Yara, not 
far from Ba3'amo, in the province of Santiago, 
October 10, 1868. This was the betrinnine of the 
famous ten years' war. It is poetic justice that the 
])rovince where the l)anner of the Republic was first 
flung to the breeze, where most of the hostilities were 
confined, was the one which witnessed the signal success of the 
United States army thirty years later which liberated Cuba from 
the grasp of Spain. 

It is not our intention to give any detailed account of this 
war. It was after all only introductory to the war of 1895. '^^^ 
years between, while nominally those of peace, were filled with 
angry complaints and ominous mutterings of a people, chafing 
under the broken promises which had put an end to the first war. 
We want to point first to the organization of the volunteers in 
• Cuba; that force which has gained such an unenviable notoriety 




HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 869 

for ferocious cruelty, of which Lersuudi boasted, as he was leav- 
ing Cuba, that his successor would find difficulty in controlling, 
which speedily proved the truth of that boast liy shooting down 
innocent people in the Villanueva theater, in the Louvre and on the 
Public Square, which shot eight young medical students at Havana 
and caused thirty-two others to be condemned to the chain-gang 
for a trifling offense, and which compelled the retirement of the 
new governor -general Dulce. The volunteers were the Spanish 
inhabitants of the island, men who had come to Cuba to seek their 
fortunes, the army of blood-suckers, in short, whose ranks were 
recruited from Spain, as those who had won their fortunes returned 
to the Peninsula to enjo_y it. 

In them, the Spanish national character came promptly to the 
front and their spirit speedily animated the whole army. The war 
was marked by signal and repeated acts of cruelty. What shall we 
say to a decree " to shoot all insurgents captured with arms in their 
hands, "or to that later decree that all insurgent prisoners should 
be shot, all insurgents who surrendered sentenced to the chain- 
gang? What comment shall we make on the proclamation of 
Count Valmaceda, "Every man from the age of fifteen years 
upwards, found away from his hal)itation, who does not prove a 
justifiable motive therefor shall be shot. Every habitation unoccu- 
pied will be burned. Every ha1)itation from which does not float a 
white flag will be reduced to ashes"? From a Spanish paper pub- 
lished in New York, we read that it was the deliberate intention 
to exterminate the Cuban population if other means failed. We 
see in this the spirit which inflicted the reconcentrado horrors of 
the last war. 

For the present we pass by the Virgius affair, taking it up in 
order later on. The insurgents did the very best that they could 
with the limited means at their command, but they were not pre- 
pared. During this war, we hear of Gomez, Maceo, Garcia and 
others. A government was organized, and a Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was issued which set forth the grounds of complaint. 
This unequal contest waged for ten years. It is estimated that Spain 
lost upwards of two hundred thou.sand men, mainly by disease, and 
expended seven hundred million dollars. Whole provinces were 
desolated. A published record of Spanish barbarities show that 
2,672 political prisoners were executed, 4,672 insurgents were cap- 



870 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



tured whose fate was never known, 13,000 estates were confiscated. 
The war was finally terminated by the treaty or compact of El 
Zanjon entered into on behalf of Spain by General Martinez 
Campos, who had been sent by Spain to pacify the island. 

By the terms of this compact Spain was to make certain 
concessions, and reform certain abuses, and it is of importance 
to know whether these promises were kept, since on that point 
depends the question whether the last war was justifiable or not. 
Spain agreed to grant a general" amnesty for political offences 
dating from 1868 to 1878. The records show that this promise 
was only partially kept. Brigadier-general Vidal was assassinated 
by the direct order of the Spanish General Polavieja, 
o further admits that in 1880 he sent many Cubans 
'ithout trial to the African Island of Fernand Po. 
Spain calls attention to the fact that slavery was 
completely abolished, though the treaty of Zanjon 
only called for the liberty of those who had 
fought in the insurgent ranks. In reply, it is 
pointed out that slavery was killed in the war 
any way, and that Spain simply recognized the 
fact officially. Spain says that the Spanish 
Constitution of 1876 was extended to Cuba in 
18S1, since which time the island has been fully 
represented in the Cortes. In reply, it is said that 
means were found to divest this concession of all 
lue by manipulating the electoral law in such a 
manner, by making the right of suffrage depend on the 
payment of a poll-tax, that only three per cent, of the Cubans could 
vote. But at the same time means were found to make nearly every 
Spaniard a voter. The simple declaration of the head of a commer- 
cial house put every employee on the list of voters, so that miserable 
little firms were represented for voting purposes at the polls by 
thirty or forty partners. To illustrate the results, in the muni- 
cipal district of Guines, out of 12,500 Cubans, thirty-two had the 
right to vote, but out of 500 Spanirads 400 were voting. It was 
the same in other cases, consequently of the Cuban representation 
in the Cortes there were never more than six native Cubans, and 
generally only three. The rest of the members returned from Cuba 
were Spaniards temporarily residing in Cuba and notoriouslv the 




GENERAL GOMEZ. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



871 



tools of the Spanish official classes. In proof of this statement we 
refer to the fact that Sagasta made a sharp protest against the 
Cuban members of the Cortes of 1S97, since they were simply 
returned at the dictation of Generals Weyler and Canovas. 

It is evident a representation made up in this way was not a 
very valuable concession. But had they all been native Cubans, 
all anxious for reform measures, their efforts would have been quite 
fruitless, since all Spanish parties, no matter how sharp their con- 
tention in other directions, agreed thoroughly on one point: the 
situation in Cuba should not be changed. Whenever Cuban 
affairs were to be discussed, the members of the Cortes attended 
to other business. The delegates spoke to empty benches. We 
should also reflect that the Spanish Cortes, unlike the 
English Parliament or our Congress, possesses but 
little real power, and so Spain could not grant to 
the island what she did not enjoy herself, political 
liberty. / 

The electoral law rendered quite empty of ' 
value the system of municipal government which I 
was paraded with a flourish by Colonial Secre- 
tary Guilermo, viz., that the towns were to elect ' 
their municipal boards and have local self-govern- 
ment. How did it work? "In 1891, the Span- 
iards predominated in 31 ot:t of 37 town councils 
in the Province of Havana. In Guines, not a single 
Cuban was to be found among its town councillors. 
At the same epoch there were three Cuban deputies in the 
Provincial Deputation of Havana, two in that of IMatanzas 
and three in that of Santa Clara. Finally out of twenty governors 
of the province of Matanzas only two have been Cubans. One of 
these was a professional bureaucrat and the other was an army 
officer who had fought against his country. During the same 
period there has been only one native Cuban permitted to act as 
governor in the province of Havana, and he had spent almost his 
whole life in Spain. In the other provinces there has never been 
a governor who was born on the island. " Add to this the further 
fact that the governor-general had the power of appointing the 
president of the council and to suspend its sessions, and we see 
of how little real value was this reform. 




GENERAL GARCIA. 



872 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



As far as taxes were concerned the whole matter remained in 
its former deplorable condition. The native Cubans continued to 
be robbed right and left for the benefit of the same classes as in 
the days before the war. They could not help themselves, since 
all the machinery of government in spite of the reforms remained 
as it was. To show what great burdens were laid on Cuba, 
consider a few facts. The governor-general, besides being furn- 
ished a palace in Havana, a country house, servants, coaches, etc., 
drew a salary of $50,000 yearly. The director-general of the 
treasury drew a salary of $18,500. The Archbishop of Santiago 
and Bishop of Havana were paid Si 8, 000 each. Even govern- 
ment clerks of the third and fourth class were paid four and five 
tliousand dollars a year. In 1S95, out of a budget of 
3,000,000 all but three-quarters of a million went to 
)ay the interest on the debt and cost of government. 
T^ess than three per cent, was applied to purposes 
if benefit to Cuba, for remember that the vast 
;lebt of Cuba, amounting in 1S95 to nearly $300,- 
000,000, not a cent represented outlays for 
improvements on the island, it contained many 
terns that had nothing to do with Cuba, and, 
fmally, it included the debt incurred by Spain in 
subjugating Cuba in the ten years' war. 

To show how shamelessly Cuba was robbed 
many facts might be quoted. In 1892 Minister 
fjbJ^ Romero Robledo took one million dollars belonging 
to the Cuban treasury and loaned it to the Trans- Atlantic 
,.AL ,„,Lii, Company, of which he was treasurer. Threatened with 
prosecution, he replied that if prosecuted all his predecessors from 
every political party would have to sit beside him in the dock. In 
January, 1890, it was shown in the Cortes that $6,500,000 of Cuban 
funds had been stolen, though the safe was locked with three keys, 
each in the possession of a different official. In the same debate 
it was shown that during the ten years' war, $22,811,000 had 
been stolen from the Cuban treasury by false returns for supplies 
purchased. In March, 1890, General Pando asserted that S12,- 
000,000 had been stolen in Cuba by the issue of false warrants. 
In 1887 the frauds in the Havana Custom-house were so notorious 




HISTOUx uF THE UNITED STATES. S73 

that General Marin (who must have been an honest man) entered 
at the head of a military force and discharged everv employee. 
For all these offences not one person was ever punished. In 1891 
three hundred and fifty officials were indicted in Cuba for fraud, 
but not one was punished. 

It is not singular, considering all these facts, that the fact of 
Zanjon never gave satisfaction and consequently there were several 
abortive attempts to renew the war, and that many portents in the 
political sky foretold the oncoming of the last war, involving in its 
course the United States. General Maceo, at first, refused to recog- 
nize the treaty, and continued a guerilla war for eleven months. 
There was a small uprising in 1879. Generals Garcia and Jose 
Marti tried to start an insurrection in 1880. Generals Gomez and 
Maceo tried to fan the embers of discontent into flame in 1884. But 
Cuba was not ready. Besides, a very considerable body of Culians 
began to dream of autonomy under the rule of Spain. Jose Marti, 
one of the most gifted sons of Cuba, poet, author, statesman and 
leader, devoted the time from iSSo to 1895 in organizing and 
getting supplies for the conflict which he foresaw was coming. He 
organized Revolutionary societies, every member of which con- 
tributed the wages of one day each week to a fund which was used in 
buying guns and ammunition which were then smuggled into Cuba 
so that their forces would have something more than clubs and 
machetes to fight with when the time had come. It is not too much 
to say that the early successes of the late war were due to the 
preparatory work of Marti. 

In 1892 the autonomist party in Cuba issued a manifesto 
pointing out the numerous grounds of complaint, and venturing to 
express a fear that in time the country would resort to extreme 
measures. This manifesto attracted some attention in Spain and 
led to what Minister Taylor assures us was the only honest attempt 
ever made in Spain to give Cuba something like self-government. 
The then colonial minister drafted a reform bill along honest lines, 
but it never came to a vote. In 1894, the Agricultural Society of 
Cuba, the wealthiest corporation in the island, ventured to protest 
against the whole system of commercial laws, insisting that 
" economically, they aim at the destruction of public wealth, and, 
politically, they are the cause of inextinguishable discontent and 
contain the germs of grave dissensions." Then Spain made a 



874 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

play for effect. Cuba was at last to be given great concessions. 
Minister Abarzuza brought forward Maura's reform, law, but won- 
derfully changed under his gifted pen. This law unanimously 
passed both houses of Cortes with such suspicious promptness, that 
it occasions no surprise to learn that it was a characteristically 
Spanish reform, conceding absolutely nothing new. It would take 
too long to present its features, but in effect everything was still 
left in the control of the official classes and the governor-general. 

When we reflect on the broken promises with which the peace 
of Zanjon was purchased, that no real reform had been effected, 
that the terrible burdens of Cuba had been in no wise removed or 
lessened; when we consider the robbery of the whole island by the 
Spanish officials; when we call to mind the years of preparation 
and organization, the growing discontent of the people, the final 
disappointment when the heralded reforms of Abarzuza were made 
known, we need not wonder that the struggle was renewed. Those 
who inaugurated the movement did not realize that they were 
opening a nev;' chapiter in the history of the world. They dreamed 
of independence; they could not have foreseen that the Republic of 
the North was to bring them that boon; was to drive the Spanish 
flag from the Western Hemisphere, and was to loosen the power 
of Spain over distant islands across the broad Pacific. 

It is not necessary to give a detailed account of the war for its 
first three years or from its inception down to the spring of 1S98. 
The storm broke in February, 1S95, though the uprising was not 
at all serious before April, by which time Gomez and Maceo were 
in the field organizing their scantily equipped forces. Calleja, the 
governor-general, was hastily replaced by Marshal Campos, who 
was instrumental in bringing the former conte^ to a close. The 



movement of the Cubans for three years rnay be summed up as 
follows: Their forces were far too feeble to come to regular 
engagements with the Spanish forces. They had no commissary 
department, they were lacking in arms and ammunition, they could 
not capture or hold any important town, least of all any sea-port 
cities, since they had no navy. Their only hope was in wearing 
out the Spaniards, keeping them constantly guessing where they 
were, falling on small detachments here, capturing supply trains 
there, dynamiting railroads elsewhere, preventing Spain from 
realizing any revenue by destroying crops, and trusting to the 



HISTORY OF THE UMITED STATES. S75 

deadly climate to kill off the Spanish forces. It was a saying 
among the Cubans that fever was their best general. As for the 
results achieved: Generals Gomez, Garcia and Maceo did all that 
could be expected from the very limited means at their command, 
and it is not for Americans who recall the exploits of Marion, 
during our War for Independence, to criticise their actions. 

With the exception of the towns, and the western province of 
Cuba, Pinar Del Rio — save for the campaign of Maceo — they did 
about as they pleased. Marched where they wanted to, fought 
when they wanted to, destroyed such property as they deemed 
best, kept Havana itself in fear of attack, utterly wore out the 
Spanish forces that were vainly trying to pen them up, and were 
making rapid progress in bankrupting Spain. In the meantime 
their "best general" was actively engaged. The raw, unaccli- 
mated levies of Spain were poured into the island only to meet 
death in a combat with an unseen foe. The Americans know by 
experience at Santiago what hardship and exposure during the 
sickly season in Cuba signify. We can onl}' imagine the terrible 
results in the Spanish army. 

On the Spanish side of the war a darker chapter is to be read. 
The enfeebled nation clung to Cuba as though her very life depended 
on it. "The last dollar and the last man, " declared Canovas, was 
the only response to be made to those who challenged the sov- 
ereignty of Spain, and with remorseless vigor he proceeded to make 
that declaration good. He transported two hundred thousand 
men over three thousand miles of ocean; and Spain, with bankruptcy 
staring her in the face, poured out money like water. Much of this 
energy was misdirected. It is asserted that fifty thousand drilled 
troops, honestly officered, properly armed and equipped, including 
hospital stores, could have speedily crushed the rebellion. But, 
alas for Spain! her deadliest foes were not in the Cuban ranks. 
Don Carlos gave expression to a melancholy truth when he spoke 
of "generously voted millions diverted from the fulfillment of 
their patriotic purposes to the pockets of fraudulent contractors 
and dishonest state employees, and disorder, peculation, and men- 
dacity in every department of the public service." Unless all 
accounts we have are wrong, the entire military class in Cuba 
looked on this war as their harvest time. We have only to recall 
the thirty-four million dollars admitted in public debates in the 



876 



HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 



Cortes to have been stolen in the preceding war to understand the 
alacrity with which the military ring- proceeded to gather in the 
spoils. 

Officers got double pay for services in the Cuban war. In 
April, 1897, there were in Cuba forty-seven generals, and about 
eleven thousand field and company officers, all drawing double pay 
while the war continued. The generals were stationed in the 
larger towns and ruled their departments as if they were conquer- 
ing heroes. They supplied, for a money consideration, of course, 
the guards for sugar planters and private property generally. 
An American sugar planter demurred at paying the contribution 
of some three thousand dollars demanded for guarding his prop- 
erty. "You make a crop every year," rejoined the 
colonel. "We only get a chance once in ten years. 
This is our harvest. " This incident describes the 
general spirit. It was remarked during the war 
that the official reports of the number of sick 
and wounded were generally above the true num- 
ber, because that explained the large bills ren- 
dered for medicine and hospital supplies; but the 
number reported dead was way below the truth, 
because if the truth were told the men's names 
would come off the pay rolls and the officers 
'could no longer draw and pocket their pay, as 
they were doing. Most shameful stories could be' 
old of peculation on all sides. The war was their 
harvest time, and they were making the most of it. 
And what shall we say as to the Spanish method 
of conducting the war from a humane standpoint? It is 
one of the saddest chapters in history. We do not refer so much 
to the fact that no mercy was shown to the unfortunate prisoners 
taken in skirmishes, — it is well known they were promptly shot, — 
but to the treatment of non-combatants. It was the deliberate 
impression of the Spaniards in Cuba, that the only way to end the 
war was to exterminate the entire Cuban population. Mr. Bonsai, 
in his book on Cuba, quotes conversations he had with influential 
Spaniards on that point. In 1S96, a lieutenant-colonel of volun- 
teers, who passed for an honorable man, detailed to him and to Mr. 
Akers, correspondent of the London Times, the growing convic- 




GENERAL BLANCO. 



HISTORY OF THE U^'ITED STATES. 



877 



tion of the Spaniards that the omy way to save the island for Spain 
was "a sudden rising en masse of the Spaniards in the towns and 
cities and the murder of all Cubans, something in the style of St. 
Bartholomew. " But they explained that they had not yet gained 
the consent of the captain-general; however, they hoped to do that 
soon, and, in the meantime, they were preparing lists of Cubans. 
"We shall make very short work of them," he remarked, and 
coolly added, "To do our work properly and thoroughly, we will 
have to kill their wives and children. ' ' Mr. Akers assured Mr. Bon- 
sal that he had long known such a plan was under consideration. 

But since such an act as this would not only cover Spain with 
eternal infamy, but would arouse such a storm of indignation that 
their existence as a nation would be threatened, it could not be 
allowed in the manner wished. The same result might be attained 
in another way; and this leads us to the crowning act of infamy 
on the part of the Spanish officials, the reconcentrado system of 
General Weyler. When General Campos was informed that General 
Weyler was to succeed him, he is said to have remarked, "Why, 
even the dead will rise from their graves to protest." We learn 
from Minister Taylor that the sole reason Weyler was appointed 
was because of his brutal method of warfare. "If Spaniards them- 
selves can be believed, " he remarks, "no more ruthless soldier than 
Weyler ever rode at the head of Spanish battalions since the dark 
days when Alva with his bloody hand strove to crush the life out 
of the Low Countries." 

The plan that General Weyler proceeded to put in execution 
was nothing more nor less than the extermination of the non-com- 
batants by starvation. In the fall of 1896 orders were issued to 
the military commanders of the four western provinces of Cuba to 
gather the non-combatants into certain specified stations of con- 
centration. Eight days were given the Pacificos in which to com- 
ply, after which the soldiers burned their houses, confiscated their 
horses and cattle, and took all that was worth taking. The 
trembling droves of old men, women and children were driven to 
the stations assigned them, generally situated in low-lying, swampy 
and malarial places. We must understand that no provision was 
made for their comfort; they had no supplies of any kind. By 
December, 1896, 400,000 had thus been concentrated in a series of 
starvation camps. No one, not even the most callous, can read 



878 HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES. 

• 

the accounts of the awful scenes of misery that then ensued, un- 
moved. We shall make no attempt to recount them, but let each 
reader imagine the scene. Four hundred thousand people were 
beino- starved to death! In the year 1897, three hundred thousand 
are supposed to have died. These were not men taken m the 
act of rebellion, but old men unable to fight, innocent children, 
helpless women. It will be observed that this process, while it 
did not attract so much attention, bid fair to be quite as effective, 
and far more replete with long drawn out suffering, as the mas- 
sacre plan advocated by the volunteers, yet Canovas declared that 
' ' Weyler perfectly represented the policy of the home govern- 
ment." After the death of Canovas, Weyler was recalled, but 
Blanco made no change in policy. 

In the beginning of 189S, the situation in Cuba was deplorable 
in the extreme. An astonishing number of small forts had been 
built by the Spaniards all over Cuba. Every little village was 
provided with several. They were literally strung along the rail- 
roads, and two great lines of them stretched across the country, 
constituting the trochas. .It Is stated that it required about 150,- 
000 soldiers to garrison these multitudinous forts. The rest of 
the Spanish army was aimlessly marched about from one fortified 
place to another; on rare occasions they had little brushes with the 
insurgents, but in general they busied themselves in murdering what 
few pacificos they met and destroyed what little propert}- they 
came across, that had in some unaccountable way thus far escaped. 

The non-combatants gathered in starvation camps were being 
rapidly exterminated. The bands of insurgents pursued their usual 
course. The entire country was fast becoming a desert waste. 
Agricultural interests were ruined. Trade and commerce, except 
for necessities, were at a standstill. The terrible exertions Spain 
had put forth were fast telling on her. But on the other hand, the 
insurgents seemed to have about done their work. It is quite prob- 
able with the d3'-ing groan of the last reconcentrado it would have 
been found that for the time being the fire of war had burned 
itself out, and ruined Spain would have remained in possession 
of the ruined island; but then suddenlv there was an explosion in 
Havana harbor, which not onlv wrecked the battle ship Maine, but 
blew the Spanish flag from the Western Hemisphere. 

It is necessary to inquire as to the interests of America in 




< 



O 

o 



z 
o 



(878) 



88o HISTORY OF THE UiSIITED STATES. 

Cuba. John Quincj Adams, when Secretary of State in 1 82 3, had 
occasion to express himself as follows: "Its commanding position 
with reference to the Gulf of Mexico and the West India Seas; its 
situation midway between our Southern Coast and the Island of 
St. Domingo; its safe and capacious harbor of Havana, fronting 
a long line of our shores, destitute of the same advantage; the 
nature of its production and of its wants, furnishing the supplies and 
needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable and mutually 
beneficial, give it an importance in the sum of our national interests 
with which that of no other foreign territory can be compared, 
and little inferior to that which binds the different members of 
this Union together. Such indeed are, between the interest of that 
island and this country, the geographical, commercial, moral and 
political relations formed, gathering in the process of time, and 
even now verging to maturity, that, in looking forward to the 
probable course of events for the short period of half a century, 
it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation 
of Cuba to our Federal Republic will be indispensable to the 
continuance and integrity of the Union itself. ' ' 

This expresses what had been the almost general feeling in 
the United States ever since Spain began to have trouble with her 
American possession. AVe had, however, been willing that Spain 
should retain her sovereignty over Cuba, but had warned her and 
Europe generally that we would not consent to her resigning the 
island to any other European power. Still it seems to have been 
generally expected in Europe that sooner or later we would attempt 
to acquire Cuba. The political writers of fifty and sixty years 
ago were quite sure that Cuba would be a bone of contention. 
English writers, in the old days before we learned each other's 
good points, never tired of asserting that we had avaricious designs 
on Cuba. A celebrated pamphlet in 1819 warned Great Britain 
of the danger to their commerce should the United States be 
allowed to acquire Florida and Cuba. The remedy urged was for 
Great Britain to seize the island herself! In 1852, France and 
England desired the United States to join with them in guaran- 
teeing the possession of Cuba to Spain. In reply, they were told 
that while this country did not court the acquisition of Cuba, still 
we could not for one moment admit that their interests in Cuba 
were identical with ours. 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 88 1 

In slave-holding days there were constant discussions as to 
the desirability of getting control of Cuba by purchase or other- 
wise. President Polk offered Spain one hundred million dollars 
for Cuba, only to have his offer promptly declined. The simple 
fact is, a party in the United States desired the acquisition of Cuba 
since it would increase the importance of the slave-holding states. 
It was this influence which furthered the filibustering expeditions 
of Lopez. So important for their purposes was deemed the 
acquisition of Cuba, that, in 1854, President Pierce directed our 
Ministers at Madrid, London and Paris to deliberate together over 
the matter. The result was the Ostend Manifesto, in which they 
advised the purchase of Cvil>a, accompanving our offer with the 
distinct threat that if it were not accepted we should take other 
measures. They declared that, ' ' the Union can never enjoy repose, 
nor possess reliable securit}^ as long as Cuba is not embraced within 
its boundaries." This manifesto excited as much disturbance 
within the United States as anywhere else. Slaver}-, however, 
was soon eliminated as a factor in the case, and we hear nothing 
particularly about Cuba until the ten years' war. 

In 1S73 occurred the Virginius affair, which came very near 
involving the United States and Spain. The facts are, the Vir- 
ginius, on a filibustering expedition, was captured by the Spanish, 
taken into Santiago de Cuba, and in accordance with Spain's usual 
bloodthirsty methods, the captain and crew were promptly con- 
demned to be shot. In accordance with this, the captain and 
fiftv-two men were executed. Ninetv-three more were imder sen- 
tence of death, when the British war ship, Niobe, summoned from 
Jamaica by the British Consul, steamed at full speed into the har- 
bor, and threatened to bombard the citv if the massacre were 
allowed to continue. War seemed inevital)le, but the Virginius 
was on an unlawful expedition, diplomacy got to work, the vessel 
and surviving crew were surrendered, a small indemnity was 
allowed; and, in the cemeterj^ of Santiago, these fifty-three mur- 
dered Americans rested for twenty-five years, and then American 
cannons, raining shot and shell into Santiago, thundered the long 
delayed military salute over their graves, and the prophecy of the 
British Consul came true, "Some day Spain will bitterly regret 
what she is doing." 

Near the close of the ten years' war, there was further talk 



882 HISTORV OF THE UiMlTED STATES. 

about buying Cuba, or at any rate guaranteeing the debt of the 
island if Spain would grant her independence; but language of a 
more ominous import for the further rule of Spain began to be 
heard: the word " intervention " was used. Owing to the nature of 
events, our location, our resources, the character of our population, 
it was evident to European statesmen, from the very moment we 
achieved independence, that we were to assume a position of supreme 
influence in the affairs of the New World. The Old World nations 
have long put forth a doctrine known as the Balance of Power, by 
which is recognized the right to interfere on the part of all nations, 
in affairs directly, and for the time being, concerning only two, to 
the end that the rights of all may be safeguarded. Thus, to 
illustrate, the Berlin Congress at the close of the Russo-Turkish 
war, when other powers interfered in the settlement of difficulties 
directly concerning Russia and Turkey. They were justified in 
so doing since, if Russia could have worked her will and pleasure 
on Turkey, she might have placed herself in position to do injury 
to the rights of others. Similarly, at the close of the war between 
Japan and China, and, more recently, between Turkey and Greece. 
The United States analogue of the European Balance of Power is 
the Monroe Doctrine, in which we, as flowing from our peculiar 
position and influence, took upon ourselves the formidable burden 
of safeguarding the rights and liberties of the turbulent republics 
of the New World, for, in so doing, we conserved our own rights, 
bearing in mind the European international maxim, "Look well to 
the independence of your neighbors, even the most remote, if you 
wish to preserve your own. " 

Thus the Monroe Doctrine is the evolution of the Balance of 
Power theory of Europe, made necessary by the peculiar state of 
affairs in the New World, promulgated by President Monroe. 
This doctrine was respected by Prance and the Holy Alliance of 
Russia, Austria and Prussia in 1S23, when we warned them not to 
interfere in the case of the revolted provinces of Spain. It was 
this doctrine which • rudely dissipated the dreams of the Third 
Napoleon of a Latin Empire in Mexico. To this doctrine President 
Cleveland resorted in the Venezuela boundary dispute with Great 
Britain. It was this doctrine finally which forbade Spain to dispose 
of Cuba to any other power, and equallv forbade any other power 
to interfere between Cuba and Spain. But this commanding atti- 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 883 

tude on our part devolved on us a corresponding duty. In forbid- 
din^^r others to interfere we must hold ourselves ready to perform 
that duty, should occasion arise. President Cleveland recognized 
this in the following language: "When the inability of Spain to 
deal successfully with the insurrection has become manifest, and 
it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba for all 
purposes of its rightful existence; and when a hopeless struggle 
for its re-establishment has degenerated into a strife which means 
nothing: more than the useless sacrifice of human life and the utter 
destruction of the very subject matter of the conflict, a situation 
will be presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of 
Spain will be superseded by higher obligations which we can hardly 
hesitate to recognize and discharge." 

In 1827, Great Britain, France and Russia interfered between 
Turkey and Greece. The preamble to the agreement of the three 
powers only needs a change of name to fit the case of this country 
and Spain in the spring of 1898. "Penetrated with the necessity 
of putting an end to the sanguinary contest which by delivering 
up the Greek Provinces and the isles of the Archipelago produces 
daily fresh impediment to the commerce of the European States 
and gives occasion to piracies which not only expose the subjects 
of the high contracting powers to considerable losses but besides 
renders necessary burdensome measures of protection and repres- 
sion. " In view of these facts the powers intervened. 

It was evident to the most casual observer, at the dawning of 
1898, that all the portents in the political sky were most ominous. 
In Cuba, Spain's long years of misrule were drawing to a fright- 
ful close. A nation was being starved to death. Cuba was being 
converted into an island of ruins. The vast commercial interests of 
the United States in Cuba were prostrated. The future of Cuba 
seemed nowhere lit up with hope, the ruin of Spain politically and 
financially seemed certain. The " inabilit}^ of Spain to deal suc- 
cessfully with the insurrection " seemed demonstrated. It seemed 
clear that "her sovereignty was extinct for all purposes of its 
rightful existence." It was abundantly manifest that the strife 
had degenerated into a "useless sacrifice of human life." The 
"utter destruction of the very subject matter of the conflict" 
(Cuba) was imminent. A situation had arisen in which our obli- 
gations to Spain were superseded by "higher obligations, " and we 

50 



884 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



could no longer "hesitate to recognize and discharge them." As 
President McKinlej informed the assembled ambassadors of 
Europe, "the situation had become insufferable." 

With all signs jjointing to the coming trouble with Spain, 
few believed we were to have war until it was actually upon us. 
President Cleveland, in his annual message of 1896, announced that 
"it could not be expected that the hitherto expectant attitude of 
the United States would be indefinitely maintained," but on the 
contrary ' ' a time may arrive when a correct policy and care for our 
interests as well as regard for the interests of other nations " would 
compel our government to action. President McKinley attempted 
to carry out the same lines of policy. Canovas, the prime 
minister of Spain, a most able man, but typically a 
Spaniard in ideas of government, who had upheld 
Weyler, was assassinated in August, 1897, and 
after a brief ad interim ministry, Sagasta came 
into power. He recalled We3der and appointed 
General Blanco. The hope was sj^eedily expressed 
that arrangements would be made to relieve much 
of the misery in Cuba, possibly to pacify the 
island. This hope was heightened when, later 
in the fall, a scheme of autonomy was announced 
for Cuba, to take effect with the new year. Then 
it became evident that the " Manana " policy of 
Spain had ruined the island. She had waited too long. 
The insurgents, distrustful of Spanish promises, 
and believing they would soon achieve independence, did 
not care for the late-extended offer of autonomy. A large party 
in Spain, and the whole Spanish party in Cuba, were bitterly 
opposed to the concessions. As General Weyler styled it, it "was 
a cowardly concession to Yankee demands." A stronger objec- 
tion was that, if effective, it would largely put an end to the 
robbery in Cuba on which the whole official class thrived. In the 
United States, public opinion as expressed in Congress regarded 
this offer as an evasion of the real issue on the part of Spain. 
Influential leaders in Congress were constantly agitating for some 
form of intervention; and only with difficultv could the administra- 
tive prevent such action by Congress as would make the trial of 
autonomy impossible. 




GENERAL FJTZHUGM LEE. 



fe 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. S85 

The year 1S9S opened in Cuba with autonomy nominally put 
in effect, though not recognized by the insurgents, and to the 
growing discontent of the volunteers, whose capacity for mischief, 
as we have seen, was ver}' great. In January, this discontent led 
to rioting in Havana. Partly occasioned b)^ these riots, and partly 
under the impression that the presence of a war ship in the harbor 
might cool the fever of the volunteers, and since it could not be 
regarded as a hostile act, the United States battle ship Maine was 
ordered to visit Havana, and on the morning of January 25, 
dropped anchor in the harbor, amidst the booming of salutes, 
accompanied by official visits and all outward marks of respect. It 
was noticed, however, that the Spanish element in Havana 
was "sullen." Yet, as time passed, it seemed as 
good effects were flowing from the visit. Havana 
was quiet. Early in February, the cruiser Mont- 
gomery visited Matanzas. February 9th came 
the De Lome incident. The Spanish Minister, De 
Lome, in a private letter, took occasion to slur 
President McKinley, and seemed to impl}- in 
his letter that Spain was not acting in good faith. 
Unfortunately for De Lome, this letter was stolen 
from the mail and published. This unsettled 
everything for a while, and rendered necessar}- the 
resignation of De Lome. 

Considering the difficulties confronting Sagastj 
in Spain, the proud, sensitive spirit of the Spanish people 
the impatience of Congress, the sufferings in Cuba, the 
officially pronounced statement that if war was not ended soon 
the United States must interfere, it is not singular that the rela- 
tions between the two countries were rapidly coming to be, as 
diplomatically expressed, strained. Then like a bolt from the clear 
sky came the destruction of the Maine. Shortly after nine o'clock 
the evening of February 15th, when all was quiet in the harbor, 
there was a terrible explosion which shook the entire city, and sent 
the fire engines scurrying in various directions; however, the glare 
of fire vsoon dispelled all doubts; the Maine had been destroyed, more 
than two hundred and fifty marines had lost their lives. This 
disaster shocked the whole world. Messages of sympathy poured 
in on the nation. The effect on the United States was marked. 




886 



HISTORY OF THE UMITED STATES. 




Intense excitement for the moment and then a most ominous calm- 
ness. The whole countn' accepted the advice of Captain Sigsbee, 
of the Maine. It was a time to know and not to think; we wanted 
facts. The six weeks following the explosion were amongst the 
most memorable in our history. A Board of Inquiry was at once 
appointed, at the head of which was Captain Sampson, afterwards 
acting rear-admiral. The spectacle was to be seen of two nations, 
each officially proclaiming that peace would continue, that nothing 
had happened to vshake their friendship, openly making prepara- 
tions for war. 

Instant preparations were begun by the United States. It 
was noticed that our navv was gathering at one 
place. Our ships wei"e coming home from Europe, 
from South America, across the continent, the 
Oreg^on suddenly started south at full speed, while 
at Hong Kong our Pacific Squadron was gathering. 
Powder mills and ordnance factories commenced 
running nights, army officers found their vacations 
cut short, navy yards were crowded with work- 
men not only days and nights but Sunday as well. 
After the explosion, scarcely two weeks elapsed 
before our country, and Europe as well, was elec- 
trified 1)}' the unanimous passage through both 
houses of Congress of a bill placing in President 
McKinle_v's hands, to dispose of as he saw fit, 
$50,000,000 for defense. Messengers were dis- 
patched to Europe to purchase naval vessels if 
any could be found, and two were thus secured from Brazil. Guns 
and war material of all kinds were secured, and this countr}' was 
a scene of feverish activity. Harbors were mined; coast defenses 
strengthened. While the Board of Inquiry was leisurely taking 
testimony, having drawings made, and journeying back and forth 
from Havana to Key West, coal and ammunition were being hurried 
southward. Our war ships, which formerly had scarcely enough 
powder for saluting purposes, saw their magazines hurriedly filled. 
Across the continent went a freight train at express speed convey- 
ing ammunition to San Francisco to be sent across the Pacific to 
our Asiatic Squadron. Each passing hour saw our country better 
prepared. 



CAPTAIN SIGSBEE. 



HISTORY OF THE U^JITED STATES. 



S87 



Weeks passed, and still no report from the Board, to the sur- 
prise of many who did not understand the condition confronting 
the country. President McKinley needed time, not only to prepare 
the country for war, but, if possible, to preserve the peace. The 
problem confronting the administration was a complex one. It was 
recognized that decisive action on the part of Congress could not 
be long delayed, and yet unless the explosion could be brought 
home to Spain, it, in itself, was no cause for war. The condition 
of the insurrection was such that we could neither recognize their 
independence nor grant them belligerent rights. There remained 
only intervention on general principles, for which the whole world 
recognized we had sufficient ground. President 
McKinle_v, anxious to preserve peace, determined 
to exhaust ever}^ means at his disposal in holding 
back Congress on the one hand, and in endeavoring 
to induce Spain to peacefully acquiesce in the 
independence of Cuba on the other. 

March aSth, the report of the Board was 
received, showing, what had come to be an open 
secret in the United States, that the ]Maine was 
destroyed 1)_y an external explosion, but the Board 
was unal)le to determine the responsibility there- 
for. Arrangements were made before this report 
was sent to Congress — accompanied b}'' a, messag: 
from the President — to have it at once referred 
to the appropriate committees, in the hopes that 
in the meantime Spain would see the necessity 
of vielding to our wishes. Two weeks passed, during which time 
it would have occasioned no surprise any dav to have learned that 
war had been declared. At length, after exhausting every means 
at his command, on the nth of April, President McKinley sent a 
message to Congress, in which he set forth all the facts of the 
case, and left to the judgment of Congress the plan to be pursued. 
For eight days the world waited while the two houses of Congress 
were coming to an agreement. Finally, April 19, iSgS, the two 
houses united in a joint resolution directing the President to employ 
the land and naval forces of the United States in procuring peace 
in Cuba. This resolution was communicated to Spain, accompanied 
by what amounted to an ultimatum from the United States, that 




ADMIRAL WM. T. SAMPSON, 



888 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the Spanish forces forthwith evacuate Cuba. This led to the 
prompt suspension of diplomatic relations, and for the first time 
in fifty years the United States was at war with a foreign power. 

When Admiral Sampson's powerful squadron steamed away 
in the early morning of April 22, 1898; and when, the following 
day, the President called for 125.000 volunteers, all eyes were 
fixed on Havana as the place around which the war would center. 
Almost unnoticed, however, events were shaping in the Orient, 
and the Bay of Manilla was destined to be the scene of one of the 
most remarkable naval victories ever achieved, which caused an 
instant widening of our martial horizon, and which marked the 
entrance of the United States into the area of world-wide politics. 
For the present, then, let us turn our attention to the Phillipines. 

The Phillipines is the name of an extensive archipelago, 
consisting of possibly twelve hundred islands, only a very few of 
which are of an_y size, the largest being in area about the size of 
Ohio, known as the Island of Luzon. They are situated about six 
hundred miles in a south-easterly direction from Hong Kong, in 
about the same latitude as Central America. They have remained 
a Spanish possession ever since their discovery, the seat of govern- 
ment being the city of Manilla, on the west coast of the Island of 
Luzon. It has a population of about 250,000, and has great 
importance from a commercial standpoint. The Bay of Manilla 
is a beautiful land-locked harbor some twent3'-five miles in width. 
The population of the group of islands is variously estimated at 
from seven to fifteen millions, composed principally of tribes of the 
Malay stock. A great many Chinese have been attracted to the 
island, and there is a large population of mixed blood. The white 
population is mostly Spanish. Tobacco and hemp are the princi- 
pal products of Luzon and the larger islands, but sugar and coffee 
abound. Little that is reliable is known as to the natural resources 
of the islands. Like all Spanish possessions, the Phillipines have 
been most wretchedly governed. They have also suffered from 
the short-sighted restrictive polic}' of Spain, which was such a 
drawback to the development of the American colonies. They 
also groaned under most oppressive taxation. It is necessary to 
remark that the church holds its power in the Phillipines to this 
day. The church literally owns the islands, and is enormously 
wealthy. In many respects, the civil power is actually subject to 



■s, 



*5 



'*KSr 



'4S^ 






'v'' i'\' 



'% 










z 
o 
o 

ul 
a 
O 



I- 

< 
en 



890 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



the religious order. We are not surprised to learn that there 
have been insurrections in the Phillipines against Spain, the same 
as in Cuba, and for the same reason. One, under the lead of 
Aguinaldo, was in progress in 1897. The insurgent chiefs were 
bought off by Spain in the fall of 1S97, by the payment to them of 
$400,000 in money and the promise of reforms in government, 
which promises, they claim, have been broken. 

Wiien hostilities broke out our Asiatic squadron was gathered 
at Hong Kong. It consisted of four protected cruisers, the Bos- 
ton, Olympia, Baltimore, Raleigh, and two gun-boats, the Concord 
and Petrel, one dispatch boat and two supply ships, all under the 
command of Commodore George Dewey. The 
Spanish squadron, under command of Admiral 
Montojo, consisting of seven cruisers, onl}- two, 
however, approaching in effectiveness the Ameri- 
can cruisers, two small gun-boats and a dispatch 
l)oat, was stationed at Manilla. It was most 
essential for the safety of our Asiatic commerce, 
to Honolulu, then to all intents and purposes a 
part of the United States, and to our Pacific 
Coast cities, that this fleet be put out of the fight. 
Instructions were sent to Commodore Dewey to 
"destro}' or capture" the Spanish fleet. It was 
therefore soon known at Manilla that the Ameri- 
can squadron would soon sail for that point. 

In quite the UvSual spirit of Spanish brag- 
gadocio, the officials at Manilla speedily brought 
themselves to lielieve they would annihilate the Americans. The 
British consul was invited by the Spanish admiral to be his 
guest on his flag-ship so as to secure a good view of the perform- 
ance. Quarters were prepared for the prisoners they were so 
sure of taking; and extra crews were secured to man the vessels 
they were to take. Governor-general Augusti issued a ridiculously 
bombastic proclamation asserting that "The North American 
people, constituted of all social excrescences, have exhausted our 
patience and have provoked war by their perfidious machinations, 
their acts of treachery, their outrages against the laws of nations 
and international conventions. The struggle will be short and 
decisive. The God of victories will eive us one as brilliant and 




ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWE' 




> 
< 



< 



o 



h 

h 
< 
m 



< 
> 
< 
z 

h 
< 
w 
cc 
o 

UJ 

I 

1- 



(891) 



S92 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

complete as the justice of our cause demands. Her squadron, 
manned by foreigners, possessing neither instruction nor discipline, 
is preparing to come to this archipelago with ruffianly intentions, 
robbino- us of all that means life, honor and liberty, and pretend- 
ing to be inspired by a courage of which they are incapable." 
The screed wound up by the assertion that ' ' United under the 
glorious Spanish flag, which is covered with laurels " victory was 
to be their portion. 

Having made all preparations, Commodore Dewey left Mirs 
Bay, thirty miles from Hong Kong, the afternoon of April 27th, 
for Manilla. Shortly before midnight Sunday, May ist, the sudden 
sound of guns on Corregidor Island at the entrance to the harbor 
of Manilla announced that the squadron "manned by foreigners," 
truly inspired by a courage of which they were said to be des- 
titute, were then actually passing the forts, on their way to the 
city of Manilla, and though "possessing neither instruction nor 
discipline " were only awaiting the coming dawn to try conclusions 
with Montojo's fleet, backed up as it would be with the forts at 
Manilla and Cavite, the latter being a suburb a few miles below 
Manilla, where the Spaniards had built forts, dry-docks, arsenals, 
etc. Following this bold move came one of the most brilliant vic- 
tories ever achieved by American arms. Within seven hours after 
opening the attack, not a single Spanish vessel was afloat, Cavite 
had surrendered, some hundreds of the Spanish forces had been 
killed and wounded, and Manilla itself was at the mercy of Ameri- 
can guns. Almost incredible to relate, not a single American had 
been killed, and only eight were wounded. Not a single American 
ship had received any damages worth mentioning. During an 
intermission in the battle, when Commodore Dewey retired to rest 
his men and give them breakfast, the Spanish general hastened to 
cable to Spain a characteristically misleading dispatch. "Our 
fleet engaged the enemy in a brilliant combat, protected by the 
Cavite and Manilla forts. They obliged the enemy with heavy 
loss to manoeuvre repeatedly." It was this dispatch which ren- 
dered it difficult for Admiral Bermejo, the minister of marine, 
to restrain his "joyful emotions." But soon more reliable dis- 
patches were at hand, and the queen regent could only acknowl- 
edge that it was a "sad but honorable day for Spain." 

It is impossible to over-estimate the importance of this victory 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. S93 

to America. The more or less ominous rumors of interference on 
the part of one or more nations were suddenly hushed. They plainly 
saw the hand-writing on the wall that foreshadowed defeat for 
Spain. The American navy which the European nations had 
regarded with scarcely concealed contempt was instantly acknowl- 
edged to be "man for man, and ship for ship" the equal of any 
navy afloat. In the clearer light of this victory, our "old tubs," 
' ' mutinous sailors, ' ' and ' ' incompetent officers ' ' appeared quite 
different. It was also clear that America had suddenly opened to 
her a wonderful field of possibilities. Now she could be, if she 
desired, a might}' power in the Pacific. Statesmen have long 
recosfnized that the Pacific Ocean with the countries bordering- it 
are destined to be, in the near future, the theater of the greatest 
commercial activity the world has ever seen. Early civilization 
and commerce found expression only in the Mediterranean; thence, 
greatly enlarged, it flowed out into and took possession of the 
Atlantic. But, "westward the star of empire takes its course," 
and scholars and statesmen know that all that has gone before will 
pale into insignificance before the fast approaching development of 
the Pacific. The great nations of Europe have been engaged in a 
diplomatic struggle to obtain a share in this commerce. At one 
bound the United States had won a position that might easily 
become one of commanding importance in this development. Thus 
the whole aspect of the war was suddenly changed. All this was 
the result of one naval victory, obtained by American ships, under 
command of Commodore George Dewey. He entered the battle 
but little known. He emerged with the thanks of Congress, sub- 
stantial promotion, the plaudits of an admiring world, the secure 
possessor of immortal fame. 

We must now return to Cuba, the immediate object of the 
war. Flushed with victory, the cry now was "On to Havana!" 
The well known impatience of America was now exemplified. 
President McKinley had called for 150,000 volunteers. The 
popular mind seemed to have forgotten that to raise, drill, arm 
and equip such a force of men properly required months of time. 
Immense quantities of stores had to be procured and shipped to 
southern points. With an energy that challenged the admiration 
of the world, we hurried the organization of our forces. The 
railroads leading south were gorged with trains conveying troops 



894 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

and supplies to the sea-board. While the papers were full of talk 
about invading Cuba with a mighty host and striking one death- 
blow, officials and well informed people knew this could not be done 
before fall; besides, it would be suicidal to send an army to Cuba 
before the rainy season was over. These plans were suddenly 
changed by the action of Spain. That country, after rallying from 
the shock of Manilla, flattered itself that, after all, Dewey could 
not take the city of Manilla. In the meantime, European nations 
would surely intervene to prevent the United States from acquiring 
the Philippines. So amidst considerable talk about fighting to the 
"bitter end," and heroic resolves that "not one inch of Spanish 
territory should ever be relinquished," Spain professed to feel 
confident that victory awaited their really formidable fleet, which 
had already sailed from Cape Verde Islands, and which it was 
expected would bombard our coast cities, destroy our commerce and 
sink our fleet. 

Owing to the press censorship no reliable news could be 
obtained as to the movement of the Spanish fleet. The most con- 
tradictory rumors were afloat. One day, we were assured that the 
fleet was on the way; the next day, that it had not started; the third, 
that it had returned to Spain. It was rumored off the coast of 
Nova Scotia; then at San Juan, Porto Rico; finallv that it was on 
the way around Cape Horn to lay San Francisco in ashes. At 
length, information that seemed reliable asserted that the fleet 
was approaching San Juan, Porto Rico, and Admiral Sampson 
with some of our strongest battle ships started for that cit}- May 
5th. On reaching the destination, no opposing fleet was to be 
found, and so the Americans contented themselves with bombard- 
ing the fortifications in the harbor, and then stood out to sea to 
await news from the scouting ships. It was not until May 13th, 
that definite news was obtained of the Spanish fleet, on which 
date it arrived at Martinique. It was next located at Curacoa off 
the coast of Venezuela, and finally. May 20th it arrived at Santiago 
de Cuba. For some reason, this performance of the Spanish fleet 
imder the command of Admiral Cervera was considered a brilliant 
achievement in Spain and portions of Europe. The Spanish marine 
minister claimed it was an "immense triumph for Spain." All 
Spain rang with praise for Admiral Cervera 's "brilliant moves." 
He was received in Santiago like a conqueror. The civil governor 



HISTORY OF THE U^:iTED STATES. 



89; 



took occasion at a banquet to remark of the threatened American 
invasion that the greater number of invaders that came, "the 
greater number of carcasses to enrich our fields. ' ' The archbishop 
patriotically remarked: "It is not sufficient to be victorious on 
the sea. The Spanish flag must float on the capitol." And yet, 
all Cervera had thus far done was to get himself securely "bottled 
up. ' ' The united fleets of Admiral Sampson and Commodore 
Schley were off the port of Santiago, and there was no chance for 
the Spanish fleet to escape. 

But though "bottled up," he was for the time being safe. 
Owing to the natural features of the harbor, the American fleet 
could not get at him. The channel leading in from the 
ocean is narrow and tortuous, extending between bold 
promontories to the harbor itself, at the head of 
which is situated Santiago, six miles from the 
ocean. The channel, in some places only about 
three hundred feet in width, was heavily mined 
and commanded by formidable batteries. It 
was at once seen that the only way to dislodge 
Cervera was to bring heavy guns to bear from 
the land side. This necessitated an army to 
operate against Santiago. Accordinglv plans 
were laid for immediate invasion of Cuba, but this 
time at Santiago. The 31st of May, orders were 
issued to General Shaffer to embark 15,000 troops 
and proceed to Cuba. But it v\'as nearly two weeks 
before the expedition left. It required much valuable 
time to get everj^thing read}^ and then there were alarming rumors 
of Spanish war vessels waiting to attack the transports. Accord- 
ingly arrangements had to be made for a convo}', but the expedition 
sailed June 12th. Kight days later, a most imposing array of 
transports appeared off Santiago. General Shaffer's army had 
arrived, the long expected invasion had begun. But even then, 
such are the vast preparations that have to be made for an army; 
and considering the fact, that less than two months had elapsed 
since the volunteer portion of the armv had been engaged in peace- 
ful avocations at home, it is not strange that some blundering was 
made in caring for the health and comfort of the army, and thereby 
much suffering was caused and many lives sacrificed. One of the 




ADMIRAL CERVERA, 



896 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 




COMMODORE SCHLEY, 



lessons of the war is that we must hereafter be 
prepared. As it was, the ability, bravery and 
patriotism of our soldiers won a most glorious 
victory, in spite of obstacles which made the 
military attaches of every foreign government 
doubtful of our vsuccess. 

Consider the difficulties ahead of our troops. 
Some thousands of drilled Spanish veterans were 
supposed to be ready to contest their landing, 
unless they landed at Guantanamo Bay, some forty 
miles away, where a small force of marines were 
obstinately holding a landing they had made. 
Once landed, they would be confronted with a 
broken, hilly country, the hills and. slopes covered 
with a tropical jungle. No roads worth mention- 
ing over which to march and transport their heavy 
guns and supplies. They would be confronted with all the distress 
and danger necessarily incident to a campaign in a tropical island, 
in the wet unhealthy season of the year. In spite 
of all these obstacles our army landed, began 
their resistless advance, constructing roads as 
they went, in tropical sunshine and storms, 
through the jungles, over the hills, across the 
rivers, until the morning of July ist, one week 
after landing, the Americans confronted the 
Spanish forces in their last line of intrenchments, 
not far from Santiago itself; the most memor- 
able event of this surprising week being the 
gallant fight of Roosevelt's Rough Riders in the 
ambuscade of La Quasina, where they compelled 
a superior force to retreat. Then came two 
terrible days, July ist and and, in front of Santi- 
ago. When the sun rose July 3rd, the Ameri. 
"' '""""■ can lines almost surrounded Santiago. But a 

strongly fortified city was right before them. Expose was telling, 
and the ravages of sickness were making great inroads on our 
forces. Though the entire country was resounding with exulting 
plaudits, at the wonderful fighting that gained the victory at San . 
Juan; though foreign military attaches were unstinted in their' 




HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



S97 



expressed admiration of the bravery and ability of our soldiers, 
yet, for a while on that memorable Jul}- 3rd, it seemed as if our 
advance must stop, if indeed we would not have to fall back for 
reinforcement. A feeling of anxiety and gloom overspread the 
entire country. Our government regarded the situation around 
Santiago as critical. But this situation was instantly changed, 
by one of the most important naval victories ever achieved, to 
understand which we must retrace our steps some days. 

The primary object of this campaign was to destroy the 
Spanish fleet. It was feared that a severe storm might disperse 
the American ships, and before thej^ could gather ai^^ain the 
Spanish admiral might escape. To prevent this. 
Lieutenant Hobson, with a crew of eight men, 
in charge of the collier Merrimac, on the morning 
of June 4th undertook to block the channel at its 
narrowest point. He failed in accomplishing his 
object, but none the less he performed one of the 
bravest feats in the annals of the American navv. 
He sank his ship, but not in quite the desired 
position. The brave lieutenant and crew, who 
faced almost certain death, miraculously escaped 
destruction but were taken prisoners. 

Admiral Cervera, in kindly treating these 
prisoners, and in chivalrousl}" notifying Admiral 
Sampson of their safety, was unconsciously ' ' cast- 
ing his bread upon the waters," destined, in his 
case, to return in very few da3's. In j^roportion 
as Shatter's lines closed in on the city, Cervera's position became 
critical. If he staj-ed in the harbor until the American guns could 
be placed in position on the neighboring hills, his destruction was 
certain. In short, whatever cause for anxiety existed in the 
American ranks, were intensified as regards the Spanish forces. 
The fleet seemed doomed to destruction or capture. Provisions 
in the city were scarce. There was much sickness and consequent 
suffering. The Americans were at the very gates of the city. Then 
it was that Admiral Cervera, impelled by the jiositive orders of 
the Spanish government, took the one remaining desperate chance 
to save his fleet, or at least a portior of it. 

On the morning of July 3rd, the American fleet was lazily 




LIEUTENANT Richard p. hobson. 



Sg8 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



lying at anchor about six miles off the entrance to Santiago har- 
bor. The New York, the flag ship of Admiral Sampson, had 
steamed to the east on a leisurely tour of inspection. The Sabbath 
calm was suddenly interrupted by the appearance of an armored 
cruiser under full steam coming out of the harbor. Instantly all 
was motion on the part of the Americans. Without losing a 
moment of time, anchors were raised and the crews prepared for 
action, as the ships began to close in toward the shore. Following 
the first cruiser, the other three appeared at short intervals, and 
then the torpedo boats. Turning to the west the cruisers attempted 
to gain the open sea and safety. Then occurred one of the most 

remarkal;)le and decisive 
n a V .; 1 battles ever 
fought, ending four 
hours later by the com- 
plete destruction of the 
Spanish fleet. Not one 
vessel escaped. Admiral 
Cervera and thirteen 
hundred of his officers 
and crew were captured. 
In this instance there was 
no question but that the 
American fleet was by 
far the stronger of the 
two fleets, but consider- 
ing that the Spanish squadron was composed of four formidable 
cruisers, and that they were swifter than any vessel opposed to them 
excepting the Brooklyn, it is strange that none of them escaped, 
and passing strange that while they were completely destroyed the 
utmost they could do was to inflict merely nominal damages on the 
American fleet. But one American was killed and two wounded. 
This battle ma}- be described as the death blow to the cause 
of Spain. All that followed was, on the part of the United 
States, gathering in the fruits of the victory, and taking such 
further steps as they deemed best; on the part of Spain, despairing 
struggles against the end new plainly in sight, and seeking some 
way to end the war consonant with their ideas of honor. Santi- 
ago surrendered July i6th. There was, however, no fighting after 



* 












•]3 


,^ 




wm 




^^9|9^^^H|ll|9Uj^c. 


■ 



U. S. FLAG SHIP NEW YORK. 



HISTORY OF THE UMTED STATES. 



899 



T 



'f 






the naval victory. It required that length of time for Spain to 
consent to the inevitable and save further sacrifice of life. The 
entire nation had been so buoyed up by misleading dispatches from 
Cuba, all telling of "brilliant victories" around Santiago, or of 
American attacks, "brilliantly repulsed with heavy losses," and 
they had become so enthused over the ' ' brilliant sortie ' ' of 
Admiral Cervera, who had "put to sea the moment he thought 
it best," and had "prol)ablv gone to Havana," that they could 
scarceh' face the inevitable. The surrender included not only the 
city of Santiago, but about one-third the province of that name. 
(The troops that surrendered were not only those in Santiago, but 
in the entire district 
surrendered.) Thus the 
Santiago campaign came 
to a glorious end. Ad- 
miral Cervera's fleet had 
been destnn'ed. In the 
face of almost insur- 
mountable obstacles, a 
force of barely twenty 
thousand men had com- 
pelled the surrender of 
twenty-four thousand 
well armed troops, in 
strongly fortified posi- 
titms. The one condi- u. s. flag ship Brooklyn. 

tion of the surrender was that the Spanish prisoners were to be 
transported to Spain at the expense of the American government. 
A few days later the curious spectacle was observed of the Ameri- 
can government contracting with a Spanish transportation com- 
pany to take to Spain the soldiers that surrendered to our arms. 

The remaining incidents of the war can be briefl}' recounted: 
For political reasons, since we were going to demand the cession 
of Porto Rico, the authorities were anxious to have a force on 
that island, when the proposition for peace should be received. 
Accordingl}-, General Miles with an invading expedition landed near 
Ponce, on the southern coast, Jul}- 25th. This invasion developed 
a strange state of affairs. The Porto Ricans were overjoyed to 
welcome us. Every day there were reports of the authorities of 




51 



x_ 



^OO HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

of towns in the line of march joyfully surrendering, patriotic 
proclamations issued by the mayors, banquets instead of bullets 
for the officers. This pleasing campaign was ended before any 
serious fighting, which would of course have come near the capital 
at San Juan, by the signing of the preliminary treaty of peace. 
Spain finally accepted the inevitable, and asked through the French 
minister at' Washington, M. Cambon, for terms on which peace 
would be granted. These terms included the evacuation of Cuba by 
the Spanish forces, the cession of Porto Rico and an island of the 
Ladrone Group in the Pacific, and temporary surrender of the 
city and Bay of Manilla, pending the final conclusion of peace. 
The protocol was signed August 12, 1898, and thus put an end to 
the war. But before nev/s of this agreement could be communi- 
cated to Admiral Dewey, the city of Manilla had surrendered to 
the American forces. 

Though active hostilities were ended by the signing of the 
protocol, or preliminary treaty of peace, yet a vast amount of 
diplomatic business had still to be arranged before peace could be 
said to be fully restored. According to the terms of the protocol it 
was necessary to provide for the cession of Porto Rico, and many 
questions in regard to the date and manner of the evacuation of 
the island, the disposition of public property, the rights of Spanish 
residents of the island, must be settled. All these points of dis- 
cussion existed in an intensified degree in the case of Cuba. A 
large army was to be returned to Spain. A vast amount of public 
property was to be turned over to some duly constituted authority. 
\ The settlement of all these questions incident to these movements 
\ necessitated the appointment of a commission for each island on 
the part of the American government, to meet in joint session 
with a similar commission appointed by Spain. 

Accordingl}', a few days after the signing of the protocol 
President McKinley appointed on such commissions General Wade, 
Admiral Sampson and General Butler for Cuba; and General 
.iBrooke, Admiral Schley and General Gordon for Porto Rico. 
'These commissions repaired to their respective stations early in 
September, and the work at once began of arranging the details 
' of the evacuation on the part of Spanish forces. Porto Rico was 
turned over to the control of the American forces, October 18, 
1898. And thus the island of Porto Rico, after being uninterrupt- 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 901 

edly in the possession of Spain for four centuries, found itself an 
inteo^ral part of the United States. Its commanding position in 
the Carribbean Sea, its salubrious climate and fertile soil rendered 
it a welcome addition to our domain, and beneath our flag, with 
the blessings of civil and religious liberty, we can but believe a 
future of prosperity and happiness awaits this beautiful island. 

There is in San Juan a small house of ancient style which was 
built by Ponce de Leon. What scenes have its walls witnessed 
since that time! Its master sailed away on his expedition in 
search of the perennial fountain of youth, in which expedition he 
discovered Florida, but lost his own life. Since its walls were 
erected Spain's colonial empire, amongst the most extensive the 
world ever saw, has arisen and fallen, and to the north of the 
peninsula of flowers which its owner discovered has arisen our 
country, the great Republic of the West, which will henceforth 
safeguard the destinies of Porto Rico. 

In Cuba the details to be arranged were so much more exten- 
sive, such a large force of soldiers were to be removed, that the 
evacuation could not be completed before the close of the year. 
And in the case of- Cuba the United States government found 
itself confronted with a grave problem: How to deal with the 
insurgents. We had formally renounced any intention of acquir- 
ing the island for our own use, and yet we had not recognized the 
insurgent government. Further, the action of the Cuban troops, 
under command of General Garcia in the Santiago campaign, had 
been very disappointing to the American authorities. It was 
necessary for the United States to take military possession of 
Cuba as the Spanish forces were withdrawn, and establish a tem- 
porary government of law and order, in the belief that soon the 
Cubans — meaning by that term not onlv the insurgents, but the 
entire population of Cuba — would establish a stable government, 
into whose hands the reins of authorit}- could be placed, in the 
secure conviction that a future of contented prosperity awaits 
them. 

It were fitting to mention one or two incidents that ensued, 
since a pathetic interest attaches to them. The remains of the 
great Columbus — though bearing in mind the historical doubt 
attaching to them, mentioned on a former page of this volume (see 
page 408 et seq.) — which for more than a century had reposed in 



902 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the cathedral at Havana, were borne back to Spain by the depart- 
ing Spanish. When from Spain's enfeebled grasp there fell away 
the last possession in the New World, which their great admiral 
had discovered, it was perhaps in keeping with historic harmony 
that the ashes of the discoverer should be returned to Spain. 
Columbus had returned to Spain in triumph; he had returned 
in chains. His body had rested at Seville, in Santa Christo, in 
Hispaniola. Thence in pomp and ceremony it had been borne to 
Havana, but now as the New World which his daring had given 
to Spain was forever lost to that country, his dust once more 
crossed the Atlantic to find rest in that troubled kingdom. 

Still another incident is of melancholy interest to the his- 
torian. Anxious to secure some trophy of the Spanish fleet de- 
stroyed at Santiago, the American government had after great 
exertions succeeded in raising the Maria Theresa, one of Cervera's 
ill-fated ships. Late in October this vessel started, in tow of the 
tug Merritt, for the Norfolk Navy Yard, where it was intended to 
entirelv repair her and add her to our navy. But when off the 
Island of San Salvador a terrific storm broke over her and she 
was cast away on the treacherous reefs bordering that island. 
That was the island where Columbus landed on his first voyage. 
In 1492 the Spanish admiral with his small fleet on this island first 
set up the banner of Spain. Four centuries passed; that banner 
had floated over a large portion of the New World, but for a hun- 
dred years that colonial empire had been dying; and now a mod- 
ern man-of-war, taken as a trophy by the conquerors in a war to 
end forever the once glorious New World empire of Spain, is cast 
b}' the elements upon that same island to mark the grave of that 
empire. Thus that small island is a reminder of the mutations 
that await the kingdoms of this world. 

" Nations melt 
From power's high pinnacle when they have felt 
The sunshine for a while, and downward go." 

According to the terms of the protocol a joint commission of 
five from each country were to meet in Paris, not later than 
October i, 1898, to negotiate the definitive treaty of peace, which 
was to ratify not only the terms of the protocol, but to settle the 
many questions which could not be touched upon in that agreement, 
and, more important than anything else, determine the disposition 



HISTORY OP THE UJMITED STATES. 903 

of the Philippines. On the part of the United States, the presi- 
dent appointed Secretary of State William R. Day, of Ohio; Sena- 
tor Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota; Senator William P. Frye, of 
Maine; Senator George Gray, of Delaware, and Whitelaw Reid, 
of New York. This commission met in Paris, and October ist 
commenced its labor in conjunction with the Spanish commission, 
at the head of which was that eminent Spanish statesman and 
diplomat, Senor Montero Rios. 

This was to be a battle of diplomats, and most important 
questions were to be settled. The protocol, or preliminary treaty 
of peace, is of no binding force; it is only a temporary expedient 
for putting an end to hostilities. It is still necessary to negotiate 
a final treaty settling all points in dispute. Should such a final 
agreement fail to be made, hostilities might be renewed. There 
was, however, little danger of such a result in this case, since Spain 
was utterly exhausted. It was impossible for her to resist any 
demands the United States might make. They had, however, a 
lingering hope that should American demands be what they should 
consider excessive, they could induce some other nation to come to 
their assistance. At the termination of many recent wars the 
victorious nation has been compelled by the opposition of other 
nations to accept far less than their original demands. At the a 

close of the Russo- Turkish war, the Berlin Congress compelled 
Russia to modify her demands. The opposition of Russia com- 
pelled Japan to relinquish some of her claims on China. Similarly 
at the close of the Greco-Turkish war. The one remaining hope 
of Spain was that the opposition of other European powers would 
enable her to compel a modification of the demands of the United 
States. 

The question of responsibility for the debt of Cuba was the 
first serious point to arise in the negotiations. Spain having bor- 
rowed some hundreds of millions of dollars, with Cuba as a 
collateral, was anxious this debt should pass with the island. 
The United States could not consent to this, since the money 
having been largely used to conquer the Cubans, it would present 
the singular spectacle of a people waging a successful war for 
independence, paying all the bills of the vanquished, not only the 
bills for the last and successful war, but for the war of thirty 
years ago. There was considerable talk about the equities of 



f 




AMERICAN PEACE COMMISSIONERS 



EX. SECTY OF STATE. WM. R. DAY 

SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS. SENATOR GEORGE GRAY 
of Minnesota of Delaware 

SENATOR W. P. FRYE. WHITELAW REID. 

of Maine of New York 




SPANISH PEACE COMMISSIONERS 



EXCMO SR. D. E. MONTERO RIOS. President 
EXCMO SR. D. WENCESLAO EXCMO SR. GENERAL CERERO 

RANluEZ UE VILLAURRUTIA 

EXCMO SR. EXCMO SR. D. JOSE GARNICA 

D. BUENAVENTURA ABARZUZA 



906 HJSl'ORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

other people, and about Spain refusing to continue the negotia- 
tions unless the United States assumed the debt, but, as was 
expected, Spain yielded. 

The great struggle came over the disposition of the Philip- 
pines. When the protocol was signed the American authorities 
had not fully decided in their own minds what they wished to do 
with that archipelago. But as time passed several points became 
clear. The islands could not be handed back to Spain. That 
country in her enfeebled state, with her navy destroyed, her credit 
gone, with bankruptcy staring her in the face, was manifestly in 
no condition to attempt the reconquest of the islands from the 
insurgents under Aguinaldo. For the United States to give up 
her grasp on the islands was manifestly to consign them to years 
of anarchy and misrule, and undoubtedly to precipitate a conflict 
between the various European powers for their possession. 

And on further consideration why should the United States 
relinquish them? Had not the rule of Spain been notoriously 
inefficient? Had she not shown there the same cruel, repressive 
action that blighted the prospects of Cuba? With what justice 
could we then restore these islands to the crown of Spain? And 
so the conviction grew that the United States must keep control, 
and hence the demand was finally made that Spain should relin- 
quish the entire archipelago. Vain were the protests of the 
Spanish commissioners, in vain their threats to break off negotia- 
tions; they could only consent to withdraw their authority from 
the Philippines, and so, for the present at least, that archipelago 
becomes a part of our broad domain. The conclusions of the 
commissioners' labors were embodied in a treaty of peace signed 
with due formality by the representatives of the two powers in 
Paris, December lo, 1S98. 

On February 6, 1899, f^ie United States Senate, by a vote of 
57 to 27, ratified the following peace treaty with Spain: 

Spain cedes to the United States Porto Rico and other islands 
under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies and the Island of 
Guam in the Ladrones. 

Spain _ cedes to the United States all the archipelago known 
as the Philippine Islands. The United States will pay to Spain 
$20,000,000 within three months after exchange of ratification. 

Spain's ships and merchandise will be admitted to all Philip- 



HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 907 

pine ports on the same terms as ships and merchandise of the 
United States for ten years. 

The United States will send back to Spain at its own cost 
the Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners of war at ]\Ianila, the 
arms of the soldiers to be restored to them. 

Both countries will release all prisoners of war. Both coun- 
tries relinquish all claims for indemnity, national and indiyidual, 
that may haye arisen since the beyinninf^ of the late insurrection 
in Cuba and prior to exchange of ratification. The United States 
will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain 
in territory relinquished by this article. 

Spain relinquishes in Cuba and cedes in Porto Rico and other 
islands in the West Indies and Guam all buildings and other im- 
movable property which belong to the public domain. 

Spanish subjects remaining in relinquished or ceded territory 
may preserve allegiance to the crown of Spain by making a dec- 
laration of allegiance within a year. Otherwise they shall be 
held to have renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of 
the territory in which the}' reside. 

Rights of property secured by copyrights and patents acquired 
by Spaniards in ceded territory shall continue to l)e respected, 
and Spanish scientific, literary and artistic works shall continue 
to be admitted free of duty for a period of ten years. 

The Government of each countrj- will for a period of ten 
years accord to merchant vessels of the other country the same 
treatment in respect to all port charges as it accords to its own 
merchant vessels. 

Any obligations assumed in the treaty by the United States 
with respect to Culia are limited to the time of its occupanc}', but 
upon the termination of such occupancy it will advise any new 
Government to assume the same obligations. 

Far to the southwest of the Golden Gate, across more than 
twenty-five hundred miles of placid Pacific, basking beneath the 
tropical sun, fanned by the breezes that ceaselessly blow over the 
ocean, is the beautiful group of the Sandwich Islands. They form 
the eastern key to the Pacific, and are directl}- on the trade routes 
to Australia and the Orient. After vSome years of anxious waiting, 
1898 saw that group of islands annexed to our country. Going 
west across some three thousand miles of water, we come upon 
the Ladrones, the principal island of which, Guam, is now, as a 
result of this war, a part of our territory. The Philippine archi- 
pelago, however, adjacent to the shores of Asia, guarding the 
wesle r entrance to the Pacific, in area as large as the combined 



9o8 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

area of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Dela- 
ware, and Virginia, with vast undeveloped resources, which now 
are a part of our domain, form a most important addition. The 
United States is now in condition to become one of the most 
important powers in the Pacific. 

When we reflect on the development of the world's commerce, 
at first confined to the land-locked Mediterranean, of late centuries 
crowding the tumultuous Atlantic, it does not need the gift of 
prophecy to see that the on-coming commerce of the Pacific is 
destined in the near future to dwarf all that has gone before. No 
wonder the older nations of Europe were anxious to take posses- 
sion of that commerce to the exclusion of the United States. But 
our country has now only to take advantage of its fairly won posi- 
tion, to extend wise and beneficent legislation to its new posses- 
sions, to reap an abundant and rich harvest in the near future. 

As we bring these pages to a close, let us reflect on our posi- 
tion. Counting our new possessions, we are a nation of nearly 
one hundred million people. We are entitled to rank among the 
most powerful, cultured and wealthy people of the world. Our 
commerce has grown to vast extent. The fame of our inventors 
is world-wide. We are in the very front ranks of enlightened, 
progressive nations, keeping pace with the highest culture of the 
world. In contemplating this pleasing picture of national great- 
ness, let us not forget that every crested wave has its correspond- 
ing depression. I^et us tremble as well as rejoice, and constantly 
bear in mind the poet's refrain: 

"Lord God of battles, be with us yet. 
Lest we forget! Lest we forget! " 



LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Book I. — Life and Voyages of Columbus. 

PAGE. 

1. The Muse of History, seated on a Toltec altar, inscribing the names of America's greatest historians 

in the book of fate. Beside her, the lamp of Christianity Title page. 

2. Initial W, drawn by H. L. Bridwell ix 

3. Fac -simile of signature of Hon. Murat Halstead, ........... xv 

4. Headpiece : Pegasus, drawn by Prof. R. Seitz, ............ 53 

5. Initial W, drawn by H. L. Bridwell. The Viking standing in the prow of his dragon, drawn by Prof. 

J- Gehrts 53 

6. The Saga; her foot resting on an urn containing the remains of Leif Eric ; the hem of her dress em- 

broidered with the titles of the Sagas, which tell of his travels and adventures, drawn by Prof. 

William Kaulbach 55 

7. Ornament, copied from an edition of Montanus, ........... 56 

8. House in Cogoletto ; one of the many buildings claimed to have been the birthplace of the illustrious 

navigator, Columbus, ................ 57 

9. Initial C, with Yanez portrait of Columbus, drawn by H. L. Bridwell, 57 

10. Monument of Columbus at Genoa, from a photograph 58 

11. Naval fight between Mohammedan and Christian galleys, 59 

12. Medal of Alphonse the Wise, of Naples. Berlin 60 

13. Medal of King Rene and his wife, Johanna. Berlin, 61 

14. Naval Battle in the XV. Century. Copied from a miniature in the Breslau copy of the " Froissart," . 61 
I 5. Naval battle between galleys, fustae and seagoing vessels, ......... 63 

16. Headpiece ; Wisdom (the owl), holding diploma in her talons, ........ 64 

17. Initial T, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 64 

18. Coat of arms of Portugal, .... 64 

19. Portrait of Prince Henry the Navigator. From a miniature in the National Library, Paris, . . -65 

20. Statue of Prince Henry the Navigator, over the portal of the cloister of Belem 66 

21. Portrait of Columbus in the Marine Museum, Madrid, . 67 

22. View of Lisbon from the Tagus. From an engraving of the XVI. century, . . . . . .68 

23. Saint engaged in prayer, ................ 69 

24. Part of Sir Martin Behem's (Behaims) Globus, showing the supposed location of the Island of St. Brandan, 70 

25. The Legend of the celebration of the offices of the Holy Mass by St. Brandan on the back of a mon- 

strous whale ; from an old print, . . . . . . . . . -70 

26. Headpiece: Cosmographer in deep study ; child chasing bubbles 71 

27. Initial W, by H. L. Bridwell 71 

28. Portrait of Marco Polo, in the Gallery Badia, Rome 72 

29. The ocean side of Sir Martin Behem's (Behaim) Globus preserved in Nuremberg; the proper position 

of the American continent indicated by dotted lines, .......... ^3 

(909) 



QIO IJST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PACE. 



30. House said to have been occupied' by Columbus on the island of Porto Santo. From a photograph, . 74 

31. Portrait of Columbus, known as the " Yanez." National Library, Madrid 75 

32. Tailpiece : Globus, documents, bullae, etc., drawn by Prof. R. Seitz, 76 

33. Front and rear of an Arabian astrolabe, preserved in the National Library, Paris 77 

34. Initial W, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 77 

35. Cross Staft" and its application . 79 

36. Audience of Columbus with King John of Portugal 80 

37. Sepulchre of King Don Juan (John) and Dofia Isabella, of Portugal ; cloister of Miraflores, Burgos. 

From a photograph 81 

38. The Grand Canal m Venice. After a pen-drawing by H. Foote, 82 

39. Seal of King Henry VII. of England. Berlin Archives, 83 

40. View of the town of Palos and the convent of La Rabida, 85 

41. Columbus at the gate of the cloister of La Rabida. In front of the cloister the peculiarly-shaped 

obelisk surmounted with a cross. From a painting in the convent. Initial T, drawn by O. Graeff, 85 

42. Ideal portrait of Father Juan Perez de Marchena 86 

43. The consultation in the convent ; painting by F. Maso, .......... 86 

44. The cell of the Prior Juan Perez de Marchena, in the convent of La Rabida. From a photograph, . 87 

45. View of the town of Cordova and the old Roman bridge. From a photograph 87 

46. Ideal portrait of Ferdinand the Catholic ; painting by Bequer. S. Telmo, Seville, . . . .88 

47. Ideal portrait of Isabella the Catholic ; painting by Bequer. S. Telmo, Seville, 89 

48. Tailpiece : Conventionahzed Eagle 89 

49. Knights in full armor leaving a feudal castle ; drawing by A. de Neuville, 90 

50. Columbus' sojourn in Cordova, ............... 91 

51. The Church of S. Domingo at Salamanca. From a photograph, 95 

52. Headpiece : Astronomy, . 96 

53. Principal entrance to the University of Salamanca. From a photograph, 97 

54. Columbus distinguishes himself in one of the severest campaigns against the Moors, by his personal 

prowess, 103 

55. The Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, 104 

56. The castle of the Alhambra. From a photograph 104 

57. Tailpiece: Columbus before the Doctors at Salamanca. From the bas-relief of the statue at Genoa, . 105 

58. Portrait of King Charles VIII. of France. Unknown artist 106 

59. The Prior of La Rabida prevails upon Columbus to delay his departure for Paris. I'ainting by Don 

Juan Llimona y Bruguera 107 

60. Sword of Boabdil " El Chico." Royal Arsenal, Madrid 108 

61. Portrait of Boabdil. Fleinish painting of the XVII. century iii 

62. Coat of mail of Boabdil. Royal Arsenal, Madrid in 

63. The recall of Columbus at the bridge of Pinos. Drawing by F. H. Lungren 115 

64. Portrait of Isabella the Catholic. (Accepted as authentic.) Flemish school, 116 

65. Pages in waiting. Drawing by Prof. A. Wagner 120 

66. Page of the XVI. century 121 

67. Notary public reading royal order. Drawing by Vierge 122 

68. Hull of a large ocean boat on the dry-dock. Copied from a XV. century woodcut, . . . .122 

69. The ships of Columbus. The Santa Maria, the Niiia and Pinta. Restored from models in the Marine 

Museum, Madrid, 126 

70. Colunvius notices for the first time the variation of the needle. Painting by Prof. C. v Piloty, . . 129 

71. The L- 1 ,cr and anxious watch from the masthead 130 

72. Becalmed in the Sargasso sea 131 

73. Martin Alonzo Pinzon mistakes an evening cloud for land 133 

74. Columbus and Pedro GulieiTez watching the glimmering light on the night of Oct. 11, 1492. Marble, 

statue, by Don D. Amore. Escurial, • 13- 

75. Initial W, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 1.40 

76. Natives of the Lucayos. Drawn by C. Riou 144 

77. Columbus distributes hawks-bells and other trifles among the natives of Guanahani 145 

78. Arrival of the embassy to the imaginary Cublay Khan at an Indian village. Drawn by C. Riou, . .150 

79. Indian producing fire. Drawn by C. Riou 151 



LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 91I 



PACE. 



80. Indian woman taking a bath. Drawn by C. Riou, jc, 

81. Hospitable reception of the shipwrecked Columbus by the cacique Guacanagari. Drawn by C. F. 

Reinhardt, .... , r j^ 

82. Three sailors of Columbus succeed in overtaking a young and handsome Indian girl, and bring their 

captive beauty to the ship. Drawn by O. Graeff, icc 

83. Spanish ducat of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella ic6 

84. The communal evening meal. Drawn by C. Riou jcg 

85. Arquebuses with crane attachment. Artillery Museum, Paris, icg 

86. Indians preparing for one of their ceremonial dances. Drawn by C. Riou, ...... 161 

87. Tailpiece : Minerva with rudder and crown, accompanied by the Genius of Fame, .... 165 

88. Initial I. Drawn by H. L. Bridvvell ,55 

89. Skirmish of Columbus with the natives of the bay of Samana, drawn by C. Riou 167 

90. Procession of penitents. Historical Museum of Costumes, Paris, . ,60 

91. iColumbus throws a brief summary of the ship's log overboard. Dr.-?wn W Ed. Johnson, . . . 170 

92. The governor of St. Mary's attempts to arrest Columbus, ,7, 

93. The royal castle of Belem. From a photograph j^, 

94. Fac-simile of first page of the first Latin pamphlet which brought the news to the world, of the dis- 

covery of the New World. British Museum tyt 

95. Columbus escorted back to his ships by the Portuguese cavaliers. Dr.nving bv \'icrge, . . . 177 

96. Arrival of the ships of Columbus in the harbor of Palos. Dr.\wing by A. de Neuville, . . . 178 

97. The Church of St. George at Palos. From a Photograph, 170 

98. Monument of Isabella, the Catholic, at Madrid, Spain. From a photograph i8i 

99. Headpiece: Entry of Columbus into Barcelona. Drawing by J. PaMi. 182 

100. Initial T, with coat of arms of Columbus. Drawing by H. L. Bridwdl. ...... 182 

loi. Interior of the cathedral of Barcelona. From a photograph, ........ 185 

102. Armor of Columbus. Royal Arsenal, Madrid. From a photograph, 187 

103. Fac-simile of an Italian pamphlet, printed at Florence, 1493, representing the landing of Columbus. 

British Museum, igg 

104. Headpiece : Supremacy of the Papal power over all mundane thin;.;s and aftairs Ig[ 

105. Initial I. with medal of Pope -Alexander \'I, Berlin. Drawn by H. L. Bridwell, .... igi 

106. Portrait of Pope Alexander VI., .............. i,-,2 

107. Don Alonzo de Ojeda exhibits his skill and prowess on the Giralda at Seville. Drawn by O. Graeff, . 196 

108. Headpiece : with Jomard portrait of Columbus, ........... 197 

109. Initial T. Drawn by H. L. Bridwell 107 

1 10. Caribs torturing a prisoner whose flesh they devour while he is still alive, ...... 199 

111. Tailpiece: Columbus in Barcelona. Bas-Relief from the monument at Genoa 204 

112. Initial O. Indian native, drawing by C. Riou. Initial by H. L. Bridwell, . . . . . , 205 

113. Columbus with the assistance of his Indians from Santa Cruz finds the bodies of the slain garrison 

of La Navidad, ................. 207 

114. Father Boyle. Drawn by Leopold Flameng, 210 

115. The conspirator, Bernal Diaz de Pisa, arrested and confined on one of the ships, 216 

116. Tailpiece: Parrots, ................. 217 

117. Initial A. Drawn by H. L. Bridwell, ... 218 

118. Columlnis .ind his army crossing the Puerto de los Hidalgos, 219 

119. Columbus builds the fort St. Thomas in the golden regions of Cibao. Drawing by A. de Neuville, . 220 

120. Tailpiece, . . . . . . . . . .221 

121. Indian fashioning a bow-. Drawing by C. Riou . 222 

122. Zemi, found in various parts of the West Indies 223 

123. Indian hut in the Andlles. Drawing by C. Riou 223 

124. Indian dance. Drawing by C. Riou 226 

125. Natives of Hayti. Drawing by C. Riou, 227 

126. Tailpiece: The church militant. Drawing by (iyula Benczur, . 228 

127. Initial C 229 

128. Father Boyle receives the news th:it himself and associates arc mcluded in the order "to be put 

upon allowance," with irritation, ............. 230 

129. A public execution in the fifteenth century, ............ 252 



912 LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 

FACE' 

3D First map of Cuba 235 

31. The expedition in quest of the inhabitants of Mangon, ......... 236 

32. The Emperor (chief-of-men) Montezuma. The picture reconstructed from data furnished by the Ram- 

irez MSS. and Clavigero's research. Drawing by P. Fritel 237 

22,. Tailpiece : Alligator basking in the sun 238 

34. Initial C, with the Capriolo portrait of Columbus. Drawn by H. L. Bridwell from a copy contained in 

an Italian work published in 1396, ............. 239 

35. A Cuban cacique addresses Columbus on the immortality of the soul 240 

36. Plus Ultra. The discovery of America. Christian Spain (the lion) stepping across the Atlantic to 

carry its civilization and blessings to the Indians, 244 

37. Tailpiece, 245 

38. Initial A : Columbus is greeted by the sight of his long absent brother Don Bartholomew, at his bedside, 246 

39. Portrait of Charles VIII of France, .............. 247 

40. Seal of Charles VIII of France, 247 

41. Alonzo de Ojeda 250 

42. Tailpiece: Ojeda, 257 

43. Ducat, natural size, time of Ferdinand and Isabella, 260 

44. Battle of the Vega 261 

45. Medal with the Spanish coat of arms, time of Ferdinand and Isabella, 261 

46. Idyllic life of the natives of Hayti, drawn by C. Riou 262 

47. The cruel and relentless pursuit of the famished Indians, 263 

48. Tailpiece : Death 264 

49. Initial W, Indian mother and children, drawn by C. Riou, 265 

50. The Junto of pious theologians discussing the subject of human slavery 266 

51. Columbus on the eve of departure overtaken by a hurricane, ......... 269 

52. View of the city of San Domingo, reproduced from a print of the i6th Century, 270 

53. Initial T, drawn by H. L. Bridwell. Natives of the Island of Guadaloupe, drawn by C. Riou, . . 271 

54. Death of the Cacique Caonabo on board of the caravel Santa Cruz, bewailed only by one of his wild 

native heroines, drawn by O. Graeff, ............. 273 

55. Columbus, clad in the habit of a franciscan monk, makes his entry into Burgos on his return from his 

second voyage 274 

56. Secretary in the door of the antechamber to his Eminence the Bishop of Burgos, 277 

57. Columbus personally castigates a minion of bishop Fonseca, by striking the despicable dependent to 

the ground 278 

158. Tailpiece 278 

59. Initial O : Columbus on the pearl coast 279 

60. Columbus nearly swept from his anchors by a sudden rush and swell of the sea, 281 

61. Tailpiece: Mermaid bringing the riches of America to the shores of Spain 284 

62. Initial C : Indian porter, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 285 

63. Modern plan of the city of San Domingo 285 

64. Inhabitants of the province of Xaragua, drawn by C. Riou 286 

65. The Adelantado sets out with a body of troops for the relief of Fort Conception 290 

66. Ocean boat end of the XV. century, tacking before the wind, . . . . ■ 291 

67. Francisco Roldan 292 

68. The pursuit of the cacique Guarionex 295 

69. A mountaineer of Ciguay, drawn by C. Riou 296 

70. Tailpiece : Knight of the XV. century in full armor 297 

71. The trusty Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal lands among the rebels in order to conciliate them to the Ad- 

miral, 300 

72. Meeting of Miguel Ballester with the outposts of the rebels 301 

73. Carvajal delivers the letter of the .\dmiral to the rebels 303 

74. The riotous and licentious life of the followers of Roldan 304 

75. Initial A, with portrait of Amerigo Vespucci 307 

76. Roldan intercepts Ojeda, ............... 30JS 

77. Fac-simile of the page in WaldseemuUers Cosmografia Introductio, wherein the name of America is 

first suggested as the name to be given to the newly discovered continent, 31 1 



.\ 



LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 9^^ 



PAGB. 



178. Fac -Simile of last lines of a letter addressed by Amerigo Vespucci to the Cardinal Archbishop of 

Toledo; dated Seville, Dec. 9, 1508 31 1 

179. Diego de Escobar, . . . . . . . . . . . ", . . • . .312 

180. The conspirator Adrian de Moxica suddenly surprised and arrested 316 

181. Statue of Columbus in the city of Mexico 317 

182. Initial W, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 318 

183. The bishop of Placentia, Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca 318 

184. Isabella orders the Indian slaves brought to Spain to be immediately returned to their native lands, . 320 

185. Francisco de Bobadilla causes his letters of credence to be proclaimed 321 

186. The rabble of San Domingo on the road to the prison 322 

187. Ruins of the castle of Columbus in Hispaniola 323 

188. Tailpiece: Might grasping the regal power (the sword) 323 

189. Columbus in chains aboard the Gorda, painting by Mareschal 325 

190. Manacles in use in the XV. century ; Museum Cluny, Paris, 326 

191. Columbus refuses to permit the fetters with which he is loaded to be removed 328 

192. Tailpiece; Columbus loaded with chains ; from the bas-relief of the statue at Genoa, . . . • 33' 

193. Monument of Columbus in front of the Cathedral at San Domingo. From a photograph, . . . 335 

194. Repartimientos of Indians washing gold, ............ 33^ 

195. A Spanish cavalier of the XV. century traveling through the Island of San Domingo 339 

196. Tailpiece : Saddle from the early part of the X\'I. century. Armory, Madrid, 340 

197. Initial C, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 34' 

198. Carthusian friar, drawn by Leopold Flameng 34' 

199. Portrait of Vasco de Gama, from a MSS. in the British Museum 342 

200. Coat of arms of Vasco de Gama, .............. 343 

201. Signature of Vasco de Gama, Archives, Lisbon, 343 

202. Corso de las Delicias, Seville, 344 

203. The destruction of the fleet of Bobadilla, ............. 347 

204. Indian potters from the coast of Honduras, 34.8 

205. Indian woman of Ciguare spinning, drawn by C. Riou 350 

206. Indian from the Mosquito coast, drawn by C. Riou 352 

207. Don Bartholomew Columbus on the road through the virgin forests of Veragua, to the reputed gold mines, 356 

208. Diego Mendez approaching the village of the cacique Quibian, drawn by C. Riou 357 

209. Violent struggle of the cacique Quibian and the Adelantado, 359 

210. Tailpiece; Bottom of enameled cup found in the cemetery of Tenenepango, Mexico 360 

211. The Adelantado wounded by one of Quibian's warriors 361 

212. Indian prisoners make a break for liberty, by throwing themselves headlong into the sea from the fore- 

castle of the caravel, • 363 

213. Tailpiece; Death; a soldier's accoutrements, ............ 365 

214. Headpiece : American fruit and cereals • . . . 366 

215. Columbus runs the caravel aground on the Island of Jamaica 367 

216. Indians bringing provisions for barter to the shipwrecked crew of Columbus, ..... 368 

217. Diego Mendez visiting the Indian villages to obtain a regular supply of provisions for the shipwrecked 

crew, drawn by C. Riou 3^9 

218. Leguans 369 

219. Columbus thanks his noble and zealous follower, Diego Mendez, for his devotion to his cause, . . 370 

220. Indian Fight. After an engraving by Jean de Levy, 37' 

221. Monument of Columbus at Barcelona 372 

222. Initial M, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 373 

223. The Adelantado, sword in hand, braves the fury of the mutineers, 375 

224. Columbus and the eclipse, ... 377 

225. Tailpiece: Globus and astronomical instruments 37^ 

226. Initial E, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 379 

227. Revolt; Porras leading the rebels towards the harbor 3^' 

228. Porras. Drawing by Mariano Fortuny, 3^2 

229. Diego Mendez importunes Ovando to send succor to the shipwrecked Columbus 387 

230. Indians making birch bark canoes 3^9 



9^4 LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 

rACB. 

231. Ovando sets out for Xaragua at the head of an army of 400 men, , . 392 

232. Anacaona, the Golden Flower of Xaragua 393 

233. Armor of the XV. century, Artillery Museum, Paris 395 

234. The golden tower of Seville, from a photograph, 397 

235. Isabella dictates her last will and testament, painting by Edward Resales, ...... 399 

236. Queen Isabella in the armor of a knight, ............. 400 

237. Sepulchre of the catholic king and queen in the Cathedral of Granada, from a photograph, . . . 401 

238. Bronze statue of Ferdinand in the cathedral of Malaga, 403 

239. House in Valladolid where Columbus died, ............ 407 

240. Columbus monument in the convent of Las Cuevas, Seville 400 

241. Leaden coffin with the remains of Columbus (?) found in the Cathedral of San Domingo, . . . 409 

242. .Memorial Tablet in the Cathedral of the Havana, ........... 409 

243. Silver plates, with inscription, found on the leaden box, which is supposed to contain the remains of Co- 

lumbus, 410 

244. Inscriptions on the lid of the leaden box found in the Cathedral of San Domingo, 410 

24;. Marble monument of Columbus at Madrid, executed by Don Jeronimo Sufiol, 411 

246. Headpiece: Muse of History, with a pair of balances in hand 412 

247. The Parmegiano portrait of Columbus (?). . . . . . . . . . . . .413 

248. Tailpiece: Coat of Arms of Columbus, ............. 416 



T 



Book II. — The Conquest of Mexico, 



PAGE. 



249. Headpiece: The Conquest of Mexico, . . . . . . . . . . . .421 

230. The ignoble and cruel death of the cacique Hatuey,. 422 

251. Lacondan (Yucatan) chief and family, drawing by P. Fritel 424 

252. Principal facade of the palace of the nuns at Chichen-Itza, Yucatan, from Charnay's Ancient Cities, . 425 

253. Left wing of the palace of the nuns at Chichen-Itza, Yucatan, from Charnay's Ancient Cities, . . 426 

254. Initial Letter N, drawing by H. L. Bridwell 427 

255. Exterior of the palace at Palenque,"Yucatan 428 

256. The house of the dwarfs at Uxmal, Yucatan, from Charnay's Ancient Cities 431 

257. Italian armor of the XVI. century 432- 

258. Initial W, with ideal head of Dofia Marina, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 433 

259. The gateway of the archives of the University of Salamanca, 435 

260 Velasquez gives his last orders to Cortes on the eve of his departure 437 

261. Spanish Eagle, .................. 439 

262. The flag under which Cortes fought 440 

263. A modern Toltec (Yucatan) maiden, from a photograph, 444 

264. The Sp.TJiish camp at San Juan de Ulloa, . ............ 445 

265. A page from the Maya manuscript preserved in the Royal Library at Dresden 446 

266. Terra-cotta heads and masks found at Teotihuacan, Mexico, 447 

267. Ancient Mexican vases 448 

268. Helmets, incrusted with turquoises; Hertz collection, Paris, copied from Brasseur de Bourbourg's, Pa- 

lenque, ................... 449 

269. Initial A, with portrait of Montezuma II. ; initial drawn by H. L. Bridwell. The portrait, said to be 

one executed at the command of Cortes, ............ 450 

270. Kneeling Lacondan idol 451 

271. The Temalacatl or gladiatorial stone, from the Ramirez MSS 452 

272. Mexican Calendar stone. National Museum, Mexico, from a photograph 452 

273. Terra-cotta vases found at Tenenepango, Mexico, ........... 455 

274. Pottery, with the figure of the god TIaloc 456 

275. Cortes declares, amidst the shouts of applause from his soldiers, that he will conduct them 1:0 victory 

and glory , . . 457 



LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 



276. 

277- 
278. 

279- 
280. 
281. 
282. 

283. 

284. 
285. 
286. 
287. 
288. 
289. 
290. 
291. 
292. 

293- 
294. 
295. 

296. 

297. 
298. 
299. 
300. 
301. 

302. 

303 
304. 

305- 
306. 

307- 
308. 

309- 
310. 
311. 
312. 

313- 
314. 

3'5- 
316 

3I7- 
318. 
319. 
320. 
321. 
32-- 
323- 

324. 

)25. 



PACK 

Cross from the temple of the cross, I'-ileiiquc, Yucatan 458 

Tailpiece: Soldier with halberts. dout)le-hancied sword, etc 459 

The pyramid of Tehuantepcc 461 

Priest fighting with a prisoner fastened to the temalaratl, 462 

Aztec priest skinning a human victim, ............. 462 

The Techcatl, or stone of sacrifice 4^2 

The Emperor Charles V. in his 31st year, after the engraving of Hartel Behaim 465 

Cortes plants the Christian symbol of redemption on a Mexican altar. Marble statue by D. Antonio 

Molto y Such, ......... 

Initial C, with armor worn by Cortes. Arsenal, Madrid , 
Profile of a warrior, cut in mother of pearl. Found at Tula, . 

Ruins of the fortress of Mitla 

Mexican altar. After Stephens. (Incidents and Travels, etc.), 

An Aztec tiger knight. Copied from the model in the museum of the Trocadero, Paris 

Priests offering a sacrifice to Cuculcan. (Quetzalcoatl), . 

Mexican Gods and Goddesses, 

Mexican Gods and Goddesses, ....... 

Sculpture from the temple of the cross, Palenque. Priest sacrificing before a cross. 

Priests before an altar, surmounted with across, from the temple (No. 2) of the cross at Palenque 

Reception of Cortes hy the Aztec dignitaries, upon his entry into Cholula, . . ' . 

Cortes releases the imprisoned Cholulan magistrates, and admonishes them to retail the fugitive 

citizens, .......... 

Cortes and his army see the city of Mexico spread out before their enchanted vision, upon reaching the 

heights of Chalco,. ........••••••■ 

The stone of the sun, or Tizoc, in the National Museum, Mexico, 

First meeting of Cortes with the Emperor (chief-of-men) Montezuma, on the 8th of November, 1519, 
Palace of the Governor at Uxmal, Yucatan, ........... 

Plan of the City of Mexico. From the Nuremberg original. The letters of Cortes to Charles V, 
The great Teocalli buildings in the city of Mexico. Restored by O. Mothes, after Gomara's descrip 



Detail from the eastern facade of the palace of the nuns at Uxm<->1, .... 

Quetzalcoatl or Cuculan 

Montezuma's general, Qualpopoca, engages Escalante and his Mexican allies. 

The Emperor (chief-of-men) .Montezuma. From Montanus' Neuwe en Onbekende Weereld 

Sculpture from Copan, to, show dress, armor and ornaments, 

Tailpiece : The Spanish eagle on the prostrate Mexico, - . . . . 

Headpiece : Mayan architecture, 

Panel in the rear of the altar of the sun, at Tikal ' . 

The volcanoes Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, Mexico, . . . . ' 
Mexican tamenes (porters), .....•■•.■• 

Cortes declares before the assembled Mexican nobles th.Tt his master does not intend 

tezuma of his dignities, . . .....■•. 

Priests with Quetzalcoatl's emblem in hand, officiating before an altar. From Lorillard 

Cortes overthrows a Mexican altar on the top of the great teocalli 

Front and rear view of bust of a priestess, found at Palenque, .... 

Initial A, with knights in full armor, drawn by H. L. Bridwell, .... 

Cortes marches out of Mexico to give battle to the army of Narvaez, 
Modern Mexican Indians enameling earthenware, ....... 

Cortes passing the swollen river of Canoas under great difficulty 

The capitulation of Narvaez' army, ... 

Tailpiece : a musketeer of the XVI. century, 

Initial B : knights charging. Drawing by H. L. Bridwell, . ... 

Surrounding wall of the great teocalli and temple, showing the great entry gate 

Mothes, • • 

The Spaniards besieged in their own quarters by the infuriated Mexicans, 
Montezuma mortally wounded on the battlements of the Spanish quarters, 
52 



to deprive 



Yucatan 



Restoration 



Mon^ 



..fte 



gi6 LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PACK. 



326. Cortes, in imminent danger of his own life, saved by his strength and agihty, 534 

327. The "Noche tribte " (the sorrowful night), 535 

328. Tailpiece, 541 

329. The Noche triste tree at Popotlan, from a photograph 542 

330. Strategy of Cortes at the battle of Otumba, 544 

331. Mexican soldiers waylay the treasure-laden Spaniards in the mountains, and utterly annihilate them, . 545 

332. Tlascalans cutting down timber for the construction of the brigantines, ....... 546 

333. The Spaniards, assisted by their Tlascalan allies, reduce the Tepeacans to subjection, .... 548 

334. The garrison of Vera Cruz sight the vessels sent by the governor of Cuba in aid of Narvaez and decoy 

them into the harbor 548 

335. Initial N, figure of Guatemotzin, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 550 

336. Cortes and his allies take the city of Tezcuco by storm 552 

337. Execution of Villefaiia in the presence of some of his fellow conspirators 555 

338. Modern Mexican porter, 556 

339. The Sagrario adjoining the Cathedral of Mexico 559 

340. The house of Cortes in the city of Mexico (from a photogroph), 560 

341. The Spaniards forcing their way over ditches and canals into the beleaguered city, .... 560 

342. Huitzilopochtli, the God of war, 561 

343. The priests on the top of the great teocalli sounding the snakeskin drum consecrated to Huitzilopochtli. 561 

344. Sacrifice of forty Spaniards and hundreds of Tlascalans captured by Guatemotzin during the assault 

upon the city ' 562 

345. Statue of Huitzilopochtli, found near Mitla 563 

346. Tailpiece: Aztec and Spanish arms, trophies, etc 563 

347. Statue of the god Tlaloc, Museum of Mexico 564 

348. The heroic Guatemotzin defends the palladium of his country with obstinate resolution, disputing every 
inch of ground, .................. 565 

349. Guatemotzin requests Cortes to end his own useless life with his poniard, .."... 569 

350. Father Olmedo celebrates mass amidst the ruins of Guatemotzin's capital, 570 

351. Guatemotzin and his favorite officer put to torture 571 

352. Portrait of Fernao Magalhaes (Magellan), after the engraving by Ferd. Selma, 572 

353. In the Straits of Magellan (from a photograph), 575 

354. The death of Magellan on the island of Mactan 576 

355. Natives of the Ladrone Islands, 578 

356. The Emperor Charles V., after Titian 580 

357. Church and Hospital of Jesus in Mexico 581 

358. Galleries and patios of the Hospital of Jesus, Mexico 581 

359. Ignominious and excruciating torture of a Mexican cacique, ......... 582 

360. Statue of Guatemotzin, Mexico (from a photograph), .......... 5^3 

361. Abject homage paid to Cortes by the Mexican magistrates upon his sudden return from the expedition 

to Honduras, 585 

362. Entry of Cortes into Toledo, surrounded with the pomp and splendor suited the conqueror of a 

mighty kingdom 586 

363. Coat of Arms granted Cortes by Charles "V 587 

364. Castle of Cuesta, in Seville, where Cortes died, 588 

365. Monument erected to Cortes in the Hospital of Jesus, Mexico, 589 

366. Tailpiece: Captive fastened to the temalacatl, fighting a gladiator, both armed with serrated itztli 

swords 59° 



T 



LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 9-'^7 



Book III. — Conquest of Peru. 

PAGW. 

367. Francisco Pizarro, Conqueror of Peru. From the original painting in the palace of the Viceroys at 

Lima 592 

368. Pedro de la Gasca, Viceroy of Peru. From a portrait in the sacristy of the Santa Maria Magdalena at 

Valladolid 592 

369. Title-page: The Conquest of Peru, 593 

• ^. Headpiece: Papal tiara (triple crown), stola. and breviary (prayer book) 595 

41. Boa-constrictor fishing, 599 

/;. Balboa, armed with sword and buckler, waist deep in the waters of the Pacific Ocean, claims it, with all 

/ it contains, for the King of Castile 60I 

.J73. Llama, or Peruvian sheep 602 

374. Pedrarias' raiding expedition among the caciques of the Isthmus of Darien (Panama) 605 

375. Costume of executioner XV. and XVL century, 607 

376. Tailpiece: Hollow terra-cotta figures, so-called Chil>cha-antiquities. Ethnographical Museum, Berlin, . 607 

377. Initial F: Condor devouring a llama. Drawn by H. L. Bridwell 608 

378. Pizarro, Almagro, and Father Luque ratify their compact before the altar of the Most High, . . 610 

379. Peruvian antiquities : Necklace made of nacre ; sling made of human hair and the fibre of the aloe. 

From the Necropolis at Ancon, . . . . . . . . . . . . . .612 

380. Head-dress made of feathers, found at Facala, 612 

381. Poncho-like shirt found at Viracochapampa, ............ 612 

382. Foot-gear found at Caxamaica (the modern Cajamarca) and X'iracochapampa, ..... 612 

383. Sandals found at Cajabamba, ............... 612 

384. Painted terra-cotta vases from the Necropolis at Ancon, .......... 615 

385. Yellow terra-cotta vases with red designs, from Huantar, .......... 615 

386. Quipus, or knotted cords, found at Paramango, ............ 617 

387. Abaccus, or counting stone, found at Chucana 617 

388. Seat with top made of the maguey tree,. ............. 618 

389. Idols and sceptres (?) found in the guano deposits of the Macabi Islands. Christy collection, London, . 618 

390. Types of face-urns. Ethnographical Museum, Berlin, .......... 6i8 

391. Old Peruvian dies for decorating (tattooing) the body. Ethnographical Museum, Berlin, . . . 621 

392. Headpiece: Ear ornament made of terra-cotta, found at Chancay, ........ 622 

393. Initial E. Drawn by H. L. Bridwell, 622 

394. Terra-cotta water pitchers found at Ancon and the neighborhood of Trujillo, ...... 623 

395. Terra-cotta vases found in the ruins of Huaullang, ........... 623 

396. Terra-cotta vase decorated with Ijattle scenes. Ethnographical Museum, Berlin, ..... 623 

397. Battle-clubs and lance from the Necropolis at Ancon . 624 

398. Exterior wall of the fortress of Sacsahuaman, near Cuzro (Cyclopean style) 627 

399. Wall from the fortress of Ollantaitambo, 627 

400. Wall from the northern facade of the palace of the Inca, Lake Titicaca 627 

401. Woolen bag, and work-basket made of reeds, from the Necropolis at Ancon, ...... 628 

402. Chulpas, or sepulchres, near Pimo,. .............. 630 

403. Mummies from the Necropolis at Ancon (Stuebel and Reiss : The Necropolis at Ancon), . . . 630 

404. The Inca Manco Ccapac, 631 

405. The Coya Mama Cello Huacco 631 

406. The Inca Sinchi Rocca 631 

407. The Coya Mama Cora Occllo 631 

408. The Inca Lloque Yupanqui 631 

409. The Coya Mama Ccahuana 631 

410. The Inca Mayta Ccapac 632 

411. The Coya Mama Cuca 632 

412. The Inca Ccapac Yupanqui 632 

413. The Coya Mama Curihillpa 632 

414. The Inca Rocca, 632 

48 



9I18 LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 

BASB. 

415. The Coya Mama Michay Chimpo, 632 

416. The Inca Yahu.^r-Huaccac, 633 

417. The Coya Cchoque Cchicya Hillpai, ............. 633 

4118. The Inca Huira Ccocha (Viracocha), 633 

ZII9. The Coya Mama Runto 633 

420. The Inca Pacha Ccutic, ................ 633 

421. The Coya Mama Anahuarqui, ............... 633 

422. The Inca Yupanqui, . 634 

423. The Coya Mama Chimpo Ocllo, '^^ ' 

424. The Inca Tupac Yupanqui. ^iC 

425. The Coya Mama Chimpu Ocllu, 

426. The Inca Huayna Ccapac, > 

427. The Coya Mama Pillco Huacco, 6 ,zr 

428. Interior of Chulpa 63^ 

429. Warriors during the reign of the Incas. Vase painting 635 

430. The Inca Inti-Cusihualpa Chuascar (Huascar), 636 

431. The Coya Mama Choqui, ................ 636 

432. The old Inca fortress of Paramanga (from a photograph), ......... 642 

433. Fernando Pizarro following with the rear guard up the steep incline of the mountain pass, . . . 642 

434. The Church of Belen at Cajamarca (formerly Caxamalca), from a photograph, 647 

435. Initial A : Indian woman spinning ; initial drawn by H. L. Bridwell, the figure by C. Riou, . . . 653 

436. House in Cajamarca (Caxamalca) where the Inca was kept confined (from a photograph), . . . 653 

437. The murder of the Inca Huascar by order of Atahualpa, . 655 

43S. Atahualpa, from an engraving in Montanus' Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld, 658 

43g. Mummy hand, found at Chimbote, .............. 661 

440. The heartless Pizarro orders the unfortunate Atahualpa to be led instantly to execution, . . . 662 

441. Interior of the Temple of the Sun, during the latter reigns of the Incas 663 

442. Convent of San Domingo at Cuzco, erected over the ruins of the Temple of the Sun (from a photo- 

graph) , . . . 664 

443. Branches of the Cinchona Lancifolia, ............. 665 

444. Headpiece; Peruvian Sculpture, head of man at Cabana, 666 

445. do granite head from Pashash, ............. 666 

446. do do do do do 666 

447. Initial W, drawn by H. L. Bridwell, . 666 

448. The excessive cold reigning supreme in the high latitudes of the Andes, nearly annihilates Alvarado's 

army, ................... 667 

449. Cathedral of Cuzco, Plaza Mayor (from a photograph) 669 

450. Bridge over the river Pachachaca, made of the fibre of the maguey (from a photograph) . . . 67° 

451. The cathedral at Lima (from a photograph), ......... ... 670 

452. Almagro crossing the Cordilleras on his march to Chili, 671 

453. Araucanians (from a photograph) 672 

454. The assault upon the Inca fortress of Sacsahuaman by the Spaniards, 674 

455. Church of the Jesuits at Cuzco (from a photograph), .......... 677 

456. Sculpture from the Inca gate at Cuzco 678 

457. Sculpture from the Inca gate at Cuzco, . . . 678 

458. Alonzo de Alvarado, at the head of five hundred men, crosses a pontoon bridge, on the road to Cuzco. 679 

459. Alvarado taken prisoner by the troops of Almagro . 679 

460. Erythroxylon Coca, ................. 680 

461. Headpiece: Old Peruvian sculpture— head of a man eating a ball of coca 681 

462. Initial P, drawn by H. L. Bridwell 681 

463. Pizarro's well-disciplined battalions achieve a decisive victory over the veterans of Almagro,. . . 684 

464. Almagro appalled when hearing sentence of death pronounced against him, ...... 685 

465. A conquistador, .................. 688 

466. Aborigines from the neighborhood of the river Napo 689 

467. Indian hut on the Amazon River (from a photograph) 690 

468. Toucans , 691 



LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 9^9 



PAGE. 



469. Gonzalo Pizarro's disastrous expedition in quest of " El Dorado," 692 

470. General view of Lima, with the plaza de Hacho (bull ring), from a photograph 693 

471. Initial 15. drawn by H. L. Bridwell . • 693 

472. The murder of Pizarro, ................ 695 

473. The ruins of the Inca palace in Lake Titicaca, 697 

474. Artillery in action, early part of the XVl. century 698 

475. Execution of Diego Almagro the younger, at Cuzco, by order of Vaca de Castro 699 

476. Monuinent of Las Casas, executed by D. .Antonio Molto y .Such, 702 

477. Portrait of Las Casas, ' 705 

478. The emperor Charles V. 7°6 

479 The governor, Vaca de Castro, imprisoned in the common gaol ■ .710 

480. Knight in full armor (Gonzalo Pizarro) 710 

481. Ruins of the old Inca fortress of Sacsahuaman, 711 

482. Subterranean canal of Mount Sipa, . . 7 '3 

583. Headpiece: Old Peruvian textile fabric. Found in the huaca of Granchimu, 714 

484. Assassination of Pizarro's lieutenant-governor of Charcas by Diego Centeno, . . . . ■ 7'4 

485. Juan Alvarez, touched by remorse, or moved by fear, declares his prisoner, Vaca de. Castro, to be hence- 

forward free, . . . . . . . . . . • • . • 7 ' 5 

4S6. Battle of Quito, between the adherents of the Viceroy, Nurlez Vela, and the rebels, under the leadership 

of Pizarro and Carvajal, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .716 

487. Pizarro's valor and Carvajal's superior military talents gain the victory over Centeno at Huarina, . 725 

488. Peruvian antiquities from the Necropolis at Ancon (Stuebel and Reis), ....... 726 

489. Initial B, Carvajal 726 

490. The Inca gate at Cuzco, . 7^7 

491. The end of Carvajal, 729 

492 The adherents of Pizarro at the bier of the decapitated chieftain 731 

Book IV. — History of the United St.\tes. 

493. Viking boat, or dragon, found in the moor in Juetland, .......... 741 

494. Burial of De Soto in the yellow floods of the Mississippi, 742 

495. The old gate at St. Augustine, Florida, ............. 747 

496. Sir Walter Raleigh 747 

497. Charles II. of England; painting by Peter Lely 747 

498. William Penn. After the painting by Godfrey Kneller (1659-1723), 749 

499. A Wampanoag Indian in full war paint, . . . . . . . . . ' • . .75° 

500. Louis XI\'. of France, 75' 

501. Braddock mortally wounded at Fort Duquesne. Drawn by H. A. Ogden 752 

502. Washington takes command of the Continental a-rmy at Cambridge, Mass., July 3, 1775. Drawn by 

H. A. Ogden , ... 754 

503. The retreat of the Continental forces from Long Island. Drawn by H. A. Ogden 756 

504. Washington crossing the Delaware. Painting by Leutze, . . . . . . . -757 

505 Washington at Valley Forge. Drawn by H A. Ogden 75^ 

506. Marquis Marie Joseph Paul de La Fayette 759 

507. Surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. Drawn by H. A. Ogden 760 

508. Washington bids farewell to his officers. Drawn by H. A. Ogden, 7^1 

509. Portrait of Alexander Hamilton, 7^3 

510. Portrait of John Adams ,....; 764 

511. Portrait of Napoleon Buonaparte, . . ; 7^7 

5 1 1. Birdscye view of the I'nited States and Canada 768 

513. Portrait of Thomas Jefferson, 769 



920 LIST OF TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE 



514. Portrait of James Madison, 77° 

515. Governor Hull, after his defeat at Brownstown. withdraws his troops to Fort Detroit, . . . .771 

516. The White House at Washington 774 

517. Portrait of James Monroe, ......-•••■••••• 77^ 

518. Portrait of John Quincy Adams, • • 780 

519. Portrait of Andrew Jackson 781 

520. The attack upon Fort King by the Indian forces of Osceola. Drawn by A. R. Waud, . . . .782 

521. Portrait of Martin Van Buren, 783 

522. Portrait of Wm. Henry Harrison 784 

523. Portrait of John Tyler 784 

524. Portrait of Sam Houston, 785 

525. The Alamo, San Antonio, Texas 785 

526. Portrait of John C. Calhoun 786 

527. Portrait of Zachary Taylor 787 

528. Portrait of James K. Polk 79° 

529. Portrait of Henry Clay 79' 

530. Portrait of Millard Fillmore, 792 

531. Portrait of Franklin Pierce 792 

532. Portrait of Daniel Webster 793 

533. Portrait of James Buchanan 794 

534. Encounter between the Monitor and Merrirnac in Hampton Roads, on March 8, 1862, .... 806 

535. Portrait of General Robert E. Lee, . 807 

536. Portrait of General W. T. Sherman, 818 

537. Portrait of Admiral Farragut, ............... 820 

538. Portrait of Andrew Johnson, 826 

539. The Great Eastern landing in Trinity Bay, Newfoundland.with the end of the first cable, . . . 828 

540. Portrait of Ulysses S. Grant as President, 829 

541. Portrait of President Rutherford B. Hayes. 833 

542. Portrait of President James A. Garfield, 836 

543. Portrait of President Chester A. Arthur, ............. 836 

544. Portrait of President Grover Cleveland, ............. 837 

545. Portrait of President Benjamin Harrison, ............. 838 



FULL PAGE MONOCHROME ILLUSTRATIONS. 

In Books I, II, III, and IV. 

1. Portrait of Columbus, known as the " Glovio," supposed to have been painted by Del Piombo. On the 

upper portion of the picture are the words: Columbus Ligiir iXovi Orbis Reptor (Repertor) — The 
Genoese Columbus, discoverer of the New World; underneath, last lines of a letter, dated Granada, 
Feb. 6, 1 502, containing his peculiar signature, Opp. Title-page. 

2. Emblematical Title-page, " Voyages and Discoveries," with copyright imprint, 8 

3. Portrait of Washington Irving. The emblematical surroundings drawn by M. Leloir ; the portrait copied 

from a dauguerreotype. ............... 50 

4. Title-page: "The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus." Drawn by Prof. L. C. Lutz, School of 

Design, Cincinnati, ................ 51 

5. Naval fight between Mohammedan and Christian galleys, 59 

6. Naval battle between galleys, fustae, and sea-going vessels, 63 



LIST OF FULL-PAGE MONOCHROME ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Q2I 



I'AOB. 



^u •• nfrnh.mbus while beeping his way from court to court. Painting by Don Manuel Picolo . 84 

's: S>::rlitt" ;~. .f.ef.,»nd L. ...... .. ... *, o, g™... p..™., ., F»~.. ^ ^^ 

. ^°'T' ■. =,, S.lamanca Painting by Nicolo Barabino in the Orsini palace. Genoa, . Opp. page 98 
.^o: li:^:::^:^^::^^ .n JJ.^. severe. ca.pa,ns a.ainst the Moors by his personal _^^ 

„, Boa^I r li Ch.co"), last U,ng of the Moors, surrenders the Ueys of the Alha.b. to Ferd.nand^r^ _^^ 

,. isabenfotr's to pledge her jewels to defray the'expenses 'of the first voyage of Columbus, painting by _ _ ^ 

,. S.ni::rt£^S;sof agreement between the Span.sh sovereigns and Columbus. Dra^y^E. __^ 

U The Lt^raboard the Santa Mana. Drawn by F. H. Lungren. . ■ • ^ ^- " " •^^^- ^'"^^ % 
;t: The rornmg of October ...493. aboard the Santa Maria. Pamtmg by Ch. Rubens. . . • ..38 

.6. Columbus coastmg along the "-J^-^^^^^^^^f^^/u'e Gua'canagari. " Drawn by N. Maurin. '.Cpp. pag. ,65 
57. Leave-takmg of Columbus from h.s ^7" J ''^;;^"; '^""^f p„^ r. Drawn by N. Maurin, . . Opp. page .74 

„ Alon^o Toieda sets out wi'th a ;mall number of well-armed men for the golden mountains of Cbao. ^^^^ 
.. The?;^:^or\chie"fi3rMon;ezt,ma. The picture reconstr;cted from data furnished by the Ram.re. ^^^ 

favors his attachment for her daughter Higuenamota, drawn by A. Dever.a, . J'J' P >; ^ i 

-rh» Hnmpmie or castle at San Domingo, where Columbus was conhned, . ■ • ■'.■■' 
7o. V-lLroir^rthe f:Sed Columbus tLt he has peremptory orders to taUe >>- prisoner^. Sp^.n. ^^_ 

Fresco by Luigi Gregori \ " ' , ^S4 

,, The ships of Columbus threatened with entire destruction by water-spouts. . ' " " • tH 

;■ Sego Mendez braves the terrors of the open ocean in an Indian canoe, drawn by F. H. Lungren. Opp. 384 

33. The city of Granada, and the castle of the Alhambra '^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ 

U The death of Columbus, painting by F. Ortega, ' . ' ^ ', ' ' ' " 418 

35 Portrait of Ferdinand Cortes, in possession of the Marquis of Salamanca ^^^ 

by p. Fritel, from data obtained from Clavigero and the Ramirez MSS. ^ • V 

38. The Scique of Tabasco presents Cortes with twenty female slaves, among them Dofia Marm. d^a.n ^^ 

39. TeutS, Monrzlma's-ambassador, quits the Spanish camp with looks and gestures which strongly^e. ^^^ 

nross his rpsentment drawn by N. Maurin, . • • • ■ ' „ . , ■ .• 

40. Cortefcommand: thTpriests of Ce^poala to desist from the horrid practice of sacrificing human^vicUms. ^^^ 

4. The Em;:r:r\^hir/m"en) Montezuma Xocot'zin s-ubjec'ted to the degradation of having ^ters^put 

,. CortJ:^"^ tr^h^^::; "^d'troops of Narvaez into his service as partners in his fortu^t^^ 
equal terms with his own soldiers, drawn by N. Maurm >^- ^ * 



.Opp, page 505 
le, and on 
opp. page 525 



92 

43- 

44- 

45- 

46. 

47. 



2 LIST OF FULL-PAGE MONOCHROME AND COLORED ILLUSTRATIONS. ] 

FAOt 

Guatemotzin, unable to stop the career of the enemy and disdaining the idea of submitting to the op- 
pressors of his country, determines not to survive its ruin, drawn by C. Cohn, . .Opp. page 566 

Title page : " The Conquest of Peru," 5gi| 

Only sixteen daring veterans cross the line Francisco Pizarro draws in the sand on the island of Gallo, 
to follow their trusty leader south, to the conquest of Peru and immortal glory, painting by A. Liz- 
cano Opp. page 615 



Pizarro before the Emperor Charles V., painting by A. Lizcano pctge 619 

The islanders of Puna defend themselves with such obstinate valor, that Pizarro requires si.x months in 

subjugating them, drawn by A. Deveria, . . .Opp. page 624 

48. The Inca (Emperor) and Coya (Empress), accompanied by their Ccumillu (dwarf), redrawn from de- 
scription furnished by the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, . 62c 

4>, Ferdinand Cortes and Hernando de Soto in the camp of the Inca at Caxamalca, drawn by C. Colin, Opp. /> 647 

50. Atahualpa orders the sacrifice of a virgin of the sun, and above a thousand victims are doomed to ac- 

company his father Huana Capac, to the tomb (see note page 735), drawing by A. Deveria, Op. p. 661 

51. Man-:o Capac lays siege to the city of Cuzco, painting by O. Graeff, Opp. page iqi 

52. The Sickness of Las Casas, painting by Hebert, -Opp. page 70; 

53. Portrait of Benjamin Franklin, after the engraving by the Baron Desnoyers ; made while Franklin acted 

as our ambassador at the court at Versailles, 73! 

54. Title page: "History of the United States," drawn by L. F. Plympton, ....... 73( 

55. Signing of the Declaration of Independence, July 4. 1776, painting by Trumbull 751 

56. Portrait of George Washington, after Henry Lefort's engraving, ..... ,0pp. page 76^ 

57. Battle between the Essex and two English ships oft' Valparaiso, March, 1813 77; 

58. Portrait of A. Lincoln, after a photograph made in i860 P^g' 791 

59. Admiral Farragut, with his victorious squadron, reaches New Orleans after capturing forts St. Philip 

and Jackson, drawn by A. R. Waud, 801 

60. General Pickett's gallant charge against the Union forces on Cemetery Ridge, Gettysburg, July 3, 1863, 

drawn by A. R. Waud, " 80c 

61. Port'-ait of General Ulysses S. Grant 81; 

62. Bombardment of Fort Sumter and adjacent forts, in the harbor of Charleston, S. C, by the Union fleet 

under Admiral Dupont, April 7, 1863, drawn by A. R. Waud, . 81; 

63. Sheridan's famo'is ride from Winchester to Cedar Creek, October 19, 1864 82 

64. Sheridan's attack upon Lee's army at Appomattox Court House, April 9, 1865, drawn by A. R. Waud,. 82| 

65. Massacre of General Custer and command, on the Little Big Horn River, June 25, 1876, drawn by A. R. 

Waud 831 

66. Inauguration of President Garfield on the east portico of the White House, March 4, 1881, . . . 8'j 

67. Battleships of 1800, and modern ironclad, drawn by H. L. Bridwell, 8 : 



T 



ADDITIONAL ILLUSTRATIONS U. S. HISTORY. 



I. 
2. 

3- 
4- 
5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9 

10. 
1 1. 
1 2 
13- 



Portrait of President William McKinley, . 844 

" Maria Christina 858 

" Alphonso XIII 859 

Full Page Cut Battle of Santiago, July 3, '98, . 861 

Portrait of Sagasta, 868 

" " General Gomez 870 

" " Garcia, .... 871 

Weyler 872 

Blanco 876 

Full Page Cut U. S. Battle Ship Maine, . 879 

Portrait of General Fitzluigh Lee, . . ■ 884 

Miles 885 

" " Captain Sigsbee, .... 886 



14. Portr,iit of Admiral William T. Sampson, 

15. Full Page Cut of U. S. Battle Ship Oregon, 
1 5. Portrait of Admiral George Dewey, 

17. Full Page Cut Battle of Manila Bay, May i, '98 

18. Portrait of Admiral Cevera, . 

19. " " Commodore Schley, 

20. " " General Shafler, 

21. " " Lieutenant Richard P. Hobson, 

22. Cut of U. S. Flag Ship New York, . 

23. " " " '• Brooklyn, . 

24 Full Page Cut of American Peace Commis'ners 
25. " " Spanish " " 



887 
88s 
89c 
891 
895 
896 
S96 

897 
898 
899 
904 
90s 



LI O.jO 



3 



'^ ! 



>-", 



